Date: April 30, 2024 Tue

Time: 1:37 am

Results for drug offenders

437 results found

Author: Guerin, Paul Title: Dona Ana County Magistrate Court DWI-Drug Court Outcome Study Summary: This report summarizes findings from an outcome study of the Third Judicial District Dona Ana Magistrate Court DWI-Drug Court conducted by the New Mexico Sentencing Commission at the University of New Mexico. In April 2008 the Department of Finance Administration (DFA) and the University of New Mexico (UNM) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to study the operations and conduct an outcome study including a cost analysis of the Third Judicial District Court Magistrate Court DWI-Drug Court in Dona Ana County. This MOU was amended in January 2009 to reflect preliminary findings. The Institute for Social Research at the University of New Mexico completed two previous process evaluations for the Third Judicial District Court Adult Drug Court Program that included the Dona Ana Magistrate Court as one of the courts in the Third Judicial District. The first evaluation was completed in 2001and the second was completed in 2002. The purpose of these studies was to develop an understanding of the internal dynamics of the Third Judicial District Adult Drug Court Program, with a particular focus on the District Court program, including an understanding of the overall structure, organization, and operations of four different courts located in the district. The included courts were: - Third Judicial District Court Drug Court - Dona Ana County Magistrate DWI-Drug Court - Las Cruces Municipal DWI Court - Mesilla Municipal DWI Court Process evaluations lay critical groundwork for future outcome evaluations which examine the match between stated program goals and court functioning. This report noted the development of the Third Judicial District Court Adult Drug Court programs was at the time incomplete and was complicated by the inclusion of four different drug courts under the umbrella of a single program and evaluation. An added difficulty was that ISR found significant variations between DWI-Drug Court processes and procedures amongst the lower level courts analyzed. The results of the 2002 study indicated the various courts included in the study did not, "completely follow/implement all of the 10 key components provided by the Drug Courts Program Office" (ISR Process Evaluation, 2002). We have been unable to locate process evaluations that look at each of the individual lower level courts. As a result, we were able to gather very little historical information on the Dona Ana Magistrate Court DWI-Drug Court Program. A critical component of this study aims to address the difficulties of the 2002 process evaluation by providing an examination of the operations in only the Dona Ana Magistrate Court DWI-Drug program. Details: Albuquerque, NM: New Mexico Sentencing Commission, 2009. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 25, 2018 at: https://nmsc.unm.edu/reports/2009/DACMC_DWIDrugCourt_FinalReport_v1_063009-1.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: https://nmsc.unm.edu/reports/2009/DACMC_DWIDrugCourt_FinalReport_v1_063009-1.pdf Shelf Number: 117099 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Treatment Programs

Author: Hawken, Angela Title: Managing Drug Involved Probationers with Swift and Certain Sanctions: Evaluating Hawaii's HOPE Summary: This report describes an evaluation of a community supervision strategy called HOPE (Hawaii Opportunity Probation with Enforcement) for substance-abusing probationers. HOPE began as a pilot program in October 2004 and has expanded to more than 1500 participants, about one of six felony probabtioners on Oahu. Details: S.I.: s.n., 2009 Source: National Institute of Justice Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 117401 Keywords: Community Supervision Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Probation Probation Violations Probationers Recidivism

Author: Shanahan, Marian Title: Estimating the Cost-Savings of Reduced Crime While in Methadone Treatment Summary: The aim of this study was to assess if there was evidence of cost-savings due to crimes averted while individuals were engaged in methadone maintenance as a treatment for heroin use. Two sets of analyses are presented in this paper, and they were produced over a four year period for a population-based sample of New South Wales methadone clients. The first analysis is descriptive and presents the total number of treatment days and crimes committed on and off methadone, and the costs of treatment, gaol and crimes for the sample over the four year study period. The second analysis reports the results of the use of a regression analysis to explore whether methadone treatment impacts upon the costs of crime and gaol. Details: Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, University of New South Wales, 2007. 41p. Source: NDARC Technical Report No. 264: accessed May 8, 2018 at: https://ndarc.med.unsw.edu.au/resource/estimating-cost-savings-reduced-crime-while-methadone-treatment Year: 2007 Country: Australia URL: https://ndarc.med.unsw.edu.au/resource/estimating-cost-savings-reduced-crime-while-methadone-treatment Shelf Number: 116657 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Heroin Methadone

Author: Gorvin, Ian Title: Targeting Blacks: Drug Law Enforcement and Race in the United States Summary: Using 2003 data from 34 states on those newly entering prison because of drug offense convictions, this report documents state by state the dramatically higher proportion and rate at which blacks are sent to prison for drug offenses, compared to whites. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2008. 64p. Source: Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 117802 Keywords: African Americans Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Control Drug Offenders Imprisonment

Author: Amon, Joe Title: Where Darkness Knows No Limits: Incarceration, Ill-treatment, and Forced Labor as Drug Rehabilitation in China Summary: This report details the abusive conditions suffered by detainees in China's drug detention centers, the failure of the Chinese government to deliver on its avowed commitment to a medical-based approach to its illicit drug use and addiction problems, and the human rights violations associated with the Anti-Drug Law. The report calls on the Chinese government to immediately close these centers and develop genuinely therapeutic, voluntary, community-based, outpatient drug dependency treatment alternatives. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2010. 37p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: China URL: Shelf Number: 117824 Keywords: Detention Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Forced Labor Human Rights Abuses

Author: Cook, Michelle D. Title: Statewide Process and Comparative Outcomes Study of 2003 Iowa Adult and Juvenile Drug Courts Summary: A statewide evaluation of the six adult and three juvenile drug courts in operation during calendar year 2003 was conducted. Completion rates, recidivism, substance abuse treatment, and supervision and placement (juveniles only) costs were examined by model (judge and community panel) and by judicial district. In addition, adult drug court participants were compared with a group of offenders who were screened and declined or were rejected by drug court in 2003 (referred) and a sample of offenders starting probation in 2003 (probationer). The adult participant and comparison groups were tracked from their entry into drug court, or the study, through December 31, 2007. This yielded an average post-program follow-up time of almost 3 years for drug court participants. For the juvenile portion, drug court participants were compared with a group matched on several demographic and offense variables (matched comparison group) and juveniles referred to drug court who did not enter the program (referred comparison group). The juvenile participant and comparison groups were tracked from their entry into drug court, or the study, through approximately 16 quarters after program discharge, with an end date of December 31, 2007. Details: Des Moines, IA: Iowa Department of Human Rights, Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning, 2009. 169p. Source: Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 117711 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders

Author: Hay, Gordon Title: National and Regional Estimates of the Prevalence of Opiate Use and/or Crack Cocaine Use 2005-2006: A Summary of Key Findings Summary: This report summarizes the results of the second sweep of a three-year study to estimate the prevalence of problem drug use (defined as use of opiates and/or crack cocaine) nationally (England only), regionally, and locally. An overview of national and government office region estimates are presented as comparisons with the estimates produced by the previous (2004/05) sweep of this study. Details: London: Home Office, 2007. 91p. Source: Internet Resource; Home Office Online Report; 21/07 Year: 2007 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 117658 Keywords: Cocaine Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Opiates

Author: Guerin, Paul Title: Bernalillo County Metropolitan Court DWI-Drug Court Stage One Outcome Study Summary: This study begins with a literature review describing drug courts and DWI courts in general, and then goes on to examine the operation of the Bernalillo County Metropolitan Court DWI-Drug Court program. It presents an analysis and discussion of client data and factors affecting graduation and recidivism for the Bernalillo program. Details: Albuquerque, NM: New Mexico Mexico Sentencing Commission, 2009. 48p. Source: Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 117716 Keywords: Driving Under the Influence Drug Courts (New Mexico) Drug Offenders DWI Courts (New Mexico)

Author: McLemore, Megan Title: Barred from Treatment: Punishment of Drug Users in New York State Prisons Summary: This report by Human Rights Watch found that New York prison officials sentenced inmates to a collective total of 2,516 years in disciplinary segregation from 2005 to 2007 for drug-related charges. At the same time, inmates seeking drug treatment face major delays because treatment programs are filled to capacity. When sentenced to segregation, known as the "box", inmates are not allowed to get or continue to receive treatment. Conditions in the box are harsh, with prisoners locked down 23 hours a day and contact with the outside through visitors, packages, and telephone calls severely restricted. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009. 53p. Source: Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 113905 Keywords: Drug Offenders Inmate Discipline Inmates (New York State) Prisons (New York State) Segregation Solitary Confinement

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction Title: Drug Offences: Sentencing and Other Outcomes Summary: The sentences that offenders receive for drug law violations across the European Union are examined. By analysing the most recent year's statistics, this report attempts to answer the question: What is the most likely outcome for an offender after being stopped by police for a drug law offense of use or personal possession, or supply or trafficking. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2009. 23p. Source: Selected Issue 2009 Year: 2009 Country: Europe URL: Shelf Number: 118250 Keywords: Drug Offences Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Sentences (Drug Offenders)

Author: McSweeney, Tim Title: The Treatment and Supervision of Drug-Dependent Offenders: A Review of the Literature Prepared for the UK Drug Policy Commission Summary: The main findings of this review show that some interventions can be effective in reducing illicit drug use and offending behaviors with some drug-dependent offenders. In terms of identifying the most effective strategies, the strongest evidence seems to favor the use of therapeutic communities, interventions modelled on the drug court approach and substitute treatments such as methadone maintenance. By contrast, there is very little evidence for the effectiveness of drug testing and intensive forms of supervision. Details: London: UK Drug Policy Commission, 2008. 88p. Source: Year: 2008 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 111156 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Policy (U.K.) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders

Author: Lines, Rick Title: The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: A Violation of International Human Rights Law Summary: This report examines the use of capital punishment for drug offences, and considers whether drug crimes meet the threshold of most serious crimes as interpreted under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It reviews the legislation and practice in retentionist states, and discusses the approach of various human rights bodies to the issue. Finally, it argues that drug-related offences do not constitute most serious crimes, and consequently finds that the execution of drug offenders violates international human rights law. Details: London: International Harm Reduction Association, 2007. 31p. Source: Year: 2007 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 116313 Keywords: Capital Punishment Drug Offenders Human Rights

Author: Cobb, Kimberly Title: South Dakota Intensive Methamphetamine (IMT) Program Summary: This report summarizes the technical assistance provided to the Intensive Methamphetamine (IMT) program in South Dakota; one of the three sites chosen to receive technical assistance by the American Probation & Parole Association. The IMT program presents a unique organizational and operating structure encompassing the South Dakota Department of Corrections, the Division of Pardons and Paroles, Halfway Houses, and the Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse. These organizations have come together under this program to deliver comprehensive and targeted reentry programming for women offenders identified as having a methamphatamine abuse/dependence diagnosis. Details: Lexington, KY: American Probation & Parole Association, 2007(?). 36p. Source: Technical Assistance Project Report Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118341 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Methamphetamine Reentry (South Dakota) Women Offenders

Author: Gallahue, Patrick Title: The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview 2010 Summary: This report provides an updated review of the status of the death penalty for drug offenses worldwide, with a particular focus on national legislation and state practice. Details: London: International Harm Reduction Association, 2010. 51p. Source: Year: 2010 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 118528 Keywords: Death Penalty Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Policy

Author: Mackin, Juliette R. Title: Baltimore County Juvenile Drug Court Outcome and Cost Evaluation Summary: Drug courts are designed to guide offenders identified as drug-addicted into treatment that will reduce drug dependence and improve the quality of life for them and their families. Benefits to society often take the form of reductions in crime committed by drug court participants, resulting in reduced costs to taxpayers and increased public safety. This report presents the costs associated with the Baltimore County Juvenile Drug Court programs, as well as an analysis of outcomes of participants as compared to a sample of similar individuals who received traditional court processing. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2010. 41p. Source: Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118420 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Juvenile Drug Courts Juvenile Offenders

Author: Chalmers, Jenny Title: How do Methamphetamine Users Respond to Changes in Methamphetamine Price? Summary: One of the core objectives of supply-side drug law enforcement is to reduce drug use by raising the cost of buying drugs. The effectiveness of this strategy depends on how illicit drug users respond to the rise in costs. The aim of this study was to estimate how methamphetamine users would respond to changes in the prices of methamphetamine and heroin, using hypothetical drug purchasing scenaries. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2009. 15p. Source: Crime and Justice Bulletin; Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice, No. 134 Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118546 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Heroin Methamphetamine

Author: Open Society Institute, International Harm Reduction Development Program Title: Detention as Treatment: Detention of Methamphetamine Users in Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand Summary: Methamphetamine use is a serious public health concern in Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand. Despite having policies that recognize addiction as a health problem, these governments are increasingly using law enforcement approaches that treat drug users as criminals rather than patients. This report examines the growing use of detention as treatment for methamphetamine users in the three countries. It examines the policies and practices that force people to detention centers, documents abuses and human rights violations occuring in the centers, and discusses the overall implications for individual and public health. Details: New York: Open Society Institute, 2010. 81p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Asia URL: Shelf Number: 118619 Keywords: Detention (Cambodia, Laos, Thailand) Drug Abuse Drug Addiction Drug Offenders Drugs Human Rights Methamphetamines ( Cambodia, Laos, Thailand)

Author: Gill, Molly M. Title: Correcting Course: Lessons from the 1970 Repeal of Mandatory Minimums Summary: This report calls for the U.S. Congress to reform mandatory minimum sentencing. It presents two options: excise all mandatory minimums for drug offenses found in the criminal code or expand the existing "safety valve" to allow judges to depart from the statutory sentence when that punishment would be excessive. Either solution will result in better and more cost effective criminal justice and pave the way for smarter alternatives. Details: Washington, DC: Families Against Mandatory Minimums, 2008. 36p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 118706 Keywords: Drug Offenders Sentencing Sentencing Reform

Author: Clinks Title: What Works in Local Commissioning: A 360 Degree Perspective Summary: The Clinks London Voluntary and Community Sector (VCS) Development Project was established in 2006 and has worked to bring together voluntary sector organizations and commissioners to increase the range of services for offenders and ex-offenders. This report summarizes four pieces of research commissioned by Clinks to establish how a variety of services are commissioned for those leaving prison and serving sentences in the community. Each service is illustrated by case studies, giving perspectives from staff delivering the services, users of each service and those who commission the offender. The four services highlighted in this report include: 1) services provided by Adfam to support people affected by family members' drug use and crime; 2) services for people with a dual diagnosis of mental health problems along with drug or alcohol dependency; 3)a look at a variety of housing services commissioned for prison leavers; and 4) a program providing training and employment opportunities, with a focus on young black, Asian and minority ethic offenders. Details: York, UK: Clinks, 2008. 55p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 118624 Keywords: Drug Offenders Employment, Ex-Offenders Ex-Offenders, Services for Housing Mentally Ill Offenders Reentry Voluntary and Community Organizations (U.K.)

Author: Passey, Megan Title: Evaluation of the Lismore MERIT Pilot Program: Final Report Summary: The Lismore Magistrates Early Referral into Treatment (MERIT) Pilot Program is a pre-plea early court intervention. The target population of the program were adult defendants at Lismore and surrounding Local Courts, who had a demonstrable drug problem, were elegible for bail, and who were motivated to engage in treatment for their illicit drug problems. This report presents a formal evaluation of the impact and effectiveness of the program. It includes the following sections: program and participant profiles; court outcomes and recidivism; health and social functioning outcomes; economic assessment; review of legal issues; implementation review; and participant perspectives and satisfaction. Details: Sydney: Attorney General's Department, 2003. 133p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2003 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 118760 Keywords: Court Intervention Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Success Works Title: Tasmania's Drug Mandated Drug Diversion Program: Evaluation Report Summary: This report evaluates the pilot Court Mandated Drug Diversion Program (CMD) in Tasmania. The goal of the program is to break the drug-crime cycle by involving offenders in treatment and rehabilitation programs and providing alternative pathways for offenders through increasing their access to drug, alcohol, or other welfare services. This evaluation considers the first two months of the pilot program. Data provided by the Tasmanian Department of Justice indicates that in its first year of operation 250 offenders were referred for screening for suitability for the program and 157 offenders commenced the program. Details: Hobart, Tasmania: Success Works, 2008. 147p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 117577 Keywords: Alternative to Incarceration Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment (Tasmania) Drug Offenders Drugs and Crime

Author: McManus, Rob, ed. Title: Altered States in the Palmetto State: Statistical Indicators of Illegal Drug Use Summary: This report brings together criminal justice and public health data to provide an overview of the extent and nature of illegal drug use in South Carolina. The report brings together indicators of illegal drug use such as drug arrests, drug testing results, court filings, admissions to prison and community correctional supervision, drug related emergency room discharges, drug related in-patient discharges and estimates from user surveys. Details: Blythewood, SC: South Carolina Department of Public Safety, Office of Justice Programs, Statistical Analysis Center, 2008. 227p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 117596 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Drugs (South Carolina)

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction Title: EMCDDA 2010 Selected Issues - Trends in Injecting Drug Use in Europe Summary: This report brings together data from a wide variety of sources as it describes Europe's current drug injecting problem and plots its trends in recent years. Responses to drug injecting and measures to reduce the harm caused by this form of drug use are also reviewed. The report finds that the available data point to a stable or declining trend of injecting in most European countries, with effective treatment and harm-reduction measures now reaching many users. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2010. 22p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: Shelf Number: 119140 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders

Author: Corman, Hope Title: Effects of Welfare Reform on Illicit Drug Use of Adult Women Summary: Exploiting changes in welfare policy across states and over time and comparing relevant population subgroups within an economietric difference-in-differences framework, this study estimates the causal effects of welfare reform on adult women's illicit drug use from 1992 to 2002, the period during which welfare reform unfolded in the U.S. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2010. 52p. Source: Internet Resource; NBER Working Paper Series, Working Paper 16072 Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119108 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Welfare

Author: Scotland. Community Justice Services Title: Review of the Glasgow & Fife Drug Courts: Report Summary: This review evaluates the impact and effectiveness, including cost effectiveness, of the Glasgow and Fife Drug Courts. This will inform future policy and funding regarding drug courts in Scotland. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government, 2009. 18p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119253 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Scotland) Drug Offenders Recidivism Rehabilitation

Author: Kirkwood, Louise Title: Evaluation of the Whanganui-a-Tara Courts and Health (WATCH) Project: Final Report Summary: The Whanganui-a-Tara Courts and Health (WATCH) Project was implemented from October 2006 to March 2007 to reduce repeat offending and improve health outcomes for young adult offenders with high and implicative addiction needs. The evaluation findings are based on a range of data including review of relevant documentation, client file review and interviews with WATCH participants and their family/whanau, interviews with key stakeholders, and analysis of court data relating to number and types of charges faced. Details: Wellington, NZ: Alcohol Advisory Council of New Zealand, 2008. 77p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: New Zealand URL: Shelf Number: 119265 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Alcohol Related Crime, Abuse Drug Addiction and Crime Drug Offenders Juvenile Offenders Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Tinajero, Jorge Hernandez Title: Mexico: The Law Against Small-Scale Drug Dealing: A Doubtful Venture Summary: In August 2009, Mexico adopted a new law against small-scale drug dealing, which introduces some significant advances in key subjects, such as the recognizing of and distinguishing between user, drug addict and dealer. However it still has significant flaws in continuing to treat demand and supply of drugs as a criminal and market phenomenon that are likely to undermine its successful application. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2009. 8p. Source: Internet Resource; Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 3 Year: 2009 Country: Mexico URL: Shelf Number: 119232 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Trafficking

Author: McCoard, Shirley Title: Process Evaluation of the Drug Treatment and Testing Orders II (DTTO II) Pilots Summary: Drug Treatment and Testing Orders II (DTTO IIs) were introduced on a pilot basis in the Lothian and Borders Community Justice Authority Area in June 2008. The purpose of the DTTO II is to make Drug Treatment and Testing Orders available to lower tariff offenders earlier in their criminal careers, when the damage done to themselves, their families and their communities, as a consequence of their drug misuse, is less extensive. This report presents the findings of a process evaluation of the DTTO II pilot, which was carried out concurrently with the early operation of the schemes. The evaluation focussed primarily on the processes involved in setting up and running the scheme, but also provides some early indication of the likely impact and success of DTTO IIs. A cost exercise was also carried out to provide estimated costs for rolling out DTTO IIs on a national basis. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research, 2010. 57p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119425 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Offenders Drug Testing Drug Treatment (Scotland)

Author: Waddell, Glen R. Title: Adolescent Drug Use and Deterrent Effect of School-Imposed Penalties Summary: Simple OLS estimates of the effect of school-imposed penalties for drug use on a student's consumption of marijuana are biased if both are determined by unobservable school or individual attributes. The potential reverse causality is also a challenge to retrieving estimates of the causal relationship, as the severity of school sanctions may simply reflect the need for more-severe sanctions. This report offers an instrumental-variables approach to retrieving an estimate of the causal response of marijuana use to sanctions and thereby demonstrates the efficacy of school-imposed penalties as a deterrent to adolescent drug use. This is the first evidence of such efficacy and, given what is known about the consequences of drug use, suggests that school sanctions may have important long-run benefits. Details: Bonn, Germany: IZA (Institute for the Study of Labor), 2010. 18p. Source: Internet Resource; IZA Discussion Paper No. 5047 Year: 2010 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 119440 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction, Adolescents Drug Offenders Drug Sanctions, School Based

Author: Touze, Graciela Title: Argentina: Reform on the Way? Summary: In August 2009, the Argentina Supreme Court declared legislation criminalizing drug possession for personal consumption as unconstitutional. This briefing discusses the background of that decision, the small steps taken since, but argues that there is still much to do before a genuine reform agenda can be implemented. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute; Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2010. 12p. Source: Internet Resource; Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies, No. 6 Year: 2010 Country: Argentina URL: Shelf Number: 119436 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Policy (Argentina) Drugs Abuse and Addiction (Argentina)

Author: Dekker, Joula Title: An Evaluation of the Compulsory Drug Treatment Program (CDTP) Summary: The Compulsory Drug Treatment Correctional Centre (CDTCC) is a purpose-built facility erected for the CDTP. The CDTP began in August 2006 and operates as a five-stage post-sentencing program for males. Drug treatment and rehabilitation is provided in Stages 1-3 primarily from the CDTCC, followed by Stage 4 (parole) and Stage 5 (voluntary case management0 in the community where appropriate. It was beyond the scope of the study to investigate the impact of Stages 4 and 5. Stage 1 involves closed detention, and participants are kept in full-time custody at the CDTCC. This stage aims to stabilise participants and to address physical and mental health needs, while providing adult education, work readiness and skills programs, and therapeutic programs that target dynamic risk factors for drug-related offending. Stage 2 involves semi-open detention, whereby participants are permitted to leave the CDTCC to attend employment, training and approved social activities. Stage 2 involves therapeutic programs to maintain positive behaviour change and other training to assist in effective re-integration into the community. Stage 3 involves community custody, where participants reside outside of the CDTCC but under intensive supervision from CDTCC staff. Stage 3 aims to support community re-integration and to strengthen changes made in Stages 1 and 2. Participants should stay in each stage of the program for a period of at least six months. Following successful completion of Stage 3 of the program, offenders are released into the community once the period of the sentence has been completed. The research involved a series of face-to-face interviews with CDTP participants. Baseline interviews were conducted with 95 participants at the commencement of their time on the program. Three follow-up interviews were conducted as close to the time that participants finished Stages 1, 2 and 3, as was practicable. By the time data collection ceased, 78 per cent of the baseline sample (74 participants) had completed Stage 1 and participated in one follow-up interview (end of Stage 1), and 41 per cent of the baseline sample (39 participants; for some measures information is missing for one participant so N = 38) had completed both Stages 1 and 2 and participated in two follow-up interviews (end of Stages 1 and 2). Of the baseline sample, 13.5 per cent (13 participants) had completed all three follow-up interviews (end of Stages 1, 2, and 3). Due to the small number of participants who had completed Stages 1, 2 and 3 and participated in all three follow-up interviews, changes from baseline through to the end of Stage 3 were not investigated. The evaluation also included analysis of the regular urine samples provided by CDTP participants as a condition of the program. Due to the lack of a comparison group it is difficult to draw any firm conclusions about the effectiveness of the program. Nevertheless, there are some promising aspects to the program. Participants' health and wellbeing appeared to improve over time on the program. Although the program was coercive, the vast majority of participants felt that their participation in the CDTP was voluntary. Participants made positive comments about the program and consistently expressed their desire to be in the program regardless of what stage they were in. This is encouraging evidence that offenders in the program genuinely wanted to change their behaviour. These positive findings, however, have to be set against the fact that illegal and non-prescribed drug use was detected in at least one of the drug tests for the majority of participants, despite 'positive' tests accounting for only a very small proportion of all tests conducted. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2010. 90p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 119479 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Rehabilitation

Author: Mackin, Juliette R. Title: Harford County District Court Adult Drug Court: Outcome and Cost Evaluation Summary: This report presents the findings of a cost and outcome study of the Harford County District Court Adult Drug Court (HCADC) program which operates in the State of Maryland. The report includes the cost of the program and the outcomes of participants as compared to a sample of similar individuals who received traditional court processing. There are three key policy questions that are of interest to program practitioners, researchers and policymakers that this evaluation was designed to answer; 1) Do drug treatment court programs reduce recidivism? ; 2) Do drug treatment court programs reduce drug-related re-arrests? and 3). Do drug treatment court programs produce cost savings? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2008. 47p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 13, 2010 at: http://http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Harford_County_Outcome_and_Cost_Evaluation_0408.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Harford_County_Outcome_and_Cost_Evaluation_0408.pdf Shelf Number: 117718 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts Drug Offenders

Author: Gutierrez, Leticia Title: Drug Treatment Courts: A Quantiative Review of Study and Treatment Quality Summary: "The effectiveness of drug courts has been debated in regards to two main factors: (1) study quality and (2) treatment quality. The current study examined these two factors. Study quality was examined using the Collaborative Outcome Data Committee Guidelines (CODC), and treatment quality was assessed by evaluating adherence to the principles of Risk-Need-Responsivity (RNR). Using the CODC Guidelines, studies were rated as: “rejected”, “weak”, “good” or “strong” based on methodological quality. These guidelines have been used in meta-analytic reviews of sex offender (Hanson, Bourgon, Helmus & Hodgson, 2009) and community supervision (Simpson, 2008) outcome evaluations. The RNR principles have been previously shown to mediate the effectiveness of offender treatment across various offender groups and a variety of criminogenic needs (e.g., substance abuse, sexual offending). In total, 96 studies were reviewed and assessed according to study and treatment quality. Results of this review found that the study quality of the literature is poor and this accounted for much of the variability found across studies. Furthermore, analyses revealed that although adherence to the RNR principles was poor, increasing adherence to RNR resulted in more effective treatment of offenders in reducing recidivism. Using only methodologically acceptable studies, the least biased estimate of the effectiveness of drug courts in reducing recidivism was found to be approximately 8%. Limitations and future research directions are discussed." Details: Ottawa: Public Safety Canada, 2009. 19p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/res/cor/rep/_fl/2009-04-dtc-eng.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Canada URL: http://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/res/cor/rep/_fl/2009-04-dtc-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 117386 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Hughes, Caitlin Title: The Coordination of Australian Illicit Drug Policy: A Governance Perspective Summary: This study focuses on the coordination of Australian drug policy. The study provides a new approach to looking at coordination, through the lens of “good governance”. The principles for good governance of Australian illicit drug policy include the following: participation, consensus-orientation, accountability, transparency, responsiveness, equity and inclusiveness, effectiveness and efficiency, and follow the rule of law. Details: Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, 2010. 108p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at: http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/Monograph+16.pdf/$file/Mono+18.pdf; DPMP Monograph Series; No. 18 Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/Monograph+16.pdf/$file/Mono+18.pdf; DPMP Monograph Series; No. 18 Shelf Number: 117330 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Harm Reduction Illicit Drug Markets

Author: World Health Organization, Europe Title: Psychoactive Substance Use in Kosovo: Rapid Assessment and Response with Youth, Injecting Drug Users and Prisoners Summary: "The report analyses the level of psychoactive substance use with youth, injecting drug users and prisoners in Kosovo. The aim of the report is to document the situation on psychoactive substance use in Kosovo and to provide recommendations which should be taken into consideration when designing evidence-based interventions and programmes at the institutional and community level." Details: Pristina, Kosovo: UNICEF, 2010. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 16, 2010 at:http://www.unicef.org/ceecis/RAR_psychoactive_substance_use_eng_09.pdf Year: 2010 Country: International URL: http://www.unicef.org/ceecis/RAR_psychoactive_substance_use_eng_09.pdf Shelf Number: 119608 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Psychoactive Drugs (Kosovo)

Author: Listwan, Shelley Johnson Title: The Akron Municipal Drug Court: Outcome Evaluation Findings Summary: "Currently, drug courts exist in every state in the nation and have served over 14,000 individuals. The U.S. Department of Justice also placed a high priority on drug courts; since 1995, the Drug Courts Programs Office provided $56 million in funding for development and research (Belenko, 1998). Given the degree of support and fiscal commitment, the implementation of these specialized courts will likely increase. Recognizing the need to evaluate the efficacy of the drug court model, the Supreme Court of Ohio contracted with the University of Cincinnati’s Center for Criminal Justice to develop an outcome evaluation model and data collection process. The long-term objective of the Supreme Court is to utilize the evaluation model and data collection process to engage in on-going evaluations of Ohio’s drug court programs. Currently, there are approximately 34 operating drug courts in Ohio. This report represents the outcome results from the adult drug court in Summit County, Ohio." Details: Cincinnati: OH: Center for Criminal Justice Research, University of Cincinnati, 2001. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 16, 2010 at: http://www.uc.edu/ccjr/Reports/ProjectReports/SummitDrugCourt.pdf Year: 2001 Country: United States URL: http://www.uc.edu/ccjr/Reports/ProjectReports/SummitDrugCourt.pdf Shelf Number: 101492 Keywords: Drug Courts (Ohio) Drug Offenders

Author: Listwan, Shelley Johnson Title: The Erie County Drug Court: Outcome Evaluation Findings Summary: Since 1989 with the inception of first drug court Miami Florida, over 360 courts have emerged and approximately 220 more are in the planning process (National Association of Drug Court Professionals, 2000). Currently, drug courts exist in every state in the nation and have served over 140,000 individuals. The U.S. Department of Justice also placed a high priority on drug courts; since 1995, the Drug Courts Programs Office provided $56 million in funding for development and research (Belenko, 1998). Given the degree of support and fiscal commitment, the implementation of these specialized courts will likely increase. Recognizing the need to evaluate the efficacy of the drug court model, the Supreme Court of Ohio contracted the University of Cincinnati’s, Center for Criminal Justice Research, to develop an outcome evaluation model and data collection process. The long-term objective of the Supreme Court is to utilize the evaluation model and data collection process to engage in on-going evaluations of Ohio’s drug court programs. Currently, there are 34 operating drug courts in Ohio. This report represents the outcome results from the drug court in Erie County, Ohio." Details: Cincinnati, OH: Center for Criminal Justice Research, 2001. 44p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 16, 2010 at: http://www.uc.edu/ccjr/Reports/ProjectReports/ErieCountyreport.pdf Year: 2001 Country: United States URL: http://www.uc.edu/ccjr/Reports/ProjectReports/ErieCountyreport.pdf Shelf Number: 101491 Keywords: Drug Courts (Ohio) Drug Offenders Recidivism

Author: Levine, Harry G. Title: Targeting Blacks for Marijuana: Possession Arrests of African Americans in California, 2004-08 Summary: This report found that across the 25 largest counties in California the pot-holding arrest rate for blacks was often at least double that of whites despite evidence that indicates African-Americans use cannabis at a lower rate. Details: New York: Drug Policy Alliance, 2010. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2010 at: http://www.drugpolicy.org/docUploads/Targeting_Blacks_for_Marijuana_06_29_10.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/docUploads/Targeting_Blacks_for_Marijuana_06_29_10.pdf Shelf Number: 119657 Keywords: African Americans Drug Arrests (California) Drug Offenders Marijuana Racial Profiling

Author: Paulin, Judy Title: Evaluation of the Mental Health/Alcohol and Other Drug Watch-house Nurse Pilot Initiative Summary: The Watch-house Nurse (WHN) initiative began operating at the Christchurch Central and Counties Manukau Police station watch-houses on 1 July 2008 and 1 August 2008 respectively. The initiative is intended to run as a pilot project until 30 June 2010. The initiative places appropriately qualified nurses within these two watch-houses to assist the police to better manage the risks of those in their custody who have mental health, alcohol or other drug (AOD) problems. Where appropriate, the nurses also make referrals for detainees to treatment providers. This final evaluation report presents the findings about the WHN initiative during its first 18 months of operation. In doing so, it addresses the main objectives of the pilot, and intended outcomes of these objectives in turn. Details: Wellington, NZ: New Zealand Police, 2010. 147p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 23, 2010 at: http://www.police.govt.nz/sites/default/files/resources/evaluation/2010-08-03%20WHN_evaluation_FINAL_ELECTRONIC.pdf Year: 2010 Country: New Zealand URL: http://www.police.govt.nz/sites/default/files/resources/evaluation/2010-08-03%20WHN_evaluation_FINAL_ELECTRONIC.pdf Shelf Number: 119665 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Offenders Medical Care Mental Health Services Mentally Ill Offenders Nurses Policing

Author: Corsaro, Nicholas Title: An Evaluation of the Nashville Drug Market Initiative (DMI) Pulling Levers Strategy Summary: In March 2008, the Metropolitan Nashville Police Department (MNPD), in cooperation with other city agencies, including the District Attorney, Public Defender, the Mayor’s Office, the Sheriff’s Department, social service providers, as well as faith-based and community leaders launched an innovative effort to eliminate open-air drug dealing and thereby significantly reduce crime in the McFerrin Park neighborhood. The initiative drew upon the experience of a similar effort in High Point, North Carolina as well as promising efforts to reduce gun crime that have been part of the national Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) and Drug Market Intervention (DMI) programs. The goal of the Nashville initiative is to break the cycle whereby drug dealers are arrested and prosecuted only to be replaced by another group of dealers. Rather, the strategy seeks permanent elimination of the drug dealing with corresponding reduction in crime and improvement in the quality of life within the neighborhood. The Nashville strategy involved a four-stage process. The initial phase known as the Identification stage involved systematic analysis of crime data indicating specific areas within Nashville that were victimized by high levels of drug dealing and associated crime. The McFerrin Park neighborhood was selected due to its high rate of violent, property, and drug crime as well as its high volume of calls for police assistance. Following selection of the neighborhood, MNPD began work on the second stage, the Preparation phase, which involved obtaining ‘buy in’ from law enforcement, prosecution, social service, and community personnel. After key members of the initiative agreed to move the strategy forward, twenty-six individuals were identified as being actively involved in drug sales. Evidence was gathered with the result of very strong prosecutorial cases being established against all twenty-six individuals. Of these offenders, a total of twenty were deemed to be chronic and serious offenders with a history of criminal violence. These individuals were prosecuted. The other six, however, were judged less serious offenders and were offered a second chance. The third phase of the intervention involved the Notification stage whereby the small group of offenders was informed that they could be prosecuted but were going to be offered a second chance with the contingency that their drug dealing stops and that the individuals remain crime free. The notification included participation of the offender’s families as well as key social service providers who expressed their desire to see the notified individuals become productive members of the community. A variety of social services and social support were offered to the offenders. The final phase consisted of Resource Delivery and follow-up to provide support intended to help the small group of prior offenders avoid a return to drug dealing and crime. Additionally, a variety of efforts were taken to improve community collaboration with police and the overall quality of life within the neighborhood. The impact evaluation consisted of comparing the trends in violent, property, and drug-related crime as well as calls for police assistance prior to- and after the intervention. We examined over five years of data for the McFerrin Park target area, the adjoining or contiguous areas, and the remainder of Davidson County for an overall trend comparison. Using a systematic time series analysis, the findings revealed that the target area experienced a statistically significant and sustained decrease of 2.5 property crimes per month (-28.4%), a reduction of nearly 55.5% in monthly narcotics offenses, and a decrease of 36.8% of drug equipment violations, as well as a significant reduction in calls for police assistance by nearly 18.1% per month following the intervention. The adjoining area experienced similar statistically significant and sustained declines in offense and calls for service that was observed in the target community, indicating that immediate crime displacement did not occur but in fact a diffusion of benefits was seen in the adjacent neighborhood. Comparatively, while these same offenses declined in the remainder of the greater Nashville area at the time of the intervention, this rate of change was neither statistically significant nor was as substantive (less than 10% for all outcomes modeled). Thus, the results indicate that there was a major and sustained decline in serious and drug related offenses as well as calls for service in the areas where the Drug Market Initiative (DMI) intervention was implemented, above and beyond any decline that was observed in the remainder of Davidson County. These findings suggest that the DMI intervention aimed at drug-offending in the McFerrin Park neighborhood was the driving force behind the decline observed in the target and contiguous areas. Open-air drug dealing is associated with high levels of crime and disorder and quality of community life. For years police and local residents in many communities have witnessed a cycle whereby drug dealers are arrested only to be replaced by another group of individuals drawn to the lure of the illegal drug economy. The DMI represents an innovative, community policing and problem solving effort to break this cycle and significantly reduce or eliminate the open-air drug market. Chronic and violent drug sellers are prosecuted but less serious offenders, those likely to serve as replacements in the drug market, are provided the opportunity to avoid prosecution as well as social support to pursue legitimate opportunities outside the illegal economy. NMPD joins police departments in cities including High Point, North Carolina, Rockford, Illinois, Providence, Rhode Island, Hempstead, New York, and Milwaukee, Wisconsin that have implemented the DMI. Nashville represents the largest urban jurisdiction to have subjected the DMI to evaluation. Hence, the positive findings from this evaluation have important implications for other neighborhoods of Nashville as well as for cities across the United States. Details: East Lansing, MI: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2009. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Market Intervention Working Paper: Accessed August 23, 2010 at: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/NashvilleEvaluation.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/NashvilleEvaluation.pdf Shelf Number: 119669 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Open-Air Drug Markets Pulling Levers Strategy

Author: Hipple, Natalie Title: The High Point Drug Market Initiative: A Process and Impact Evaluation Summary: The High Point Police Department in High Point, North Carolina has gained attention from the U.S. Department of Justice and police departments, prosecutors, and local governmental officials through a strategic problem solving intervention that has come to be known as the High Point Drug Market Intervention Program (DMI). The DMI seeks to focus on geographically-defined drug market locations and eliminate the overt drug market and the associated violence. The model includes a highly focused deterrence strategy coupled with police-community partnerships that seek to offer sources of social support to the subjects of the deterrence strategy while at the same time re-establishing informal social controls within the neighborhood in order to prevent the re-emergence of the drug market. HPPD has reported very significant declines in crime in the neighborhoods where the DMI has been implemented and an NIJ-supported study indicates strong support for the intervention among justice system officials and local residents. The purpose of this report is to test the impact of the intervention in the original DMI neighborhood through a rigorous outcome assessment. ARIMA time series models were used to test the impact of the DMI intervention. Trends in violent, property and drugs/nuisance offenses were compared for the 37 months prior to the intervention and 37 months following the intervention. Conservative time series estimates that controlled for prior trends in the data and examined the logged-crime incidents in the target community (in order to compress the skewed nature of the count data) indicated that violent crimes declined an average of 7.3 percent following the intervention, property offenses declined 9.1 percent (though this decline was not statistically significant when controlling for other trend influences), and drug and nuisance offenses declined roughly 5.5 percent between the pre and post intervention period, controlling for important trend influence factors. Perhaps most importantly, the decline in the trend in violent crime and in drug and nuisance offenses was marginally statistically significant (p < .10) meaning the observed post-intervention reduction was very unlikely to have been produced by chance. In future analyses these trends will be tested with comparison locations and similar analyses will be conducted in the other DMI intervention sites in High Point. The results of this analysis are consistent with the impressions of HPPD officials as well as residents of the affected neighborhood, the DMI intervention in the West End appears to have had a significant impact on the level of violent, drug, and nuisance offenses. When coupled with the results of a recent assessment of a similar intervention in Rockford, Illinois that was modeled on the High Point experience, these results suggest the DMI is a highly promising intervention for addressing the problem of illegal drug markets and deserves further implementation and evaluation. Details: East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, School of Criminal Justice, 2010. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Project Safe Neighborhoods Case Study #12; Accessed August 23, 2010 at: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/HighPointMSUEvaluationPSN12.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/HighPointMSUEvaluationPSN12.pdf Shelf Number: 119670 Keywords: Drug Markets Drug Offenders Nuisance Behaviors and Disorders Pulling Levers Strategy Violence Violent Crime

Author: Frabutt, James M. Title: A Collaborative Approach to Eliminating Street Drug Markets through Focused Deterrence Summary: The purpose of this project was to conduct a process and outcome analysis of the street drug market elimination strategy. Two main goals were addressed by the evaluation. The first goal was to model and describe the elements, developmental stages, and operational steps of the street-drug intervention. The second goal was to measure the impact of the strategy across several levels: a) key stakeholder percepton of roles and impact; b) resident perception of impact; c) observable neighborhood changes; and d) crime impact. The report presents an overview of the intervention sites and the methodology, findings, and subsequent discussion of the data sources utilized. Details: Unpublished report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2009. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 23, 2010 at: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/HighPointEvaluation.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www1.cj.msu.edu/~outreach/psn/DMI/HighPointEvaluation.pdf Shelf Number: 119671 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Markets Drug Offenders Drugs

Author: Levine, Harry G. Title: Marijuana Arrest Crusade: Racial Bias and Police Policy in New York City 1997-2007 Summary: This report is the first ever in-depth study of misdemeanor marijuana arrests in New York City during the Giuliani and Bloomberg administrations. The NYPD arrested and jailed nearly 400,000 people for possessing small amounts of marijuana between 1997 and 2007, a tenfold increase in marijuana arrests over the previous decade and a figure marked by startling racial and gender disparities. NYPD arrested and jailed nearly 400,000 people for possessing small amounts of marijuana between 1997 and 2007, a tenfold increase in marijuana arrests over the previous decade and a figure marked by startling racial and gender disparities. The report is based upon two years of observations in criminal courts as well as extensive interviews with public defenders; Legal Aid and private attorneys; veteran police officers; current and former prosecutors and judges; and those arrested for possessing marijuana. Details: New York: New York Civil Liberties Union, 2008. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2010 at: http://www.nyclu.org/files/MARIJUANA-ARREST-CRUSADE_Final.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.nyclu.org/files/MARIJUANA-ARREST-CRUSADE_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 119813 Keywords: Drug Arrests Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Marijuana Racial Profiling

Author: Great Britain. Sentencing Advisory Panel Title: Sentencing for Drug Offences: Advice to the Sentencing Guidelines Council Summary: This advice to the Sentencing Guidelines Council makes proposals in relation to the sentencing of the most commonly sentenced drug offences. It considers those offences which derive from conduct intended to bring illicit drugs into circulation (including importation, production and supply) as well as those relating to possession and use. Details: London: Sentencing Advisory Panel, 2010. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 21, 2010 at: http://www.sentencingcouncil.org.uk/press/publications/2010/03/downloads/11-drug-offences.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.sentencingcouncil.org.uk/press/publications/2010/03/downloads/11-drug-offences.pdf Shelf Number: 119853 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Drug Trafficking Sentencing

Author: Barnaby, Lorraine Title: Drugs, Homelessness & Health: Homeless Youth Speak Out about Abuse Harm Reduction Summary: The purpose of the report is to present the results of a harm reduction needs assessment survey among the most at-risk homeless youth in Toronto, identify barriers to appropriate health services, and based on the youth’s voices, make recommendations, and advocate for better programs to serve this vulnerable population. The study was designed with three components. First we surveyed 100 poly-substance using homeless youth screened for recent (past 6 month) histories of crack (n=71), methamphetamine (n=51), non-prescribed opioid (n=53) and/or injection drug use (n=33). Then, based on the survey results, we conducted five focus groups with 27 street-involved youth to discuss their reactions to the survey findings; these groups provided many quotes on various topics. As well, four young people took part in an arts-involved segment, creating pictures of street life used to illustrate this report. The survey sample of 100 street-involved youth consisted of 75 young men, 21 young women and 4 transgendered/transsexual individuals aged 16 to 25, the majority of whom were in the older age range. Nine out of ten were Canadian born and nearly 2/3 identified their ethno-racial background as White/Caucasian. Details: Toronto: Wellesley Institute, 2010. 103p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 21, 2010 at: http://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/category/research/ Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: http://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/category/research/ Shelf Number: 119851 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drugs Harm Reduction Homelessness Mental Health Street Youth

Author: Katz, Charles M. Title: Co-Occurring Mental Health and Substance Use Disorders Among Recently Booked Arrestees Summary: This special topic report examines the prevalence and characteristics of co-occurring substance abuse and mental health problems among adult arrestees in Maricopa County. The findings suggest that more than 28 percent of adult arrestees in Maricopa County are at risk for a co-occurring disorder, and they face significantly greater difficulties across a number of critical factors, including incarceration, homelessness, and victimization. Details: Phoenix, AZ: Center for Crime Prevention and Community Safety, 2008. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 22, 2010 at: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/aarin/aarin-reports-1/co-occurring-disorder-addendum/co-occurring-final-sept-2008.pdf/view Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/aarin/aarin-reports-1/co-occurring-disorder-addendum/co-occurring-final-sept-2008.pdf/view Shelf Number: 113575 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Mentally Ill Substance Abuse

Author: Great Britain. Home Office Title: Drug-Misusing Offenders: Results from the 2008 Cohort for England and Wales Summary: This report presents statistics on the proven offending by individuals identified as Class A drug-misusing offenders. Both drug use amongst offenders, and their levels of offending can be difficult to measure with confidence. The data presented in this report are intended to provide a proxy measure which indicates the level of proven offending2 by known (Class A) drug-misusing individuals who have been identified through their contact with the criminal justice system. Local agencies work to reduce the offending of individuals who are identified as drug users through a partnership approach involving local authorities, criminal justice integrated teams (CJITs), drug action teams (DATs), treatment services, police, probation, prisons and other partners and agencies. A wide range of interventions and partners are involved. Results from the analysis of two different datasets are presented in this report: a national measure for the whole of England and Wales, and a local measure for individual partnership areas. More information is given on both of these datasets below and in the explanatory notes at the end of the report. It is important to note that neither of these datasets constitute a measure of offending by all drug-misusing individuals; they only cover those offenders that were identified by contact with the criminal justice system in a given time period. Details: London: Home Office, 2010. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 23, 2010 at: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs10/misc0210.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://rds.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs10/misc0210.pdf Shelf Number: 119844 Keywords: Crime Statistics Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Offenses

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction Title: Polydrug Use: Patterns and Responses Summary: In this report, individual data from the surveys carried out in 2003 by the European school survey project on alcohol and other drugs (ESPAD) are used to examine the characteristics of polydrug use among over 70,000 15- to 16-year-old students from 22 European countries. Details: Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2009. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 7, 2010 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_93217_EN_EMCDDA_SI09_polydrug%20use.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_93217_EN_EMCDDA_SI09_polydrug%20use.pdf Shelf Number: 119886 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Narcotics

Author: Lulham, Rohan Title: The Magistrates Early Referral Into Treatment Program: Impact of Program Participation on Re-Offending by Defendants with a Drug Use Problem Summary: This bulletin reports on the evaluation of re-offending outcomes for the Magistrates Early Referral Into Treatment (MERIT) drug diversion program in New South Wales, Australia. MERIT provides defendants in NSW Local Courts with the option of undertaking formal drug treatment while on bail. Re-offending outcomes for a cohort of 2,396 defendants who participated in the MERIT program were compared with a comparison group of defendants who did not participate in the MERIT program but who broadly met the eligibility criteria. To estimate the impact of the program we used a treatment effects model with correction for selection bias. Acceptance into the MERIT program, regardless of completion, was found to significantly reduce the number of defendants committing any theft re-offence by an estimated four percentage points. Acceptance and completion of the MERIT program significantly reduced the number of defendants committing any type of offence by an estimated 12 percentage points, and any theft re-offence by four percentage points. This evaluation provides strong support that participation in the MERIT program reduces defendants’ propensity to commit theft offences and, for those who complete the program, substantially reduces their propensity to commit any type of re-offence. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2009. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Crime and Justice Bulletin, No. 131: Accessed October 9, 2010 at: http://www.lawlink.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/cjb131.pdf/$file/cjb131.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Australia URL: http://www.lawlink.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/cjb131.pdf/$file/cjb131.pdf Shelf Number: 119897 Keywords: Diversion Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Re-Offending Recidivism Theft

Author: Harvey, Lynn K. Title: The New Hope Initiative: A Collaborative Approach to Closing an Open-air Drug Market and a Blueprint for Other Communities Summary: This report describes a collaborative community-based approach used to shut down open-air drug markets. It documents the logic, the process and consequences of applying this approach in Winston-Salem, NC. The case study is intended to provide other communities with the basic guidelines for implementing similar strategies in a locally relevant and appropriate way. Details: Winston-Salem, NC: Department of Social Sciences and Center for Community Safety, Winston-Salem State University, 2005. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 11, 2010 at: http://www.wssu.edu/NR/rdonlyres/1BF7A584-539A-41A6-B860-94EED7C3FD2C/0/NewHopeBluePrint.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.wssu.edu/NR/rdonlyres/1BF7A584-539A-41A6-B860-94EED7C3FD2C/0/NewHopeBluePrint.pdf Shelf Number: 118557 Keywords: Community Participation Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Control Drug Offenders Open-Air Drug Markets

Author: Holmes, Jessie Title: Trends in Possession and Use of Narcotics and Cocaine Summary: This brief describes trends in possession and use of narcotics and cocaine, characteristics of these offences and offenders, and court outcomes for those charged with possession and/or use of narcotics or cocaine. Descriptive analyses were conducted on data sourced from the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research’s police recorded criminal incident and person of interest databases as well as from the NSW Reoffending Database and NSW Local Criminal Courts. Data from NSW Health on recorded opioid and cocaine overdoses was also analysed. Recorded incidents of narcotics possession and opioid overdoses fell sharply between 1999 and 2006. Since 2006 both narcotics possession and opioid overdoses doubled, however their levels are still much lower than those recorded prior to the heroin shortage. Recorded incidents of cocaine possession and overdoses have been increasing since 2003 and in 2009, both reached their highest levels in 15 years. Narcotics possession incidents were generally detected on streets and footpaths and at residential premises within Sydney’s CBD and in the Fairfield and Liverpool Local Government Areas. Cocaine possession incidents were detected on streets and footpaths, and at licensed and residential premises, located in Sydney’s CBD and the Eastern Suburbs. Narcotics and cocaine possession offenders tended to be males aged 20 to 39 years. Almost all offenders convicted of narcotics possession had prior convictions (93%) compared with less than half of those convicted of cocaine possession (49%). Most offenders convicted of these offences in 2008 were issued with fines averaging $355 for narcotics possession and $406 for cocaine possession. Taking into account data from other sources, these results suggest that actual levels of narcotics and cocaine use are increasing in NSW. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2010. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Bureau Brief, Issue Paper No. 52: Accessed October 19, 2010 at: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/bb52.pdf/$file/bb52.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/bb52.pdf/$file/bb52.pdf Shelf Number: 120009 Keywords: Cocaine Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Heroin Illicit Drugs Narcotics

Author: Patel, Professor Lord Patel of Bradford Title: The Patel Report: Reducing Drug-Related Crime and Rehabilitating Offenders Summary: The report focuses on drug treatment and interventions for people in prison, people moving between prisons and the continuity of care for people on release from prison. The report outlines the evidence gathered and work carried out by the Review Group and summarises their conclusions and recommendations. Details: London: UK Department of Health, 2010. 216p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 2, 2010 at: http://www.dh.gov.uk/prod_consum_dh/groups/dh_digitalassets/@dh/@en/@ps/documents/digitalasset/dh_119850.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.dh.gov.uk/prod_consum_dh/groups/dh_digitalassets/@dh/@en/@ps/documents/digitalasset/dh_119850.pdf Shelf Number: 120153 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Rehabilitation

Author: Missouri. Department of Public Safety and Statistical Analysis Center Title: Nature and Extent of the Illicit Drug Problem in Missouri Summary: The study focused on illicit drug use, the societal impact of illicit drugs, and extent of the illicit drug industry in the State of Missouri. Details: Jefferson City, MO: Missouri Statistical Analysis Center, 2010. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2010 at:http://www.mshp.dps.missouri.gov/MSHPWeb/SAC/pdf/2010NATUREANDEXTENTREPORT.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.mshp.dps.missouri.gov/MSHPWeb/SAC/pdf/2010NATUREANDEXTENTREPORT.pdf Shelf Number: 120176 Keywords: Cocaine Drug Offenders Heroin Illicit Drugs (Missouri) Methamphetamines Narcotics

Author: Franco, Celinda Title: Drug Courts: Background, Effectiveness, and Policy Issues for Contress Summary: Drug courts are specialized court dockets, or portions of judges’ calendars of cases, that generally target nonviolent offenders with substance-abuse problems. These programs provide offenders with intensive court supervision, mandatory drug testing, substance-abuse treatment, and other social services as an alternative to adjudication or incarceration. In this way, drug courts are designed to break the cycle of substance abuse, addiction, and crime by changing the behavior of substance-abusing offenders. Participation in these programs is voluntary. Eligible defendants must agree to the program’s requirements and successfully complete the program in exchange for avoiding incarceration, having their criminal charges reduced or dismissed, or having their sentences reduced. Drug courts encourage participants’ compliance and impose sanctions on those who fail to comply with the program’s requirements. Drug courts are widely considered an important strategy for reducing incarceration, providing drug treatment, and reducing drug use and recidivism (reoffending) among nonviolent offenders. Although drug courts are mostly initiated and funded at the state and local level, Congress has supported the development, implementation, and expansion of drug courts through the federal Drug Court Discretionary Grant Program, originally authorized under Title V of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (P.L. 103-322). While the federal drug court grant program authorization of appropriations expired in FY2008, the program has continued to receive appropriations: $40 million for FY2009 (P.L. 111-8) and $45 million for FY2010 (P.L. 111-117). In the 111th Congress, H.R. 6090 would amend the program and extend the authorization of appropriations for drug court grants from FY2011 through FY2017. Congress could consider reauthorizing the program in its current form or amending the program to reflect issues of concern. Since the first drug court was established in 1989, drug court programs have been quickly adopted by communities and states across the country. As of July 2009, there were 2,361 drug courts in operation across the country. Although there are drug courts in many jurisdictions, it is unclear how many drug-abusing offenders participate in these programs or how well they have fared after successfully completing a drug court program. Some estimates indicate that only a small number of potential participants are actually included in these drug treatment programs. Variations in how drug courts determine eligibility, provide substance-abuse treatment, supervise participants, and enforce compliance reflect the adaptability of the drug court model, but also complicate program evaluations, comparisons, and cost-benefit analyses. Nevertheless, research suggests that drug courts reduce substance abuse and recidivism among participants compared to nonparticipants, and are a viable intervention for reducing drug demand among substance-abusing offenders. This report considers these and other issues related to state drug courts. The report includes an overview of state drug courts and the related federal grant program. The report then discusses some of the related issues that may be of interest to Congress if it considers reauthorizing the drug court grant program or other related legislation. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Services, 2010. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: CRS Report for Congress, No. R41448: Accessed November 8, 2010 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R41448.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R41448.pdf Shelf Number: 120205 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Hall, Wayne Title: Legally Coerced Treatment for Drug Using Offenders: Ethical and Policy Issues Summary: This bulletin discusses the policy and ethical implications raised by legally coercing drug offenders into drug treatment in the community and providing compulsory treatment within the prison system. The bulletin briefly summarises the case for legally coerced drug treatment, describes the different approaches that have been used to implement it, discusses the ethical issues raised by different types of legally coerced drug treatment, and summarises the evidence on the effectiveness of community-based drug treatment with and without legal coercion. The case for, and evidence on, the effectiveness of providing voluntary drug treatment in prisons is then considered. Finally, in the light of the evidence reviewed, the bulletin discusses the NSW Compulsory Drug Treatment Corrections Centre and the challenges in evaluating its effectiveness. Details: Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2010. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice, No. 144: Accessed November 29, 2010 at: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/CJB144.pdf/$file/CJB144.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/bocsar/ll_bocsar.nsf/vwFiles/CJB144.pdf/$file/CJB144.pdf Shelf Number: 120301 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Control Drug Offenders Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Welsh, Wayne N. Title: A Multi-Site Evaluation of Prison-Based Drug Treatment: A Research partnership Between the Pennsylvania Department of Corrections and Temple University Summary: Therapeutic community (TC) drug treatment programs have become the preferred treatment approach in correctional settings. Previous evaluations of prison-based TC have produced promising results, including significant reductions in recidivism over follow-up periods ranging from three to five years. However, studies have also been criticized for small sample sizes, less-than-optimal research designs (e.g., uncontrolled selection and attrition biases), and insufficient attention to interactions between inmate characteristics, treatment process, and treatment outcomes (e.g., rearrest, reincarceration, drug relapse). No studies have examined prison-based TC across multiple sites while controlling for individual and programmatic variations in analyses of outcome. Numerous questions remain about the true impact of prison-based TC, and the potential impacts of unmeasured variations in inmate characteristics, treatment programs, and multiple outcome measures. The purpose of this project was to examine multiple, post-release outcomes over a post-release period of five years for inmates who participated in Therapeutic Community (TC) drug treatment programs or comparison groups at five Pennsylvania State Correctional Institutions (SCI's). The research was greatly facilitated by a strong, collaborative research partnership between Temple University and the Department of Corrections which began in 1998 and continues to the present. Details: Philadelphia: Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, 2009. 117p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2010 at: www.portal.state.pa.us/ Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 120312 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Offenders Drug Treatment (Pennsylvania) Recidivism

Author: Anex Title: With Conviction: The Case for Controlled Needle and Syringe Programs in Australian Prisons Summary: The financial efficiency and health effectiveness of Australian needle and syringe programs (NSPs) are well established. The effectiveness of NSPs in prisons has also been proven in numerous settings, particularly in Europe. Yet in Australian prisons, where the incidence of blood borne viruses is far higher than in the community, there has never been a needle and syringe exchange trial. The Australian Government recently issued HIV and hepatitis C virus (HCV) prevention strategies as well the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Blood Borne Viruses and Sexually Transmissible Infections Strategy. All three strategies recommend that State and Territory governments identify prisons for controlled NSP trials. This paper by the Harm Minimisation in Prisons Committee outlines the main reasons why community health is threatened by the high rates of drug injecting and sharing of unsterile needles in prisons. It argues that Australians concerned with community health should support clinical trials of this important intervention. The purpose of the trial would be to examine how best to implement prison-based NSPs. Details: Melbourne: Anex, 2010. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2010 at: http://www.anex.org.au/downloads/HMPC%20Paper%20on%20NSP%20in%20Prison%20-%20October%202010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.anex.org.au/downloads/HMPC%20Paper%20on%20NSP%20in%20Prison%20-%20October%202010.pdf Shelf Number: 120334 Keywords: Drug Offenders Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) Inmates (Australia) Needle Exchange Programs Prisons

Author: Barlyn, Ben Title: Report on New Jersey's Drug Free Zone Crimes and Proposal For Reform Summary: This report presents a concise summary of the key findings and recommendations of the New Jersey Commission to Review Criminal Sentencing primarily concerning N.J.S.A. 2C:35-7, commonly known as the drug free school zone law and N.J.S.A. 2C:35-7.1, commonly referred to as the park zone law. New Jersey’s school zone law mandates enhanced punishment for those that distribute, or possess with intent to distribute, illicit narcotics within 1,000 feet of school property. Ten years after the enactment of the school zone law, the Legislature enacted N.J.S.A. 2C:35-7.1 which mandates enhanced punishment for those that distribute, or possess with intent to distribute, illicit narcotics within 500 feet of public parks, public housing and other public buildings. New Jersey’s cities are among the most densely populated in the nation. Given the large concentration of schools in these areas, the protective zones which surround them have overlapped and coalesced to such an extent that the three cities studied by the Commission – Jersey City, Camden, and Newark – have themselves become all-encompassing drug free zones. The foregoing “urban effect” of the drug free zone laws significantly increases the likelihood that a drug distribution offense will occur within a drug free school zone in urban areas; minorities, who currently comprise a greater proportion of urban populations than rural and suburban populations, are therefore far more likely to be charged with a drug free zone offense and subjected to harsher punishment upon conviction. The unintended, but profoundly discriminatory, impact of the laws is the direct result of the size of the zones defined by the school zone and park zone laws, and is, moreover, significantly amplified by New Jersey’s unique demographic characteristics. The end result of this cumulative “urban effect” of the drug free zone laws is that nearly every offender (96%) convicted and incarcerated for a drug free zone offense in New Jersey is either Black or Hispanic. The “urban effect” greatly undermines the school zone law’s effectiveness in protecting school children: the enormous, unbroken swaths created by the overlapping zones have in fact diluted the special protection of schools that the law was specifically intended to facilitate. A review of geocoded arrest data for illicit drug activity in Newark yields no evidence that drug dealers are aware of school zones, much less that they deliberately undertake their criminal activity to evade exposure to the school zone law. Based on its review of the pertinent data, the Commission concludes that a substantial reduction of the zones will at once significantly enhance the effectiveness of the law while considerably diminishing the disproportionate number of minority drug dealers subject to enhanced punishment avoided by their white suburban and rural counterparts. The Commission’s proposal to amend the school zone and drug free park laws by substantially reducing the zone size to 200 feet remedies both aforementioned deficiencies. The Commission’s proposal would eliminate the mandatory minimum sentence for the school zone offense but would upgrade the crime within the reduced zone to second degree which carries a presumption of imprisonment. Discretionary extended terms of imprisonment for repeat offenders and parole ineligibility terms could still be imposed by judges with respect to drug offenses both inside and outside the zones. This change will ensure that those who sell drugs within close proximity to schools and other protected property will be subject to significant punishment, including the presumption of imprisonment, while also conferring a greater degree of discretion on courts in fashioning fair and appropriate sentences. The Commission recognizes that the financial cost of incarcerating large numbers of drug offenders places a tremendous burden on the State budget and might not constitute the most efficient use of public funds to promote public safety by preventing future drug crimes. Further study is urgently required. The Commission’s findings and recommendations with regard to the drug free zone laws are unanimous. The Commission will continue to collect data and carefully monitor application of the current drug free zone provisions, as well as subsequently enacted provisions. These findings will be presented to the Legislature and the public on a periodic basis. Details: Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Commission to Review Criminal Sentencing, 2005. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 3, 2010 at: http://www.sentencing.nj.gov/publications.html Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.sentencing.nj.gov/publications.html Shelf Number: 100375 Keywords: Drug Free School Zones Drug Offenders Racial Disparities Sentencing (New Jersey)

Author: New Jersey Commission to Review Criminal Sentencing Title: New Jersey's Drug Courts, Special Probation and Proposal for Reform Summary: This report presents a concise summary of the key findings and recommendations of the New Jersey Commission to Review Criminal Sentencing concerning N.J.S.A. 2C:3514, commonly referred to as the special probation statute. The special probation statute was enacted as part of the Comprehensive Drug Reform Act of 1986 and provides for rehabilitative treatment and intensive supervision for nonviolent, drug-dependent offenders. The special probation statute was intended by the Legislature to divert appropriate offenders subject to state imprisonment to a five-year period of intensive supervision conditioned upon a mandatory six-month period of inpatient drug treatment. The special probation statute predated by several years the establishment of drug courts in New Jersey and serves as a mechanism pursuant to which otherwise prison-bound offenders are admitted into New Jersey's Drug Court Program. The special probation statute and the New Jersey Adult Drug Court Program are not synonymous. The New Jersey Drug Court program is administered by the Administrative Office of the Courts and involves a collaborative relationship between representatives of the criminal justice system, including judges, prosecutors, defense attorneys and probation officers, and drug treatment professionals. The special probation statute defines with particularity which prisonbound defendants, i.e., those who are subject to a presumption of imprisonment or a mandatory minimum term of incarceration, may gain entry into the Drug Court Program. The provision also enumerates specific conditions that must be adhered to by these offenders while participating in the Drug Court Program. There exists compelling evidence that individuals who use illicit drugs are more likely to engage in criminal behavior, and that many offenses are commonly committed by individu als who had used drugs or alcohol during or just prior to committing their crimes. The drug court model was developed in response to a widespread recognition that the conventional criminal justice process had little impact on the rehabilitative prospects of drug-dependent offenders. The principal goal of drug courts is to reduce drug use and associated criminal behavior by engaging and retaining drug-involved offenders in coerced treatment. At the center of the collaborative approach embodied by the drug court model is the trial judge. The investment of judicial resources in drug court programs has been validated by a study reflecting that “highrisk” offenders perform better in drug court when subject to biweekly status hearings. While acknowledging the methodological flaws in a substantial number of studies, the New Jersey Commission to Review Criminal Sentencing (Commission) has nonetheless reviewed recent literature on the impact of drug courts and concluded there is substantial and empirically reliable evidence that drug courts are indeed effective in reducing recidivism among offenders who have successfully completed drug court programs. Although more comprehensive and methodologically rigorous studies are certainly warranted, the available outcome data for offenders sentenced under N.J.S.A. 2C:3514 compares favorably to the data on outcomes for nondrug court state prison offenders. Details: Trenton: New Jersey Commission to Review Criminal Sentencing, 2007. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 3, 2010 at: http://www.sentencing.nj.gov/downloads/special_probation_report_April_2007.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.sentencing.nj.gov/downloads/special_probation_report_April_2007.pdf Shelf Number: 120374 Keywords: Drug Courts (New Jersey) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Intensive Supervision Probation

Author: Freisthler, Bridget Title: The Geography of Drug Market Activities and Child Maltreatment Summary: The purpose of this study is to begin to understand how the drug market activities place children at risk for being abused or neglect by examining both the temporal and spatial patterns of drug market activities over time. Data were collected for 95 Census tracts in Sacramento, California over seven years (n = 665). The study examined the relationship between child maltreatment (as measured by referrals, substantiations, and foster care entries) and drug possessions and drug sales. Data were analyzed using Bayesian space-time models. The study found that referrals for child maltreatment investigations were less likely to occur in places where current drug market activity (as measured by drug possessions and drug sales) were present. However, drug sales and past year local and spatially lagged drugs sales were positively related to referrals. After the investigative phase (i.e., referrals) Census tracts with more drug possessions and drug sales had higher numbers of substantiations and those tracts with more possessions also had more entries into foster care. The temporal delay between drug sales and child maltreatment referrals may: (1) indicate that the surveillance systems designed to protect children may not be very responsive to changing neighborhood conditions or (2) be indicative of the time it takes for drug sales to reach their users and for the detrimental effects of the drug use to appear. Drug activity is likely factored into the overall risk to children by child welfare caseworkers as evidenced by significantly higher substantiations and foster care entries in these areas. Details: Los Angeles: California Center for Population Research, University of California - Los Angeles, 2010. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: PWP-CCPR-2010-016: Accessed December 3, 2010 at: http://papers.ccpr.ucla.edu/papers/PWP-CCPR-2010-016/PWP-CCPR-2010-016.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ccpr.ucla.edu/papers/PWP-CCPR-2010-016/PWP-CCPR-2010-016.pdf Shelf Number: 120380 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect Child Maltreatment Drug Markets Drug Offenders

Author: South Australia. Attorney-General's Department. Office of Crime Statistics and Research Title: Youth CARDS Final Evaluation Report Summary: This report presents findings of the evaluation of the Youth Court Assessment and Referral Drug Scheme (CARDS). The evaluation of CARDS was undertaken from July 2005 to December 2006. As far as is possible within the timeframe, the evaluation focused on both process and outcomes. The process evaluation sought to monitor and record key aspects of the implementaion, coordination and operation of Youth CARDS. The outcome evaluation sought to establish the extent to which the aims and intended outcomes of Youth CARDS had been achieved in its pilot period. The evaluation was based on a mixed methods approach incorporating qualitative and quantitative techniques using a range of data collection methods. Details: Adelaide: Office of Crime Statistics and Research, 2008. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 6, 2010 at: http://www.ocsar.sa.gov.au/docs/evaluation_reports/YouthCARDSFinalEvaluationReport.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ocsar.sa.gov.au/docs/evaluation_reports/YouthCARDSFinalEvaluationReport.pdf Shelf Number: 120394 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Juvenile Diversion Juvenile Offenders (Australia) Recidivism

Author: New York State. Division of Criminal Justice Services Title: New York State Felony Drug Arrest, Indictment and Commitment Trends 1973-2008 Summary: Felony Drug Arrest, Indictment and Commitment Trends 1973-2008 presents information on the criminal justice processing of felony drug cases, beginning from the time of implementation of the Rockefeller Drug Laws in 1973 and ending in 2008, the year before enactment of the 2009 Drug Law Reform. Felony drug case processing is presented to establish a baseline for future reports assessing the impact of the 2009 drug law changes. Details: Albany: New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services, 2010. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Law Reform Series, Report No. 1: Accessed December 8, 2010 at: http://criminaljustice.state.ny.us/pio/annualreport/baseline_trends_report.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://criminaljustice.state.ny.us/pio/annualreport/baseline_trends_report.pdf Shelf Number: 120419 Keywords: Drug Laws (New York State) Drug Offenders Drug Policy

Author: New York State. Division of Criminal Justice Services Title: Profile of Felony Drug Offenders Committed to New York State Prison 2008 Summary: New York’s Rockefeller Drug Laws, enacted in 1973, mandated long prison sentences for many drug offenders. After several amendments to the original laws, in April 2009 the Legislature instituted significant changes. Mandatory prison sentences for some drug offenses were eliminated, and minimum sentence lengths were reduced for others. In October 2009, Article 216 of the Penal Law became effective, expanding judicial discretion to offer drug court alternatives to certain addicted non-violent offenders. The 2009 drug law reform is expected to result in fewer non-violent drug offenders sentenced to prison in New York State, and increase the number of individuals participating in community-based treatment. To provide context for analyzing the impact of the drug law reform, a companion report entitled Felony Drug Arrest, Indictment and Commitment Trends 1973-2008, presents trends in the processing of criminal justice processing of felony drug cases since the implementation of the Rockefeller Drug Laws in 1973. This report profiles 5,190 individuals who were committed to DOCS as drug offenders in 2008, the year prior to the enactment of the new drug laws. These individuals were committed after being sentenced to prison for the felony sale or possession of a controlled substance (Penal Law 220) or marijuana (Penal Law 221). This report details: the types of drug conviction offenses for which offenders were sentenced to prison; the extent of the offenders’ criminal histories prior to the 2008 drug commitment; gender, race/ethnicity and age of the commitments; differences between commitments from New York City and the Rest of State; and county-based commitment trends, offense class levels, and prior histories (included as appendices). Details: Albany: New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services, 2010. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Law Reform Series, Report No. 2: Accessed December 9, 2010 at: http://criminaljustice.state.ny.us/pio/annualreport/2008drug_commitment_profile.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://criminaljustice.state.ny.us/pio/annualreport/2008drug_commitment_profile.pdf Shelf Number: 120409 Keywords: Drug Laws (New York State) Drug Offenders Drug Policy

Author: Picard-Fritsche, Sarah Title: Expanding Access to Drug Court: An Evaluation of Brooklyn's Centralized Drug Screening and Referral Initiative Summary: This report presents an evaluation of the comprehensive drug screening and referral system launched by the Brooklyn Criminal Court in 2003. The system was designed to expand access to court-mandated treatment for drug-addicted criminal defendants throughout a large urban courthouse. The evaluation found that the initiative led to a significantly larger and more diverse pool of defendants to be screened, referred, and enrolled in treatment. However, it was also the case that large numbers of legally eligible defendants were not referred, despite meeting expanded criteria. Lessons learned are discussed both for Brooklyn and other jurisdictions nationwide. Details: New York: Center for Court Innovation, 2010. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 9, 2010 at: http://www.communitycourts.org/_uploads/documents/Expanding_Access.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.communitycourts.org/_uploads/documents/Expanding_Access.pdf Shelf Number: 120417 Keywords: Drug Courts (New York City) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Transnational Institute Title: Systems Overload: Drug Laws and Prisons in Latin America Summary: A comparative study on the impact of drug policies on the prison systems of eight Latin American countries – Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay – reveals that drug laws have contributed to the prison crises these countries are experiencing. The drug laws impose penalties disproportionate to many of the drug offenses committed, do not give sufficient consideration to the use of alternative sanctions, and promote the excessive use of preventive detention. The study found that the persons who are incarcerated for drug offenses tend to be individuals caught with small amounts of drugs, often users, as well as street-level dealers. Specifically, the study finds that most of the persons imprisoned for drugs are not high- or medium-level drug traffickers, but rather occupy the lowest links in the chain. According to the report, these laws have overcrowded the prisons – with a high human cost – but have not curbed the production, trafficking, or use of drugs. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute; Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2010. v.p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 21, 2010 at: http://www.druglawreform.info/index.php?option=com_flexicontent&view=category&cid=122&Itemid=46&lang=en Year: 2010 Country: Central America URL: http://www.druglawreform.info/index.php?option=com_flexicontent&view=category&cid=122&Itemid=46&lang=en Shelf Number: 120557 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Trafficking Prisons (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecu

Author: Takacs, Istvan Gabor Title: Prisons and Risks: Results of the Research Study Entitled "Risk Behaviours Related to Blood Borne and Sexually Transmitted Infections, Drug Use and Services in the Hungarian Prison System" Summary: The aim of this research was to assess risk factors of drug use and transmission of blood borne and sexually transmitted infections within the Hungarian prison system, and also to assess the need, the barriers and the possibilities for harm reduction information providing and service implementation. The research further aimed at developing tools for harm reduction information providing and counseling within the prison system. Details: Budapest: Hungarian Civil Liberties Union, 2010. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 22, 2010 at: http://www.connectionsproject.eu/the-project Year: 2010 Country: Hungary URL: http://www.connectionsproject.eu/the-project Shelf Number: 120588 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Health Care Medical Care Prisons (Hungary)

Author: Mulvey, Edward P. Title: Substance Use and Delinquent Behavior Among Serious Adolescent Offenders Summary: The nexus between substance use and offending during adolescence has important implications for juvenile justice interventions. Many of the adolescents who get in trouble with the law have problems with substance use, and their offending is tied to their involvement with drugs or alcohol. Gaining a deeper understanding of the dynamic ebb and flow of these behaviors is critical to refining treatment approaches and more effectively targeting prevention efforts for adolescent offenders. The right intervention at the right time in the development of these offenders could forestall a lifetime of substance use and offending that fuel each other in a destructive pattern. Much work has been done on the relationship between adolescent substance use and offending, but most studies have focused on general community samples or samples of at-risk youth as they begin to engage in these behaviors. These efforts have produced a sizable literature documenting the factors related to the onset or maintenance of these behaviors independently of each other. Less research has focused on the reciprocal effects of these behaviors on each other during adolescence. Also lacking is a clear understanding of how these behaviors play out beyond the point in early adulthood when youth with established histories of offending and substance use cease one behavior or the other (see Hussong et al., 2004, for an exception). Information gathered from this vantage point, joined with extant research, will contribute to a more complete understanding of the link between substance use and offending and will enhance the knowledge base available to juvenile justice policymakers and practitioners. One OJJDP-sponsored longitudinal study offers a particularly detailed and rich picture of substance use and offending in serious adolescent offenders over time, using regular interviews conducted over a period of 7 years after court involvement. The study, Pathways to Desistance: A Prospective Study of Serious Adolescent Offenders, follows a large sample of serious (overwhelmingly felony) offenders into early adulthood, providing insight into changes across multiple life domains that contribute to offenders’ desisting from or persisting in antisocial activities (Mulvey et al., 2004) (see “About the Pathways to Desistance Study” on p. 8).1 The Pathways study is important to the juvenile justice field because serious offenders, such as those followed in this study, drive much of the policy debate in juvenile justice (Greenwood, 2006) and present the system with some of its most vexing practical challenges. Among its many goals, the study tests whether the relationships between substance use and offending observed in previous studies of community-based youth or youth in detention also hold for individuals who have more serious and/or chronic problems. The study also observes the joint desistance process for substance use and offending. This bulletin describes what is known about the relationships between substance use and offending based on extant research and the Pathways data. It is the beginning, rather than the end, of an involved story. Researchers have observed several interesting and relevant relationships between these behaviors in the sample overall and in individuals during the 2-year period following their court involvement. These findings contribute to a deeper understanding of how substance use and offending interact and affect the desistance process in these adolescents. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2010. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Juvenile Justice Bulletin: Accessed January 31, 2011 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/232790.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/232790.pdf Shelf Number: 120634 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Juvenile Offenders Substance Abuse

Author: Kerr, Jane Title: The Dedicated Drug Courts Pilot Evaluation Process Study Summary: Since 2004, six pilot Dedicated Drug Courts (DDCs) specialising in dealing with drug-misusing offenders were introduced in magistrates' courts in England and Wales. This process evaluation used qualitative and quantitative research methods to map the implementation of the DDC model and explore the factors underpinning the potential for DDCs to reduce drug use and associated offending. The findings indicated that the Dedicated Drug Court model was perceived to be a useful addition to the range of initiatives aimed at reducing drug use and offending. Continuity of judiciary when working with drug-misusing offenders was a key element of the model. Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2011. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Ministry of Justice Research Series 1/11: Accessed February 1, 2011 at: http://www.justice.gov.uk/publications/docs/ddc-process-evaluation-study.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justice.gov.uk/publications/docs/ddc-process-evaluation-study.pdf Shelf Number: 120642 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.K.) Drug Offenders

Author: Kramer, John H. Title: Evaluation of RIP D&A Treatment Summary: From 1980 to 2005 Pennsylvania state prison population grew by 400%. Although is not possible to assess the extent to which drug addiction was the driving force for this tremendous increase but we do know that offenders incarcerated in state prison for drug offenses increased 2354% during this time frame and drug offenders accounted for 23.9% of the growth. Offenders convicted of drug offenses are just the tip of the iceberg in terms of the role of drug abuse and crime. Support of drug abuse increases theft offenses, burglaries, robberies and other offenses as well. Beyond driving our investment in prison expansion, addiction exerts tremendous costs in terms of lost human resources, and increased health care costs. The growth in prison populations reflect public policy initiatives in the 1980's and 1999's such as the passage of mandatory minimums as our primary focus in stemming the drug abuse problem. Despite significant attempts to deter drug use though harsh penalties and attempts to limit the flow of drugs, drug use seems to have been minimally effected. A1s one Pennsylvania judge reflected to one of the authors, "Drug use is a supply and demand problem, and the more I attempt to change this with tough sentences the more convinced I am that we the way to deal with the drug problem is to reduce the demand through prevention and treatment." This comment joins with a growing refrain from criminal justice experts who see drug abuse as generally impermeable to sanctions and promising results through prevention and treatment. Pennsylvania recognized the need for community based treatment and drug treatment in 1990 by passing legislation expanding sentencing authority for judges to include Intermediate Punishment (IP) (Act 193 of 1990) and building into IP sanctions a strong drug treatment component. Importantly, Pennsylvania supported this with funding to counties for drug and alcohol treatment. The research reported here studies whether these important policy steps were effective at reducing recidivism among drug dependent offenders. Details: State College, PA: Pennsylvania State University, 2006. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 2011 at: http://pcs.la.psu.edu/publications/research-and-evaluation-reports/special-reports/evaluation-of-restrictive-intermediate-punishment-drug-and-alcohol-treatment-2006/SpecRptRIPDA2006.pdf#navpanes=0 Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://pcs.la.psu.edu/publications/research-and-evaluation-reports/special-reports/evaluation-of-restrictive-intermediate-punishment-drug-and-alcohol-treatment-2006/SpecRptRIPDA2006.pdf#navpanes=0 Shelf Number: 120715 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Intermediate Punishments (Pennsylvania) Rehabilitation Sentencing

Author: Illinois Disproportionate Justice Impact Study Commission Title: Illinois Disproportionate Justice Impact Study Commission: Final Report Summary: In October of 2008, Senate Bill 2476 became law in Illinois. Passed unanimously by the Illinois General Assembly and signed by the Governor, Public Act 095-0995 established the Illinois Disproportionate Justice Impact Study (DJIS) Commission, a non-partisan, multi-disciplinary group of policymakers, agency leaders, and justice professionals charged with examining the impact of Illinois drug laws on racial and ethnic groups and the resulting over-representation of racial and ethnic minority groups in the Illinois criminal justice system. The Commission was tasked with making recommendations to mitigate or eliminate that disproportionality. This report reflects the outcome of that effort in accordance with the law. The legislation that became PA 095-0995 was premised on the observation that although rates of drug use among racial and ethnic groups are similar (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2005; 2009), African Americans and Latinos are arrested, convicted, and incarcerated for drug crimes far more frequently than whites. National surveys consistently show that African Americans, whites, and Latinos are equally likely to use drugs relative to their representation in the general population, but the criminal justice consequences for drug involvement disproportionately affect minorities — particularly young, African-American men in poor, urban communities (The Sentencing Project, 1999). With both anecdotal and statistical evidence demonstrating that Illinois reflected these national trends, the General Assembly sought to better understand the scope and nature of disproportionality in Illinois, to identify potential causes of that disproportionality, and ultimately to offer solutions on opportunities to eliminate it. The Illinois DJIS Commission pursued four primary courses of activity: • Conducting a meta-review of the national and Illinois context for disproportionate minority contact with the justice system. Conducting independent research examining data on the arrest, prosecution, and sentencing of different racial and ethnic groups for drug law violations in Illinois. • Convening a Research Advisory Group and a Policy Advisory Group to review the research and analysis and provide access to additional data and insight. • Conducting three public hearings in the spring of 2010 in Chicago, Joliet, and East St. Louis, Illinois. This report presents the findings and recommendations of the Commission. Details: Chicago: The Commission, 2010. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2011 at: http://www.centerforhealthandjustice.org/DJIS_FullReport_1229.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.centerforhealthandjustice.org/DJIS_FullReport_1229.pdf Shelf Number: 120763 Keywords: Drug Offenders Minorities in Criminal Justice Race/Ethnicity Racial Discrimination (Illinois)

Author: Przybylski, Roger K. Title: Correctional and Sentencing Reform for Drug Offenders: Research Findings on Selected Key Issues Summary: In Colorado and across the nation, offenders convicted of a drug crime make up a sizeable proportion of the prison population. A far larger number of imprisoned offenders are drug-involved or addicted to alcohol or illicit substances. Given the impact that substance abuse and addiction have on prison populations and government spending overall, it is reasonable to explore whether there are safe and cost-effective ways of dealing with drug offenders other than imprisonment. Research has clearly shown, for example, that substance abuse treatment is both effective and cost-beneficial, while incarcerating drug offenders is not a cost-effective use of taxpayer dollars. According to the Vera Institute of Justice, there is an emerging consensus in some states that sentences for drug offenses, particularly those involving simple possession, should be reassessed and that community-based treatment may be a more cost-effective sanction than incarceration for drug offenders. Indeed, the Illinois Consortium on Drug Policy at Roosevelt University’s Institute for Metropolitan Studies recently reported that at least 22 states enacted sentencing reform for drug offenders between 2004 and 2006 alone. This report was developed by RKC Group to support informed discourse on criminal justice policy regarding drug-involved offenders. The report addresses nine specific questions or issues. Findings presented on each are based on a comprehensive review of the criminology and criminal justice literature. Information was obtained by reviewing research, evaluation and other reports with a focus on providing policy makers with objective, accurate, and up-to-date information that can be used to develop safe and more cost-effective approaches for dealing with drug law violators and other substance abusing offenders. Key findings are presented. Details: Lakewood, CO: RKC Group, 2009. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 22, 2011 at: http://www.ccjrc.org/pdf/Correctional_and_Sentencing_Reform_for_Drug_Offenders.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.ccjrc.org/pdf/Correctional_and_Sentencing_Reform_for_Drug_Offenders.pdf Shelf Number: 120862 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Sentencing Reform

Author: English, Kim Title: White Paper from the Treatment Funding Working Group Summary: In 2009, the Commission on Criminal and Juvenile Justice and its Drug Policy Task Force recommended that the public policy of Colorado recognize alcoholism and substance addiction as illnesses and public health problems affecting the general welfare of the state. The Commission made a number of recommendations regarding the need to prioritize treatment for offenders with behavioral health disorders. But the members of the Commission also generally agreed that its recommendations regarding treatment require that treatment be available and accessible to the offender population. The Commission established a Treatment Funding Working Group to investigate issues related to treatment availability and treatment funding allocations. The Working Group early on agreed that the issues of treatment availability and funding cannot be considered without placing substance abuse in the larger context of co‐occurring mental health disorders (the combination of substance use disorders and mental illness is referred to as behavioral health), prevalence rates, the science of addiction, the criminal justice response to relapse, and treatment effectiveness. This report seeks to address these issues. While the report focuses on adults in the justice system, the Working Group recognizes that those in the juvenile justice system are equally important, as are efforts to prevent these problems and to intervene early. Details: Denver, CO: Colorado Department of Public SAfety, Division of Criminal Justice, 2010. 153p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 24, 2011 at: http://cdpsweb.state.co.us/cccjj/PDF/Commission%20reports/Revised%202-14-11%20Treatment%20Funding%20White%20Paper.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://cdpsweb.state.co.us/cccjj/PDF/Commission%20reports/Revised%202-14-11%20Treatment%20Funding%20White%20Paper.pdf Shelf Number: 120867 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Mental Health Treatment Substance Abuse (Colorado)

Author: Lyons, Suzi Title: Close to Home: A Study on the Misuse of Drugs and Alcohol in the Midland Region Summary: The Midlands Regional Drugs Task Force (MRDTF) commissioned this study in order to establish an evidence base for drug-related issues in the Midlands region to inform the development of appropriate strategies and to respond to these issues in four selected communities. A rapid situation assessment technique was used, bringing together information from several different sources as well as interviews and focus groups with key informants in four selected communities. The key findings include the following. The MRDTF area covers four counties with a population of approximately one-quarter of a million people, and has seen a rise in its population and a change of ethnic mix over the past years. Overall it has marginally lower educational levels and housing occupancy than the national levels. One in five of the population in the MRDTF area has used an illegal drug at least once in their lifetime. Younger adults, especially men used illegal drugs, however it is shown that a proportion of women have used legal drugs. The majority of alcohol and drug use appears to start before the age of 18. The serious impact of this is clear: two out of every five drug-related deaths in the MRDTF area was a person aged 20 to 29 years of age. Alcohol use is also very prevalent among the population and was the main problem substance treated in the region (2004 – 2007). It was also implicated as an additional substance in many cases treated for polysubstance use. Alcohol (in conjunction with another drug or substance) was implicated in over onequarter of drug-related deaths in the region. Cannabis was the most commonly used drug in the general population, but the data indicated that ecstasy, cocaine and heroin was also available in the region, along with a range of other illegal and legal drugs. Cocaine use emerged as a newer trend. An opiate (mainly heroin) was the main problem drug treated in the region. Heroin and other opiates were implicated in over one-third of all deaths due to poisonings reported in the MRDTF area between 1999 and 2005. While the number of people who sought treatment for benzodiazepine addiction was very small, there was evidence that it was being abused in the MRDTF area and has been implicated in more drug-related deaths in the area than any other substance. Benzodiazepines were used by opiate and alcohol users. Polysubstance use among drug users in the region was evident. The upward trend in prosecutions for heroin in the two Garda Divisions comprising the MRDTF area indicated that the heroin market has spread to these four counties. Although the number of prosecutions for cocaine was lower it follows a similar upward trend. Details: Offaly, Ireland: Midlands Regional Drugs Task Force, 2010. 111p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2011 at: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/13108/1/MRDTF_Report_Close_to_home.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/13108/1/MRDTF_Report_Close_to_home.pdf Shelf Number: 121060 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime (Ireland) Drug Offenders Drug Offenses

Author: Justice Policy Institute Title: Addicted to Courts: How a Growing Dependence on Drug Courts Impacts People and Communities Summary: America's growing reliance on drug courts is an ineffective allocation of scarce state resources, according to a new report by the Justice Policy Institute (JPI). Drug courts can needlessly widen the net of criminal justice involvement, and cannot replace the need for improved treatment services in the community. Of the nearly 8 million people in the U.S. reporting needing treatment for drug use, less than one fourth of people classified with substance abuse or a dependence on drugs and/or alcohol receives treatment, and for those who do receive treatment, over 37 percent are referred by the criminal justice system. Addicted to Courts: How a Growing Dependence on Drug Courts Impacts People and Communities finds that providing people with alternatives like community-based treatment are more cost-effective and provide greater public safety benefits than treatment that comes with the collateral consequences associated with involvement in the criminal justice system. Key recommendations from Addicted to Courts include: -- Invest in front-end treatment and services. Providing treatment in the community before a person becomes involved in the criminal justice system can be an effective way to defeat a problem before it starts. -- Implement "real" diversion policies and alternatives to incarceration. Largely as a result of increasing prison and jail populations, states and localities across the country created or are in the process of implementing diversion programs that keep people-mostly those convicted of low-level and drug offenses-out of jail and prison. These initiatives should be encouraged. -- Collect better data on drug courts. National level data on drug court participation and success is hard to come by, making evaluations of the effectiveness of drug court difficult to measure. More data can lead to better evaluations and recommendations for best practices in drug court, and provide policymakers with information necessary to choose where to spend scarce funds. -- Focus court treatment programs on those who would have gone to prison. If a person would have received a prison sentence, then a drug court program can act as a true diversion, saving the state money and protecting public safety through a more intensive period that includes both treatment and supervision. -- Evaluate current drug court policies and practices. Drug court administrators should continuously evaluate policies on participant eligibility that may lead to "cherry picking" and practices that lead to higher failure rates for certain groups, especially those with lower income or people of color. More evaluation will lead to more fair and effective programs. Details: Washington, DC: Justice Policy Institute, 2011. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 22, 2011 at: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/addicted_to_courts_final.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/addicted_to_courts_final.pdf Shelf Number: 121096 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts Drug Offenders

Author: Drug Policy Alliance Title: Drug Courts Are Not the Answer: Toward a Health-Centered Approach to Drug Use Summary: This report seeks to address the lack of critical analysis that stymies the policy discussion on drug courts, to foster a more informed public debate on the 20-year-old criminal justice phenomenon, and to encourage policymakers to promote drug policies based not on popularity but on science, compassion, health and human rights. This report attempts to answer two questions: 1) What impact have drug courts had on the problem they were created to address: the deluge of petty drug arrests that began to overwhelm courts and fill jails and prisons in the 1980s?; and 2) How do drug courts compare with other policy approaches to drug use in terms of reducing drug arrests, incarceration and costs as well as problematic drug use? To answer these questions, the Drug Policy Alliance analyzed the research on drug courts, other criminal justice programs and non-criminal justice responses to drug use. We also received input criminal justice responses to drug use. We also received input from academics and experts across the U.S. and abroad. This comprehensive review of the evidence. Details: New York: Drug Policy Alliance, 2011. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed march 22, 2011 at: http://www.drugpolicy.org/docUploads/DrugCourtsAreNottheAnswer.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/docUploads/DrugCourtsAreNottheAnswer.pdf Shelf Number: 121097 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts Drug Offenders

Author: Correctional Association of New York Title: Treatment Behind Bars: Substance Abuse Treatment in New York Prisons Summary: Substance abuse is a daunting problem for the majority of prison inmates nationally and more than three-quarters of those in New York State. The devastation that often accompanies substance abuse places notoriously heavy demands on the criminal justice, correctional and substance abuse treatment systems, as well as on inmates, their families and their communities. The prison system has the unique potential to provide effective drug treatment to this captive population, addressing not only the individual needs of inmates but public health and public safety as well. Not only is the prison system in a unique position to provide drug treatment, but a substantial body of research documents that treatment is, on the whole, more effective than incarceration alone in reducing drug abuse and criminal behavior among substance abusers and in increasing the likelihood that they will remain drug- and crime-free. The need to provide more comprehensive substance abuse treatment services in New York State prisons, similar to the increasing need to provide mental health services in prisons as a result of deinstitutionalization of mental hospital patients, has directly been impacted by the Rockefeller drug laws. With their rigid requirements of mandatory minimum sentencing, the Rockefeller drug laws of 1973 radically restricted judicial discretion in utilizing alternatives to incarceration as a response to drug offenses. The result: 11% of the total prison population in 1980 were individuals incarcerated for drug-related offenses; as of January, 2008, that figure was 33%. Though this past year brought significant reform to the Rockefeller Drug Laws, several mandatory minimum sentences are still on the books and a large number of individuals remain ineligible for alternative to incarceration programs. The considerable increase in this population illustrates one of the many factors that make provision of prison-based substance abuse treatment paramount, as the majority of incarcerated individuals will participate in treatment due to the nature of their offense. As of April 2010, the New York State Department of Correctional Services (DOCS) operated 68 facilities, with 57,650 inmates under custody. Eighty-three percent of inmates were designated by DOCS as “in need of substance abuse treatment.” To address their needs, DOCS operates 119 substance abuse treatment programs in 60 of its facilities. As of April l, 2009, two of those programs were licensed as treatment programs by the State’s Office of Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Services (OASAS); the remainder are operated solely under the aegis and oversight of DOCS. The 2009 reforms to the Rockefeller drug laws call for change, however, requiring OASAS to guide, monitor and report on DOCS substance abuse treatment programs. In 2007, the Correctional Association launched a project to evaluate the needs of inmates with substance abuse problems and the State’s response to their needs. The information presented in this report is a result of this effort and presents our findings and recommendations based on visits to 23 facilities, interviews with experts, prison officials and correction officers, more than 2,300 inmate surveys and systemwide data provided by the Department of Correctional Services. Details: New York: Correctional Association of New York, 2011. 325p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 23, 2011 at: http://www.correctionalassociation.org/publications/download/pvp/issue_reports/satp_report_and_appendix_february_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.correctionalassociation.org/publications/download/pvp/issue_reports/satp_report_and_appendix_february_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 121107 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Policy Drug Abuse Treatment (New York State) Drug Offenders Inmates Prisoners Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Kunic, Dan Title: The Aboriginal Offender Substance Abuse Program (AOSAP): Examining the Effects of Successful Completion on Post-Release Outcomes Summary: Over 90% of the Aboriginal men in federal custody require substance abuse intervention. In response to this need, CSC introduced the Aboriginal Offender Substance Program (AOSAP) in 2004. The first version (V-1) of the program consisted of 31 sessions and was field-tested from November 2004 to June 2005. As a result of feedback from field staff and program participants, a restructured and improved second version (V-2), comprising 53 sessions, was delivered to participants from June 2005 to October 2006. The final version of the program (V-3), 65 sessions in length, was launched in November 2006. All versions of the program were designed to reduce the Aboriginal offender’s risk of relapse to substance abuse and recidivism through a holistic process that examines the impact of substance abuse through the physical, mental, emotional and spiritual dimensions of the Aboriginal offender. Contemporary best-practices approaches in substance abuse treatment are also interwoven throughout the program. A cohort of AOSAP participants, who were released to the community on day parole, full parole, or statutory release, were studied for a period not exceeding the warrant expiry date to evaluate the effects of the program on post-release outcomes. If AOSAP reduced the likelihood of revocation and/or testing positive for drugs following conditional release to the community, then the program’s effectiveness with respect to mitigating the risk of revocation and/or relapse to substance abuse was confirmed. The methodology that was employed to investigate the effectiveness of AOSAP is particularly notable because it compared Aboriginal offenders who participated in AOSAP to other Aboriginal offenders who participated in the moderate (M) and high (H) intensity National Substance Abuse Programs (NSAP). Including comparisons of this nature was important because it provided a more conservative estimate of AOSAP’s effect on post-release outcomes. A total of 94 (3.5%) of the Aboriginal men in the release cohort fully or partially participated in AOSAP, and 79 (2.9%) and 344 (12.8%) fully or partially participated in the NSAP high and moderate intensity interventions, respectively. The remaining 2,178 (81%) of the Aboriginal men did not participate in institutionally-based AOSAP or NSAP interventions. Main Findings: 1. Generally, Aboriginal offenders who participated in AOSAP were returned to custody at a lower rate during the follow-up period than the groups of Aboriginal offenders who participated in NSAP-H, NSAP-M, failed to complete a substance abuse program, or did not participate in a substance abuse program prior to release from custody. Aboriginal offenders who participated in versions 2 or 3 of AOSAP were returned to custody at the same rate as Aboriginal offenders who participated in version 1 of AOSAP. There was no statistical difference between versions of AOSAP. Advanced statistical analysis, which allow for the control of offender characteristics associated with criminal behaviour, confirm these results. 2. Only 5% of the successful participants of AOSAP- V 2&3, and 6% of the participants of AOSAP version 1 were returned to custody because of a new offence or charge compared to 16% and 20% of the successful participants of NSAP-H and NSAP-M, respectively. 3. Exposure to substance abuse treatment prior to release from custody was a relatively weak predictor of relapse to substance abuse. Nevertheless, there was some evidence suggesting that successful participants of AOSAP and NSAP-M were less likely to incur a positive urinalysis result while on release than successful participants of NSAP-H. The result emerged after adjusting for the effects of other offender characteristics that are known to be associated with criminal behaviour. 4. There was some evidence that Aboriginal offenders who participated in AOSAP were less likely than Aboriginal offenders from the other program exposure categories to test positive for drugs that are considered dangerous because of the physical harms they cause the individual (e.g., cocaine, opioids) and the effects they have on significant others and the broader community. Details: Ottawa: Research Branch, Correctional Service of Canada, 2009. 89p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 2010 Nº R-217; Accessed March 26, 2011 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r217/r217-eng.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r217/r217-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 121120 Keywords: Corrections Programs Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Indigenous Peoples Inmates Recidivism Rehabilitation Substance Abuse (Canada)

Author: Greene, Judith Title: Numbers Game: The Vicious Cycle of Incarceration in Mississippi’s Criminal Justice System Summary: The people of Mississippi deserve and demand crime policies that promote public safety, treat people fairly—regardless of the size of their pocketbook or the color of their skin—and use public resources wisely. Unfair, ineffective, financially unsustainable and counterproductive — all terms that, regrettably, apply to significant aspects of Mississippi’s criminal justice policy. Mississippi’s drug law enforcement infrastructure is fundamentally flawed and in dire need of reform. This report undertakes a review and analysis of some of the most troubling aspects of the state’s criminal justice system, with a particular focus on drug law enforcement, and offers recommendations for reform. Major findings in the NUMBERS GAME report include that: •Mississippi’s regional drug task force funding, contingent on the quantity of drug arrests, encourages the indiscriminate use of confidential informants to increase arrest numbers over the quality and public safety impact of the drug cases. •Poorly-structured drug laws, limiting the judicial discretion of judges, produce extremely harsh sentences for relatively minor street-level transactions involving small amounts of drugs, coupled with police enforcement strategies focused on producing high volume low-impact arrest numbers pressure defendants to work as informers, even when drug treatment might prove a better public safety option. •Black Mississippians are three times more likely than whites to go to prison on drug charges even as drug use rates are largely identical for both groups. •The secrecy that shrouds the unchecked use of confidential informants is a practice that invites abuse, undermines the fundamental legitimacy of the criminal justice system and basic social structures in targeted communities. ACLU's two year attempt to secure basic information on the practice, acknowledged by state officials as public files under Mississippi’s Public Record Act, has gone unfulfilled. Details: Brooklyn, NY: Justice Strategies; Jackson, MS: American Civil Liberties Union of Mississippi, 2011. 78p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2011 at: http://www.justicestrategies.org/sites/default/files/publications/DLRP_MississipppiReport%20Final%20Mar%202011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicestrategies.org/sites/default/files/publications/DLRP_MississipppiReport%20Final%20Mar%202011.pdf Shelf Number: 121260 Keywords: Criminal Justice Reform Criminal Justice System (Mississippi) Discrimination Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Incarceration Minorities Sentencing

Author: Florida. Supreme Court Task Force on Treatment-Based Drug Courts Title: Report on Florida's Drug Courts Summary: This report explores the evolution of drug courts in Florida and its contribution not only to the justice system, but to Florida as a whole. It will also recommend how the process can be expanded to contribute to a better Florida. Specifically, this report set out to accomplish the following objectives: 􀂾 identify the problems caused by substance abuse within the justice system; 􀂾 trace the history and current status of drug courts in Florida; 􀂾 reference legislation relating to drug courts; 􀂾 describe how the creation and development of the drug court has improved the justice system and society as a whole through lower recidivism and cost savings in jail and prison beds; 􀂾 explain the current funding structure and identify future needs; and 􀂾 provide recommendations on the steps to be taken to integrate drug court into mainstream judicial processing. Details: Tallahassee, FL: Office of the State Courts Administrator, 2004. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 11, 2011 at: http://www.flcourts.org/gen_public/family/bin/dcreport.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United States URL: http://www.flcourts.org/gen_public/family/bin/dcreport.pdf Shelf Number: 121295 Keywords: Drug Courts (Florida) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Listwan, Shelley Johnson Title: The Kootenai and Ada County Drug Courts: Outcome Evaluation Findings. Final Report Summary: Drug courts have played a growing role in responding to the dramatic increase in drug offenses entering the criminal justice system in the past fifteen years. The recognition that drug abuse is a chronic and relapsing condition that requires intensive treatment has changed how the drug offender is treated in the criminal justice system as well as by the general public. Funding for these drug courts across the country and in Idaho has led to a great expansion of this innovation. The first drug court began in Idaho in 1998, currently; there are 30 drug courts in operation. In 2001, the University of Cincinnati was contracted by the Idaho Supreme Court to provide an evaluation of its drug court efforts. The project consists of three phases. In the first phase, the Kootenai and Ada County Drug Courts were selected for outcome evaluations. The second phase will include a statewide process evaluation that will detail how well selected drug courts across the state have been implemented, how effectively they process their cases, and whether they are serving their intended target populations. Finally, the third phase will include a statewide outcome evaluation of selected courts across the state. The evaluation effort is designed to inform the courts and stakeholders of how well drug courts have been implemented and their overall effectiveness. This report illustrates the results of the phase one outcome study and provides a preliminary picture of the effectiveness of two drug courts in Idaho. Details: Cincinnati, OH: Center for Criminal Justice Research, University of Cincinnati, 2005. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2011 at: http://www.isc.idaho.gov/adakootenai_0705.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.isc.idaho.gov/adakootenai_0705.pdf Shelf Number: 101493 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Courts (Idaho) Drug Offenders

Author: White, Kristin Title: Drug Court Process Evaluation - Report Summary: The Iowa Consortium for Substance Abuse Research and Evaluation conducted a process evaluation in 2007 on the seven adult and juvenile drug courts existing in Iowa in 2003. (A list of adult and juvenile drug courts established in Iowa from 2004 through 2007 appears in the appendix.) The drug courts evaluated in this study differ on several important factors, including the judicial supervision model used, resources available, and the severity level of clients served. The divergent resources and clients should be considered when comparing outcomes across courts. Section 1 provides an overview of each drug court included in this study. Two sets of criteria inform this process evaluation. The first is a landmark study of drug courts conducted by researcher Dr. Sally Satel (1998). Dr. Satel identified seventeen interactional and environmental variables that characterize drug courts, with an emphasis on the judge-client relationship. Section II of this report outlines Satel’s criteria and provides a comparison of each drug court using those variables. The second body of work is the 10 Key Components of Drug Courts defined by the National Association of Drug Court Professionals (NADCP) and the U.S. Department of Justice (1997). Section III outlines the 10 Key Components and how each drug court meets these benchmarks. The Iowa Consortium for Substance Abuse Research and Evaluation (Consortium) contacted Dr. Satel regarding data collection instruments and operational definitions of the variables identified in her study. After communications with Dr. Satel, the Consortium staff developed operational definitions of the Satel criteria and measurement and created an instrument for recording courtroom observations. Some variables were expanded to collect more detailed data on certain aspects of drug court processes. Staff from the Iowa Department of Human Rights, Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning developed lists of interview questions to guide the process evaluation. The Consortium used these questions to create team member, administrator and judge interview questionnaires. Copies of the Satel variable definitions and scales, observation instrument and interview questionnaires appear in the appendix. Evaluation methodology included observations of drug court proceedings (also called status reviews or status hearings); observations of client staffings, which are meetings held prior to status review hearings where drug court team members discuss client progress, determine issues to address with clients and sanctions or rewards to be administered; and interviews with drug court team members, including drug court officers and supervisors, county attorneys, public defenders, treatment agency liaisons, community panel volunteers and judges. Details: Iowa City, IA: Iowa Consortium for Substance Abuse Research and Evaluation, 2008. 181p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 20, 2011 at: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/DrugCourtProcessEvaluation.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/DrugCourtProcessEvaluation.pdf Shelf Number: 121448 Keywords: Drug Courts (Iowa) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Watson, Lanette Title: Process and Outcome Evaluation of the STAR (Sisters Together Achieving Recovery) Program Summary: This report presents a process and outcome evaluation of the STAR (Sisters Together Achieving Recovery) program housed at the Iowa Correctional Institution for Women (ICIW) in Mitchellville, Iowa. The STAR Program is a licensed inpatient substance abuse treatment program that utilizes a Therapeutic Community model (TC). All offenders exiting the STAR program between October 1, 2004 and June 30, 2008 were included in the study (n=173). A comparison sample was drawn of offenders exiting the ICIW during the same release time frame with identified but untreated substance abuse needs (n= 173). March 31, 2010 was designated as the cut-off date for the study. This yielded an average post-program follow-up time of 3.1 years. The STAR group was further divided into two groups by time of program exit. Participants exiting the program between October 1, 2004 and June 30, 2006 were designated as STAR 1 (n=78) and those exiting the program between July 1, 2006 and June 30, 2008 were designated as STAR 2 (n=95). In order to have comparable tracking time between STAR groups, tracking time for STAR 1 concluded July 31, 2008. This yielded an average post release follow-up time of 2.4 years for both groups. Demographic, Program, Intervention, and Outcome data were examined. Comparisons were made between groups as well as categories of participation. Details: Des Moines, IA: Iowa Department of Human Rights, Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning, Statistical Analysis Center, 2010. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 20, 2011 at: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/STAR_Evaluation_Report.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/STAR_Evaluation_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 121449 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Female Inmates (Iowa) Female Offenders Recidivism

Author: Thomson, Nick Title: Detention as Treatment: Detention of Methamphetamine Users in Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand Summary: This report examines the establishment and operation of centers to detain and “treat” methamphetamine users in Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos. It documents the increasing number of such compulsory drug treatment/detention centers (CDTDCs), examines the policies and practices that force people into them, and explores the implications for individual health, public health, and human rights. This approach to treating methamphetamine use is implemented without evidence of effectiveness, and it places people in environments where their basic health needs are unmet and abuse is pervasive. The core issue identified in this report is the use of law enforcement approaches to address health issues. Though drug policies in Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos have been amended in recent years to recognize that drug dependence is a health issue, the public security sectors in these three countries tend to trump the smaller and weaker health sectors. Illicit drug use remains a violation of criminal law in these countries, and people who use drugs are treated as criminals. CDTDCs are generally run by police or military personnel. Drug users are often detained using administrative rules rather than criminal laws, and in many cases, do not see a judge or have the ability to question or appeal internment. International actors, particularly agencies of the United Nations and donor states, face a policy conflict when confronted with CDTDCs. At the same time that they advocate for evidence-based treatment, they issue grants to agencies working with these centers or to the centers themselves. The steady growth in the construction of the CDTDCs, and the lack of HIV prevention or treatment, evidence-based and effective drug treatment, or any other medical treatment, reveal the limits of the approach. While opiate users comprise the majority of those detained in CDTDCs in countries like China and Vietnam, in many countries in Southeast Asia it is methamphetamine users who are the overwhelming majority of detainees. The production, trafficking, and use of methamphetamine in Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos pose significant challenges to both the law enforcement and health service sectors. As with other problems related to illicit drugs, finding an appropriate balance between the security needs of the community and the health needs and rights of methamphetamine users should be the ultimate goal. The current approach, however, is harmful to the health and rights of individuals, and to the health of the larger community. Details: New York: Open Society Institute, International Harm Reduction Development Program, 2010. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2011 at: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/detention-as-treatment-20100301/Detention-as-Treatment-20100301.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Asia URL: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/detention-as-treatment-20100301/Detention-as-Treatment-20100301.pdf Shelf Number: 121474 Keywords: Detention Drug Abuse and Addition (Cambodia, Laos, Thailand) Drug Abuse Policy Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Human Rights

Author: Olson, David E. Title: A Process and Impact Evaluation of the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center Therapeutic Community Program During Fiscal Years 2007 through 2010 Summary: In response to increases in Illinois’ prison population during the late 1980s and early 1990s, low rates of access to substance abuse treatment services while in prison, and high rates of recidivism, in August 1995, the Illinois Department of Corrections opened the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center (SWICC) as a dedicated substance abuse treatment facility operating under a modified therapeutic community philosophy. The 600-bed minimum security facility for incarcerated adult male inmates operated since 1995 as a prison-based drug treatment program, and was modified and enhanced beginning in October 2006 to include more extensive vocational training, a specialized methamphetamine treatment unit, more sophisticated pre-release planning and mandatory post-release aftercare. This evaluation examines the implementation of these enhanced services and the impact of this new enhanced treatment model at SWICC on recidivism since July 2006, and is the result of a collaborative effort between researchers from Loyola University Chicago, the Illinois Department of Corrections, the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, Treatment Accountability for Safe Communities (TASC), the Safer Foundation, and Community Education Centers (CEC). After four years of operation, covering the period from July 1, 2006 through the end of State Fiscal Year 2010 (June 30, 2010), the evaluation has found the following:  The pre-operational target population identified for the program is being served, with those admitted to SWICC having extensive criminal and substance abuse histories, and a substantial unmet need for treatment, vocational and educational programming;  As a result of strong support from IDOC executive staff, the SWICC program has been allowed to evolve and be implemented in a manner that has ensured the clinical integrity of the program and the availability of sufficient resources for needed services;  During the past four years, the following significant accomplishments and improvements to the operation of the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center have been experienced: o A consistently low rate of inmates being referred to SWICC who are subsequently determined to not meet the eligibility criteria, and quicker identification and removal of these inmates from SWICC. Overall, less than 5 percent of all inmates admitted to SWICC during the period examined were determined to not meet the eligibility criteria. o A consistently low rate of inmates being removed from SWICC due to disciplinary reasons, despite the serious criminal histories of the population. For every SWICC inmate removed for disciplinary reasons, more than 4 inmates successfully complete the prison-phase of the program; o During the course of program participation, inmates at the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center improved their levels of psychological and social functioning, and reduced their criminal thinking patterns; and, o The implementation of enhanced pre-release planning for SWICC releasees, including the involvement of a multidisciplinary case staffing team representing the institutional staff, parole and aftercare staff and the inmate. In response to increases in Illinois’ prison population during the late 1980s and early 1990s, low rates of access to substance abuse treatment services while in prison, and high rates of recidivism, in August 1995, the Illinois Department of Corrections opened the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center (SWICC) as a dedicated substance abuse treatment facility operating under a modified therapeutic community philosophy. The 600-bed minimum security facility for incarcerated adult male inmates operated since 1995 as a prison-based drug treatment program, and was modified and enhanced beginning in October 2006 to include more extensive vocational training, a specialized methamphetamine treatment unit, more sophisticated pre-release planning and mandatory post-release aftercare. This evaluation examines the implementation of these enhanced services and the impact of this new enhanced treatment model at SWICC on recidivism since July 2006, and is the result of a collaborative effort between researchers from Loyola University Chicago, the Illinois Department of Corrections, the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, Treatment Accountability for Safe Communities (TASC), the Safer Foundation, and Community Education Centers (CEC). After four years of operation, covering the period from July 1, 2006 through the end of State Fiscal Year 2010 (June 30, 2010), the evaluation has found the following:  The pre-operational target population identified for the program is being served, with those admitted to SWICC having extensive criminal and substance abuse histories, and a substantial unmet need for treatment, vocational and educational programming;  As a result of strong support from IDOC executive staff, the SWICC program has been allowed to evolve and be implemented in a manner that has ensured the clinical integrity of the program and the availability of sufficient resources for needed services;  During the past four years, the following significant accomplishments and improvements to the operation of the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center have been experienced: o A consistently low rate of inmates being referred to SWICC who are subsequently determined to not meet the eligibility criteria, and quicker identification and removal of these inmates from SWICC. Overall, less than 5 percent of all inmates admitted to SWICC during the period examined were determined to not meet the eligibility criteria. o A consistently low rate of inmates being removed from SWICC due to disciplinary reasons, despite the serious criminal histories of the population. For every SWICC inmate removed for disciplinary reasons, more than 4 inmates successfully complete the prison-phase of the program; o During the course of program participation, inmates at the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center improved their levels of psychological and social functioning, and reduced their criminal thinking patterns; and, o The implementation of enhanced pre-release planning for SWICC releasees, including the involvement of a multidisciplinary case staffing team representing the institutional staff, parole and aftercare staff and the inmate.In response to increases in Illinois’ prison population during the late 1980s and early 1990s, low rates of access to substance abuse treatment services while in prison, and high rates of recidivism, in August 1995, the Illinois Department of Corrections opened the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center (SWICC) as a dedicated substance abuse treatment facility operating under a modified therapeutic community philosophy. The 600-bed minimum security facility for incarcerated adult male inmates operated since 1995 as a prison-based drug treatment program, and was modified and enhanced beginning in October 2006 to include more extensive vocational training, a specialized methamphetamine treatment unit, more sophisticated pre-release planning and mandatory post-release aftercare. This evaluation examines the implementation of these enhanced services and the impact of this new enhanced treatment model at SWICC on recidivism since July 2006, and is the result of a collaborative effort between researchers from Loyola University Chicago, the Illinois Department of Corrections, the Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, Treatment Accountability for Safe Communities (TASC), the Safer Foundation, and Community Education Centers (CEC). After four years of operation, covering the period from July 1, 2006 through the end of State Fiscal Year 2010 (June 30, 2010), the evaluation has found the following:  The pre-operational target population identified for the program is being served, with those admitted to SWICC having extensive criminal and substance abuse histories, and a substantial unmet need for treatment, vocational and educational programming;  As a result of strong support from IDOC executive staff, the SWICC program has been allowed to evolve and be implemented in a manner that has ensured the clinical integrity of the program and the availability of sufficient resources for needed services;  During the past four years, the following significant accomplishments and improvements to the operation of the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center have been experienced: o A consistently low rate of inmates being referred to SWICC who are subsequently determined to not meet the eligibility criteria, and quicker identification and removal of these inmates from SWICC. Overall, less than 5 percent of all inmates admitted to SWICC during the period examined were determined to not meet the eligibility criteria. o A consistently low rate of inmates being removed from SWICC due to disciplinary reasons, despite the serious criminal histories of the population. For every SWICC inmate removed for disciplinary reasons, more than 4 inmates successfully complete the prison-phase of the program; o During the course of program participation, inmates at the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center improved their levels of psychological and social functioning, and reduced their criminal thinking patterns; and, o The implementation of enhanced pre-release planning for SWICC releasees, including the involvement of a multidisciplinary case staffing team representing the institutional staff, parole and aftercare staff and the inmate. In addition to these enhancements at the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center, significant accomplishments, enhancements and improvements to the post-release phase of the program have also been evident during the four years of program operation examined in this report, including: o A pattern of aftercare referrals consistent with the pre-operational expectations, with nearly all SWICC releasees receiving referrals to either outpatient or residential treatment services; o A high rate of successful treatment admission among the SWICC releasees, fewer releasees failing to show up for aftercare referrals, and a short length of time between an inmate’s release and placement into aftercare treatment; and, o A high, and increasing rate of successful aftercare treatment completion among the SWICC releasees. Between SFY 2007 and 2010, the proportion of SWICC releasees successfully completing aftercare increased from roughly 58 percent to 71 percent.  As a result of the successful implementation of the prison-phase of the Southwestern Illinois Correctional Center, coupled with the post-release aftercare component, the SWICC program has produced the following outcomes: o The earned good conduct credits many of the inmates received at SWICC for their participation in treatment during the first four state fiscal years of operation (SFY 2007-2010) translates into a savings of 376 years of incarceration, which equates to $8.8 million, or $2.2 million per year, in reduced incarceration costs; o As a result of the treatment services and aftercare received, those inmates released from SWICC had a 15 percent lower likelihood of being returned to prison after two years in the community than a statistically similar comparison group of inmates released from Illinois’ other prisons during the same time period. o The largest reductions in recidivism were evident among those SWICC releasees who successfully completed aftercare treatment. Those SWICC graduates who also completed aftercare had a 48 percent lower likelihood of being returned to prison after two years in the community than a statistically similar comparison group. Details: Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2011. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2011 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/ResearchReports/SWICC_Year_3_Evaluations_Report_March_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/ResearchReports/SWICC_Year_3_Evaluations_Report_March_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 121390 Keywords: Correctional Programs (Illinois) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Substance Abuse Treatment Vocational Education and Training

Author: Idaho State Police. Statistical Analysis Center, Planning, Grants, and Research Title: Evaluation of the Lemhi County/City of Salmon Integrated Community Based Problem Solving Initiative Summary: In 2005, the Idaho Criminal Justice Grant Review Board requested proposals for a comprehensive community project that would involve partnerships from many supporting agencies, creating a significant and enduring impact upon substance abuse within one community. A Byrne/JAG request for proposal (RFP) was created with the expectation of one community receiving approximately $250,000 for a collaborative, multi-agency effort. In October 2005, Lemhi County and the City of Salmon were awarded funding for the Lemhi/ Salmon Integrated Community Based Problem Solving Initiative (CBPSI). The project combines efforts of drug enforcement, prosecution, offender accountability/treatment, prevention and education to form a comprehensive community project within a rural area. . Details: Meridian, ID: Idaho Statistical Analysis Center, 2011. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 9, 2011 at: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/lemhi4.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/lemhi4.pdf Shelf Number: 121682 Keywords: Community-Based Programs Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Listwan, Shelley Johnson Title: An Examination of Idaho’s Felony Drug Courts: Findings and Recommendations: Final Report Summary: As of 2007, 41 drug courts have been implemented statewide in Idaho. This report focuses on a sample of eleven adult felony drug courts. The current study adds to the existing literature by providing a multi-site impact study of selected felony drug courts in Idaho. The project examines effectiveness as it relates to three broad areas of functioning (e.g., operations, outcomes, and needs). While most published evaluations report outcomes of only one court, the current study reports outcomes of eleven drug courts across the state in an effort to fill a much needed gap in our knowledge of drug courts overall. Details: Boise, Idaho: Idaho Supreme Court, 2008. 137p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2011 at: http://www.isc.idaho.gov/Final%20Idaho%20Felony%20Drug%20Court%20Outcome%20Evaluation%20Report.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.isc.idaho.gov/Final%20Idaho%20Felony%20Drug%20Court%20Outcome%20Evaluation%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 121777 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Felony Offenders (Idaho)

Author: Open Society Foundations, International Harm Reduction Development Program Title: Treated With Cruelty: Abuses in the Name of Drug Rehabilitation Summary: More and more people who use drugs each year are locked away in the name of drug rehabilitation without any real access to medical care or legal recourse. Drug users rarely enter such detention centers voluntarily, and even if they do, they nearly never are allowed to leave at their will. Detention centers rely on physical abuse, shackles, solitary confinement, and other indignities to “treat” drug addiction and extract labor from the detainees. Moreover, they are often overseen by government authorities, with private business exploiting the forced labor inside. Not surprisingly, the vast majority of people quickly return to drug use once they are released from these centers. Treated with Cruelty: Abuses in the Name of Rehabilitation provides first-person testimonies of drug users who have been detained in such centers located in China, Cambodia, Mexico, and Russia. Tied to these harrowing stories are human rights commentaries, which offer an in-depth review of the international standards in health and human rights that are being denied to the men and women who are locked away. Details: New York: Soros Society Foundations, 2011. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2011 at: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/treated-with-cruelty-20110624 Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/treated-with-cruelty-20110624 Shelf Number: 121870 Keywords: Detention Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Human Rights

Author: Elliott, Richard Title: Treatment or Torture? Applying International Human Rights Standards to Drug Detention Centers Summary: More and more people who use drugs each year are locked away in the name of drug rehabilitation without any real access to medical care or legal recourse. Drug users rarely enter such detention centers voluntarily, and even if they do, they nearly never are allowed to leave at their will. Detention centers rely on physical abuse, shackles, solitary confinement, and other indignities to “treat” drug addiction and extract labor from the detainees. Moreover, they are often overseen by government authorities, with private business exploiting the forced labor inside. Not surprisingly, the vast majority of people quickly return to drug use once they are released from these centers. Treatment or Torture? Applying International Human Rights Standards to Drug Detention Centers makes the case that abuses in these facilities constitute torture or cruel, degrading, and inhuman treatment. This comprehensive analysis relies on frameworks to suggest governments must take action to close these facilities or risk not meeting their international obligations. It will prove invaluable to anyone bringing cases of torture in drug detention to international, regional, or domestic bodies charged with preventing or prosecuting torture. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2011. 72p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2011 at: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/treatment-or-torture-20110624/treatment-or-torture-20110624.pdf Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/ihrd/articles_publications/publications/treatment-or-torture-20110624/treatment-or-torture-20110624.pdf Shelf Number: 121871 Keywords: Detention Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Human Rights

Author: Jackson, Martin Title: Acquired Brain Injury in the Victorian Prison System Summary: This research set out to gain an understanding of the prevalence of acquired brain injury (ABI) among Victorian prisoners and to test an ABI screening tool to assist with identification of brain injury in this population. The study employed a three-stage process of initial screening, clinical interview and comprehensive neuropsychological assessment. One hundred and ten adult male prisoners and 86 adult female prisoners took part in the initial screen, with 74 males and 43 females completing the neuropsychological assessment. Individuals with an ABI appear to be substantially overrepresented in the Victorian prison population. Comprehensive neuropsychological assessment indicated that 42 per cent of male prisoners and 33 per cent of female prisoners from Stage Three had an ABI. This compares with an estimated prevalence of ABI among the general Australian population of two per cent (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2007). Of prisoners assessed as having an ABI, six per cent of males and seven per cent of females were rated as having a severe ABI, which is consistent with figures for the general population. Drug and alcohol use appeared to be the main cause of ABI among prisoners, while in the general population traumatic head injury is the most common cause. Prisoners also reported substantially higher rates of drug and alcohol use than are typically reported in the community, as well high rates of co-morbid psychiatric conditions. These findings point to the need for a coordinated and multi-disciplinary approach to addressing the therapeutic needs of prisoners with an ABI. The nature of cognitive deficits identified in the current study also suggests that prisoners with a severe ABI are likely to have difficulty functioning in a prison environment, and may require specific assistance from correctional staff as well as altered approaches to the delivery of offending behaviour programs. In light of the study findings, Corrections Victoria is currently developing a comprehensive service model and has also implemented a specialist, multifocused pilot across part of the prison and community correctional service to work with offenders with an ABI. Details: Melbourne: Victoria Department of Justice, 2011. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Corrections Research Paper Series, Paper No. 04: Accessed July 1, 2011 at: http://www.justice.vic.gov.au/wps/wcm/connect/justlib/DOJ+Internet/resources/9/b/9b711080468f099b99d59d4d58beb1dd/Acquired_Brain_Injury_in_the_Victorian_Prison_System.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.justice.vic.gov.au/wps/wcm/connect/justlib/DOJ+Internet/resources/9/b/9b711080468f099b99d59d4d58beb1dd/Acquired_Brain_Injury_in_the_Victorian_Prison_System.pdf Shelf Number: 121945 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addition Drug Offenders Health Care Inmates Mental Health Services Prisoners (Australia)

Author: Ireland. Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform Title: Review of the Drug Treatment Court Summary: The Drug Treatment Court (DTC) was established on a pilot basis in 2001. It was initially evaluated in 2002 and a further short review was carried out in 2005. The court was placed on a permanent footing in 2006 as recommended in the 2005 review. The Agreed Programme for Government 2007-2012 contained a commitment to expand the court. However, in the light of concerns regarding the numbers being served by the court, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform directed that prior to any expansion a further review should be undertaken in order to evaluate its continued effectiveness. The object of the review is to identify the reasons behind the low number of referrals and examine how increased throughput could be achieved. Details: Dublin: Department of Justice, Equality and Law Review, 2010. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 18, 2011 at: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/13113/1/Drug_Court_Report_final_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/13113/1/Drug_Court_Report_final_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 122095 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Addiction and Crime Drug Courts (Ireland) Drug Offenders

Author: Hiller, Matthew L. Title: Kentucky Reentry Courts: Evaluation of the Pilot Programs Summary: As record numbers of offenders return from prison to the community each year, many policy makers and stakeholders are beginning to realize that “they all come back.” Not only do they come back, but many of them also return to the community having had little or no help for their drug and psychological problems while they were behind bars, and they are unlikely to get treatment services after they return to the community. Without treatment many of these individuals likely will return to prison. Reentry Courts represents an important step toward developing innovative programming for drug-involved offenders. In Kentucky, the Reentry Court model program that was developed combined 6-months of in-prison treatment with at least 1 year of treatment in an established Drug Court upon return to the community. A growing body of literature strongly suggests that these programs are effective independently, and that combining them might increase the effectiveness of each. Initial findings concerning the during-program performance of 6 clients admitted to the Kentucky Reentry Court pilot program were encouraging. As of November 21, 2001, 5 of the 6 clients were still active in treatment (1 had absconded). These individuals showed high levels of behavioral compliance with treatment expectations. Several were promoted to either phase 2 or phase 3 of the Drug Court, none had tested positive for and illicit drug on urine tests, none had received a new criminal charge, and most were employed; whereas, the majority were unemployed prior to entering Drug Court. Nevertheless, the Kentucky Reentry Court program was discontinued due to funding concerns, namely federal funding was not readily available to continue these efforts. For program like this to impact a large number of lives, federal funds need to be made available to expand the capacity of both corrections-based programming and Drug Courts. By doing so, it might be possible to begin to slow the revolving door that many drug-involved offenders to repeatedly recycle through the courts and corrections. In addition, to examining the preliminary outcomes of those who were admitted to the Kentucky Reentry Court program model, a substudy also was conducted for developing a Treatment Screening Questionnaire. This questionnaire was designed to facilitate criminal justice decision making regarding referrals to programs like Reentry Courts. The screener emphasized a number of offender attributes (like drug use severity, mental health history, motivation for treatment, criminal history, and treatment history), highlighted by Peters and Peyton (1998) as important characteristics for Drug Courts to consider when making decisions for placing individuals in rehabilitative programming. A standardized set of instruments were included in the Treatment Screening Questionnaire, including the Simple Screening Instrument, Texas Christian University Drug Screen II, Salient Factor Score, and the Desire for Help Scale from the Texas Christian University Treatment Motivation Assessment. Initial finding from pilot data collected from 39 residents of a corrections-based therapeutic community (a program that was used by some of the Reentry Court clients in this evaluation) were encouraging. Overall, residents were willing to provide detailed information on their drug use and drug use problems, mental health problems, criminal history, and treatment motivation. Their responses on the questionnaire were internally consistent, indicating high levels of reliability. Self-reported information also demonstrated a high level of agreement with information abstracted from official records, suggesting good validity. Therefore, it appears that the Treatment Screening Questionnaire may be a useful tool for helping correctional and Drug Court managers to determine who might warrant further assessment and entry into a treatment program. In conclusion, the Kentucky Reentry Court Pilot program was grounded in the literature that shows residential treatment and Drug Courts are effective for reducing recidivism and relapse among drug-involved offenders. Initial findings from analysis of during-program performance indicators showed that most of the clients admitted to the Reentry Court program were doing well in it. Therefore, additional federal monies should be made available to more thoroughly test innovative programs for helping offenders reenter and reintegrate into the community, like the one described in the current report. Details: Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky, Center on Drug and Alcohol Research, 2002. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 18, 2011 at: http://courts.ky.gov/NR/rdonlyres/D5F5A4FD-DA42-4E38-B204-B15593E2EA99/)/KentuckyReentryCourtEvaluationofthePilotProgramsJuly2002.pdf Year: 2002 Country: United States URL: http://courts.ky.gov/NR/rdonlyres/D5F5A4FD-DA42-4E38-B204-B15593E2EA99/)/KentuckyReentryCourtEvaluationofthePilotProgramsJuly2002.pdf Shelf Number: 122097 Keywords: Drug Courts (Kentucky) Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Prisoner Reentry Recidivism Rehabilitation

Author: Zweig, Janine M. Title: The Multi-site Adult Drug Court Evaluation: What's Happening with Drug Courts? A Portrait of Adult Drug Courts in 2004 Summary: Volume 2 from the National Institute of Justice's Multi–site Adult Drug Court Evaluation provides information from 380 adult drug courts surveyed in 2004. It describes drug court program characteristics and operations, such as: most courts operate small programs with less than 50 participants; more than half of courts require both an eligible charge and a clinical assessment for participants to enroll; and courts that have been in operation for a longer time more often use a diversion model, whereby clients enroll in the program before entering pleas, than do younger courts. Drug courts were also classified into profiles of programming characteristics. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, Justice Policy Center, 2011. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 19, 2011 at: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/412355-MADCE-Portrait-of-Adult-Drug-Courts.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/412355-MADCE-Portrait-of-Adult-Drug-Courts.pdf Shelf Number: 122103 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Rossman, Shelli B. Title: The Multi-site Adult Drug Court Evaluation: Study Overview and Design Summary: Volume 1 from the National Institute of Justice's Multi–site Adult Drug Court Evaluation provides information about the study’s context and objectives; a review of the literature; a description of the research design, data collection, and analytic strategies; and a description of the characteristics of study participants. The outcome evaluation included 1,781 offenders across 23 drug court and six comparison sites which represented several alternative ways the criminal justice system works with drug–involved offenders in jurisdictions without drug courts. Volume 1 also provides lessons learned in recruiting and retaining drug– and criminal justice involved–offenders in longitudinal survey research. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, Justice Policy Center, 2011. 292p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 19, 2011 at: http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/412354-MADCE-Study-Overview-and-Design.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/412354-MADCE-Study-Overview-and-Design.pdf Shelf Number: 122104 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: University of Kentucky Special Commission on the Study of Methamphetamine and Other Drug Use in Kentucky Title: Report on Methamphetamine and Other Drug Use in Kentucky Summary: The Commission on Methamphetamine and Other Drug Use in Kentucky spent two years listening to various experts and research about the scope of methamphetamine use and use of prescription drugs in Kentucky. While these two classes or types of drug use are not the only ones that pose a problem for the state, they are, nonetheless, ones that have been widely portrayed in the media and have received public notice. We recognize that there are other types of substance abuse that have very great impact on Kentucky. These pilot studies conducted in Kentucky and our exploration of national data applied to Kentucky populations, yield several preliminary findings that deserve attention. Overall for Kentucky  National estimates of the prevalence of drug and alcohol problems by industry type suggest that Kentucky has an estimated 54,000 workers with drug abuse and 170,000 with alcohol-related problems. Methamphetamine use and prescription drug use  Methamphetamine, while used by a relatively small percent of the population, is associated with serious health and legal problems.  Sixty percent of the primary care physicians in eastern Kentucky report that prescription opiates are among the most serious drug problems in the state.  Primary care physicians in the western part of Kentucky have more concern about the use of methamphetamine on health. Dental health  Dentists estimate that restoring dental health to individuals with “meth mouth” would cost over $5,000 per person and payer sources for their care is very uncertain. Drug exposed children  Children in homes where neglect or abuse have been investigated are more likely to have been exposed to trauma in families where methamphetamine has been used.  The cost of Out-of-Home placements of children in methamphetamine exposed homes is greater than for other Out-of-Home care for children in other neglect or abuse cases. Law enforcement and corrections  The correctional system in Kentucky has a large percentage of inmates who report having used methamphetamine before entering prison and the system is burdened by high health care costs of inmates with drug abuse histories and methamphetamine may add to those costs.  Arrest data for methamphetamine charges suggest a west-to-east trend, suggesting regional differences in the availability of methamphetamine or in local law enforcement focus. Details: Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky, 2008. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 19, 2011 at: http://cdar.uky.edu/Downloads/Methamphetamine%20Report%203-20-2008.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://cdar.uky.edu/Downloads/Methamphetamine%20Report%203-20-2008.pdf Shelf Number: 122107 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Methamphetamine (Kentucky) Prescription Drug Abuse

Author: Kirven, Mary Beth Title: Kansas Drug Court Feasibility Study Summary: The Kansas Supreme Court contracted with the National Center for State Courts (NCSC) to research the feasibility and practicality of instituting state-wide level management over drug courts within the state. To date, there has been no centralized, statewide effort to encourage the growth of drug courts or exercise any state-level administration and oversight of traditional drug courts within the state. Seven drug courts are currently operating in Kansas – all of them homegrown by court personnel who sought to meet the needs of their individual jurisdictions. Some of these drug courts operate in conjunction with state mandated Senate Bill 123 (SB 123) programs. Kansas has institutionalized the SB 123 programs which provide treatment to adults convicted of a first or second drug possession offense. The question now facing Kansas is whether it should support and institutionalize, at the state level, the development of traditional drug courts. Research accumulated over the last two decades when drug courts first started clearly supports the conclusion that drug courts are effective for high-risk/high needs offenders. Drug courts have been shown to reduce recidivism, reduce costs, and help individuals maintain sobriety. Long term cost reductions are achieved through the avoidance of law enforcement efforts, judicial case processing, and victimization resulting from re-offending. Short-term cost reductions are achieved because individuals are diverted from jail or prison at least for the time that they are in the program. Utilization of traditional drug court models have benefited a significant number of offenders who enter the criminal justice system with serious substance abuse problems and have lowered prison and jail costs by closing the revolving door that seems to trap so many addicts in the cycle of drug abuse and criminal behavior. Drug courts seem to strike the proper balance between the need to protect community safety and the need to improve public health and well being; between the need for treatment and the need to hold people accountable for their actions; between hope and redemption on the one hand and good citizenship on the other. Drug courts keep nonviolent drug-addicted individuals in treatment for long periods of time and supervise them closely, which is the cornerstone of their success. The challenge facing many drug courts now is how can they be sustained and become integrated into the criminal justice system. If drug courts are to be a long term answer to the problem of drug addiction and crime, drug courts must be institutionalized by the state. Institutionalization has been described as “the process by which individual drug courts evolve from separate experimental entities to a statewide network that is stable, far-reaching, reliably funded and closely monitored.”1 Drug courts usually start with an initial grant from the Department of Justice which generally runs for three to five years. After that period the drug court has to find other resources either at the local level or the state level to sustain it. The most precarious time for drug courts is when they have to shift from guaranteed federal funding to local or state funding. More and more, states are stepping up to fund drug courts because drug courts have been shown to effectively reduce recidivism thereby reducing jail and prison bed costs. Whether drug courts should be institutionalized in Kansas is the question before the Supreme Court and the Kansas Sentencing Commission. So far drug courts have developed in Kansas without concerted state assistance and are very limited in the number of people they can serve because of limited resources. If drug courts are institutionalized in Kansas then more with less concern about sustainability because in addition to local and federal funding, state funds would be made available Details: Denver, CO: National Center for State Courts, 2011. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 19, 2011 at: http://www.sji.gov/PDF/KS_Drug_Court_Feasibility_Study.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.sji.gov/PDF/KS_Drug_Court_Feasibility_Study.pdf Shelf Number: 122108 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Courts (Kansas) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Baehler, Aimee Title: Adult Drug Courts: A Look at Three Adult Drug Courts as They Move Toward Institutionalization Summary: The U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics estimated that two-thirds of jail inmates (70 percent of all inmates in local facilities) had committed a drug offense or used drugs regularly. Approximately 82 percent of all inmates said they had used drugs at least once and 64 percent admitted that they had used drugs regularly, that is at least once a week for at least one month. One response to this problem has been the development of drug courts that involve a new paradigm for addressing the needs of substance-involved offenders. Although not a panacea, drug courts have continued to proliferate around the country for a number of reasons. They have shown the ability to achieve a number of goals: reduced substance abuse (abstinence), decreased rates of recidivism among its participants, and improved quality of life for participants, their families and communities, more effective caseload management, benefits to the public that far exceed justice system costs and relief from jail overcrowding. Much remains to be learned, however, about how drug courts most effectively meet these goals. Furthermore, the unintended effects of some legislation, a struggling economy resulting in smaller federal, state and local budgets, including allocations for drug courts, and still emerging statistical documentation of the impacts of drug courts emphasize the need to better understand drug court operations to avoid placing their continued existence at risk. Developing the body of knowledge about drug court operations and impacts is an important, ongoing task. One method of learning about drug courts is to gather and organize detailed information about them, including their key characteristics and structures, and the way in which they operate. Operating in complex social and political environments, it is also important to understand the context in which drug courts function and how they interact with the other components of the criminal justice system and the community. With this in mind, this report provides illustrative profiles of three adult drug courts, the Hennepin County Drug Court in Minneapolis, Minnesota, the South County Division Drug Court in San Diego, California, and the St. Mary Parish Drug in St. Mary Parish, Louisiana. These drug courts were chosen to represent different legal and socioeconomic milieus, local political arenas, and geographical locations. The profiles also highlight their individual efforts to institutionalize drug court concepts in their communities, to showcase innovative aspects of their operations, and to share challenges they currently face and obstacles they have overcome. The process of institutionalization is ongoing for most drug courts and it is apparent in the field that other drug courts can benefit from learning about each others successful efforts. More specifically, the report has the following goals: a. Identify some of the critical community linkages and quality partnerships that are valuable in the institutionalization process; b. Highlight how three drug courts have leveraged scarce resources to the benefit of their programs and participants; c. Show how the drug court movement, with its heightened accountability and standards, has raised the bar for performance outcomes for the court system in general, treatment, and supervision agencies; and d. Demonstrate how drug courts have positively impacted the community’s trust and confidence in the judiciary and contributed to increased public safety. This report is not meant to compare and contrast the three drug courts, nor is it designed to formally evaluate their programs. While we believe the issues highlighted and the lessons learned in this report will have general appeal as an educational tool, we also anticipate that it will have specific instructive value to drug court practitioners who may be grappling with finding effective solutions to their comparable institutionalization problems. Each drug court is discussed in a separate section of the report. The report ends with a summary of the general themes and challenges learned from the three drug courts’ experiences and with a list of recommendations suggested by each of the courts. Finally, the report concludes with suggestions for future research, which could contribute to the process of drug court institutionalization. Details: Denver, CO: Justice Management Institute, 2003. 140p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 26, 2011 at: http://www.jmijustice.org/publications/jmi-adult-drug-court-case-studies-final-report-dec-2003 Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: http://www.jmijustice.org/publications/jmi-adult-drug-court-case-studies-final-report-dec-2003 Shelf Number: 122160 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders

Author: Anton, Paul A. Title: Benefit-Cost Calculations for Three Adult Drug Courts in Minnesota: A report to the Office of Justice Programs Summary: This paper presents simple benefit-cost calculations for three adult drug courts in Minnesota. These courts, operated in Stearns, Dodge, and Saint Louis counties, have operated since 2001 as an alternative to processing adult drug offenders through criminal courts. The establishment and operations of these courts was supported by more than one million dollars of Federal Byrne Formula Grant funds provided by the Office of Justice Programs (OJP) beginning in 2001 and extending through 2005. Our calculations are based on outcomes data provided by the Bureau of Criminal Apprehension (BCA), cost information provided by the counties and OJP, and law enforcement and victim cost information from previous studies. Findings 􀂄 We estimate that the three drug courts generated $5.08 of benefit for every dollar of operating cost. 􀂄 Total benefits for the study period are estimated to be $6.8 million. 􀂄 Total costs for the study period were approximately $1.3 million. Benefits are generated from three sources: (1) saved costs of processing and incarcerating drug court participants for their initial offenses, (2) reduced law enforcement cost and crime victim costs from reduced crimes committed by drug court participants after completing the program, and (3) reduced public costs from fewer subsequent convictions for a variety of crimes. Drug court costs include all aspects of operations including personnel costs, court costs, equipment, supplies and outside consultants. Details: St. Paul, MN: Wilder Research, 2007. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 26, 2011 at: http://www.wilder.org/download.0.html?report=1997 Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.wilder.org/download.0.html?report=1997 Shelf Number: 122161 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Minnesota) Drug Offenders

Author: Lowe, Nathan C. Title: Reentry of Methamphetamine-Using Offenders into the Community: Identifying Key Strategies and Best Practices for Community Corrections Summary: This report discusses issues related to reentry of methamphetamine (MA) users. From 1997 to 2004, MA use increased among both state and federal prison inmates in the month before the convicting offense was committed and at the time of the convicting offense. This increase in MA use among offenders has created significant challenges for the corrections field. Specifically, correctional and treatment professionals have worked together in efforts to implement the most effective strategies to treat MA use and abuse among offenders in the community. The purpose of this report is to highlight the need for a coherent strategy for community corrections professionals to use when supervising MA-using populations in the community. This report offers the community corrections field baseline data to understand some of the obstacles and lessons learned regarding supervision of MA-using offenders. The data were gathered from a focus group and three technical assistance site visits with the underlying intention of identifying key strategies in dealing with MA-using offenders in the community. Policy and practice recommendations are also offered. These recommendations rely on the focus group, site visits, and emerging body of research literature on effective community supervision and successful substance abuse strategies. Details: Alexandria, VA: American Probation and Parole Association, 2010. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 28, 2011 at: http://www.appa-net.org/eweb/docs/appa/pubs/RMUOC.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.appa-net.org/eweb/docs/appa/pubs/RMUOC.pdf Shelf Number: 122114 Keywords: Community Corrections Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Methamphetamine Reentry

Author: Steadman, Steven R. Title: Mesa County Work Release and Jail Detention Programming Study Summary: This report presents the findings of a study undertaken by Policy Studies Inc. (PSI) of the Mesa County criminal justice system. The study had three main purposes: (1) identify methods in the criminal justice system to reduce present and future jail usage; (2) enhance the use of alternatives to incarceration; and (3) develop an implementation plan for changes in the processes and policies of the courts and various criminal justice agencies to achieve the first two goals. Mesa County will be approaching these issues from a position of strength. PSI staff have seldom been in a county where the levels of innovation, cooperation, and collaboration have been so strong. The strength and vitality of the branches of government and the individuals that serve within them is far and away the greatest asset that the county can have as it faces difficult decisions about the direction of the justice system in Mesa County. During two site visits and numerous interviews PSI staff learned that: 􀁹 There is a very high degree of justice system collaboration among the courts and probation, law enforcement, the district attorney, public defender, and other agencies; 􀁹 There is a very high degree of cooperation between county government and the justice system; 􀁹 There are numerous long established well run jail alternative programs already in operation; and 􀁹 The jail is well-designed and expertly operated by capable managers and motivated and dedicated staff. We recognize, however, that these goals can only be met as long as the community believes that it is being adequately protected from crime. In particular, all aspects of the methamphetamine drug abuse problem were cited as a major cause of jail overcrowding and a challenge to the combined resources of the county and justice system. Any solutions to jail overcrowding must enable the county to deal with the methamphetamine problem and its ramifications. The most difficult issue that Mesa County decision makers need to make is what combination of increased jail capacity and jail alternative programming will keep the citizens of the county safe and most rationally expend resources. The decisions that will eventually be reached will involve finding an acceptable level of shared risk (it is probably inevitable that some individuals will fail in the programs to which they are assigned) and cost effectiveness (Mesa County cannot build itself out of its present circumstances). In order to understand the costs and benefits of incarceration as opposed to alternatives, it is important to understand the following: • Most individuals who are in jail will eventually return to society, so the primary issue is not who will get out but what kind of people they will be when they get out; • For many offenders, public safety is better served by placing them in treatment programs rather than jail; • There are people who may actually consider a small amount of jail time as less punitive than home detention or having to work; and • Part of the cost of incarceration is the potential cost to the county if the offender is rendered unable to support his or her family during incarceration. This study and the recommendations generated by it are based on the following principles of jail usage for pre-trial detention and convicted offenders, as reflected in nationally accepted criminal justice best practices. Details: Denver, CO: Policy Studies Inc., 2005. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 10, 2011 at: http://www.centerforpublicpolicy.org/index.php?s=16415 Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.centerforpublicpolicy.org/index.php?s=16415 Shelf Number: 122348 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Offenders Jail Overcrowding Jails Work Release

Author: Huddleston, West Title: Painting the Current Picture: A National Report on Drug Courts and Other Problem-Solving Court Programs in the United States Summary: This document is a national report on Drug Court and other Problem-Solving Court activity in every state, commonwealth, territory and district in the United States as of December 31, 2009 (Part I) and as of December 31, 2008 (Part II). Specific to this volume and in addition to reporting on the aggregate number and types of operational Drug Courts and other Problem-Solving Court programs throughout the United States, a major section of this report is dedicated to recent research findings related to the most prevalent Drug Court models. Additionally, sections are dedicated to analyses of national survey data on Drug Court capacity; drug-of-choice trends among Drug Court participants in rural, suburban and urban areas; average graduation rates; participation costs; state Drug Court authorization legislation and funding appropriations; and international Drug Court activity. Finally, this year’s report provides first-ever national demographic data on racial and ethnic minority representation among Drug Court participants. Details: Alexandria, VA: National Drug Court Institute, 2011. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 10, 2011 at: http://www.ndci.org/sites/default/files/nadcp/PCP%20Report%20FINAL.PDF Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.ndci.org/sites/default/files/nadcp/PCP%20Report%20FINAL.PDF Shelf Number: 122351 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts

Author: McGregor, Catherine Title: Prescription Drug Use Among Detainees: Prevalence, Sources and Links to Crime Summary: This report is the first of its kind in Australia to examine the self-reported use of illicit pharmaceuticals among a sample of police detainees surveyed as part of the Australian Institute of Criminology’s Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program. In all, 986 detainees were interviewed, of which 19 percent reported having recently used pharmaceutical drugs for non-medical purposes in the past 12 months — nearly five times as high as reported by the general Australian population. Non-medical prescription drug use was found to be substantially higher in the detainee population by comparison with the general community. Among the detainees surveyed, more prescription drug users were unemployed, derived their income from welfare or benefits, considered themselves drug dependent, were currently on a drug-related charge and had been arrested or imprisoned in the previous 12 months by comparison with non-users. Most pharmaceuticals were sourced from family and friends or from the person’s usual doctor and pharmacy. There was little support for the view that pharmaceuticals are commonly obtained through script forgery or over the internet. Benzodiazepines, followed by opioids, were the most commonly used pharmaceuticals for non-medical purposes in this sample of police detainees. This paper provides policymakers with valuable information about the reasons for use and the methods by which pharmaceuticals are typically accessed for non-medical purposes. Further research to investigate the methods of obtaining illicit pharmaceuticals from within the general community is needed. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2011. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, No. 423: Accessed August 11, 2011 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi.aspx Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi.aspx Shelf Number: 122361 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Prescription Drug Abuse Prescription Fraud

Author: Close, Daniel W. Title: The District of Oregon Reentry Court: Evaluation, Policy Recommendations, and Replication Strategies Summary: The District of Oregon Reentry Court is a court-involved, evidence-based program in which voluntary participants under federal supervision commit to individualized plans emphasizing sobriety, employment, and constructive problem-solving. The program encourages participants to develop a high and sustained level of satisfaction with a productive and prosocial lifestyle and thereby desist from crime and substance abuse. Participants engage in self-assessment monthly, with each other and the reentry court team (composed of a district court judge, assistant U.S. attorney, assistant federal public defender, probation officer, and treatment services personnel), who issue rewards and sanctions matched to each participant’s level of progress. The reentry court team encourages participants to access an array of services designed to meet particular reentry needs. Successful participants maintain 12 months of sobriety and receive a reduction in their terms of supervision. The model was developed in 2006, as a strategy for addressing recidivism among drug-involved offenders. The program underwent a thorough evaluation in 2008. The accompanying study sets forth a description of the model, its basis in evidence, and a manual for its replication and customization. Details: Portland, OR: United States District Court, District of Oregon, 2009?. 149p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 12, 2011 at: http://www.ussc.gov/Education_and_Training/Annual_National_Training_Seminar/2009/008c_Reentry_Court_Doc.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.ussc.gov/Education_and_Training/Annual_National_Training_Seminar/2009/008c_Reentry_Court_Doc.pdf Shelf Number: 122380 Keywords: Drug Offenders Prisoner Reentry (Oregon) Problem-Solving Courts Treatment Programs

Author: Van Stelle, Kit R. Title: Evaluation of the Earned Release Program (ERP) Summary: The Earned Release Program (ERP) is a residential substance abuse treatment program offering the incentive of early release to eligible non-violent offenders that complete the program. ERP is available to eligible male inmates at the Drug Abuse Correctional Center (DACC) located in Oshkosh, Wisconsin. ERP is available to eligible female inmates at the Robert E. Ellsworth Correctional Center (REECC) located in Union Grove, Wisconsin. The evaluation included documenting program implementation, analyses of program participant criminal recidivism after release, an examination of the effectiveness of the “reach-in” or re-entry component, and an examination of patterns in program termination and drop-out. A broad range of qualitative and quantitative methodologies were utilized to gather process and outcome data related to the implementation of ERP. Extensive assistance in collection of data for the evaluation was provided by DOC central office staff, ERP administrative and treatment staff, and Division of Community Corrections (DCC) agents and administrative staff. In addition, preliminary evaluation results and recommendations for improvement were provided to the Secretary of the Department of Corrections in a private briefing in August 2006. Details: Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin, Population Health Institute, 2007. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2011 at: http://uwphi.pophealth.wisc.edu/about/staff/vanstellek/erpFinalFullReport.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://uwphi.pophealth.wisc.edu/about/staff/vanstellek/erpFinalFullReport.pdf Shelf Number: 122435 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment (Wisconsin) Drug Offenders Early Release Rehabilitation

Author: Van Stelle, Kit R. Title: Progress Update on the Evaluation of the Earned Release Program (ERP) Summary: The University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute was asked by the WI Department of Corrections to provide an evaluation of its Earned Release Program (ERP). The examination of ERP began on March 1, 2006 and will conclude on December 31, 2007. A comprehensive report detailing the findings of the process and outcome evaluation was submitted to the Department in January 2007 and finalized in February 2007. The report also contained numerous recommendations for program improvement. Former Secretary Matthew Frank ordered the creation of an ERP Action Plan to address each recommendation made in the report. The current report summarizes progress toward the development and implementation of the ERP Action Plan since February 2007. Details: Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin, Population Health Institute, 2007. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2011 at: http://uwphi.pophealth.wisc.edu/about/staff/vanstellek/erpProgressUpdateFullReport.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://uwphi.pophealth.wisc.edu/about/staff/vanstellek/erpProgressUpdateFullReport.pdf Shelf Number: 122436 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment (Wisconsin) Drug Offenders Early Release Rehabilitation

Author: McKeganey, Neil Title: Key Findings from the Drug Outcome Research in Scotland (DORIS) Study Summary: This occasional paper brings together for the first time the key findings arising from the Drug Outcome Research in Scotland study. The difficulties of conducting randomised controlled trials of drug treatment services have led to the endorsement of cohort studies (i.e. repeated follow-up interviews with a cohort of drug users receiving treatment in a range of different treatment modalities) as a pragmatic alternative research design for investigating treatment effectiveness. The DORIS study is the largest ever such cohort study of Scottish drug users, being a sample of 1007 drug users recruited from 33 drug treatment agencies (including five prisons) from across Scotland in 2001/02 and followed up at eight months (DORIS2), 16 months (DORIS3) and 33 months (DORIS4). At DORIS4, 70% of eligible respondents were re-interviewed, a follow-up rate which compares favourably with those of follow-up studies of the UK general population. The DORIS sample is almost sociodemographically identical to the population of Scottish drug users entering treatment in 2001 (and recorded in the Scottish Drugs Misuse Database). Concordance of self-reported drug use and oral fluid test data was high and attrition bias (i.e. differential loss to follow-up) was low. The main findings and implications from the research are presented in this report. Details: Glasgow: University of Glasgow, Centre for Drug Misuse Research, 2008. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2011 at: http://www.gla.ac.uk/media/media_101969_en.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.gla.ac.uk/media/media_101969_en.pdf Shelf Number: 122441 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Scotland) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Prisoners, Treatment Programs

Author: Kevin, Maria Title: Addressing Prisoner Drug Use: Prevalence, Nature and Context. 3rd Collection of a Biennial Survey of Prisoners in New South Wales Summary: The extent and severity of drug-related problems among inmate populations presents significant challenges to correctional administrators. Inmates presenting with drug problems are among the most difficult to care for and manage. The current findings suggest an encouraging trend in the rate of drug-related offending and drug-related morbidity in the NSW inmate population. Despite an increase in the NSW prison population in 2003, there has been a decrease in drug-related offending and heavy-end drug use by inmates both before and during imprisonment. Encouragingly, inmates also indicated a greater awareness of the risks associated with drug use when compared with the findings of prior collections in this series. Even though this trend is positive, the levels of drug-related morbidity remain sufficiently high to maintain this as a priority area. The findings from this data collection series provide factual data to improve policy and strategy for this high need and high risk population. This data collection also provides a valuable and unique insight into prison life that can be used in the development of further effective management and rehabilitation programs. Details: Sydney: New South Wales Department of Corrective Services, 2005. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Publication No. 47: Accessed August 26, 2011 at: http://csa.intersearch.com.au/csajspui/bitstream/10627/122/2/RP047.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Australia URL: http://csa.intersearch.com.au/csajspui/bitstream/10627/122/2/RP047.pdf Shelf Number: 108596 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Addiction and Crime Drug Offenders Inmates Prisoners (Australia)

Author: Taxman, Faye S. Title: Evaluating the Implementation & Impact of a Seamless System of Care for Substance Abusing Offenders: The HIDTA Model Summary: By the end of the year 2000, more than 6.5 million adults were under the supervision of the correctional system, and more than half of these offenders are estimated to have significant substance abuse problems. Traditional, boundary-laden treatment and control strategies have been unable to change offender drug use and criminal behavior. Among the state probation populations, the proportion of offenders who successfully complete their supervision has dropped from seventy (70) percent to sixty (60) percent in the past decade, due in large part to offenders’ failure to abide by the conditions of their release related to abstinence from druglalcohol use and/or participation in treatment. In 1999 alone, fourteen (14) percent of the probation population (244,700) and forty two (42) percent of the parole population (173,800) were returneasent to prison for a rule violation and/or a new offense. Invariably, this is the result of the offender’s continued involvement in drug use and/or drug-related criminal behavior. Without significant increases in resource levels, treatment availability and quality will continue to be major barriers to offender change. The question that remains is how to utilize the leverage of the criminal justice system in a manner that supports-rather than subverts-treatment goals. In response, the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) sponsored a demonstration project that commenced in 1994 to pilot new strategies to improve treatment services to offenders, specifically the formulation of a new model of incorporating treatment within the criminal justice system - the Seamless System of Care. The HIDTA Model was designed to target hard-core, substance abusing offenders who are both difficult clients for treatment providers and difficult offenders for community supervision agents. Part of this demonstration project was the restructuring of the treatment and supervision delivery systems for criminal justice offenders within the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas (HIDTA) program in the Washington, DC - Baltimore corridor. Each of the 12 participating jurisdictions (VA: Alexandria City, Arlington County, Fairfax/ Falls Church, Loudon County, Prince William County; MD: Baltimore City, Baltimore County, Charles County, Howard County, Montgomery County, Prince William County, and the District of Columbia) developed a seamless system tailored to their own socio-legal environment which included system reforms consistent with the core components of the HlDTA model. The HIDTA model is based on the concept of the boundaryless system that “transcends the traditional organizational boundaries to focus attention on improved outcomes”(Taxman & Bouffard:2000:41). Specifically, a main objective of the ONDCP demonstration project was to redefine the relationship between the criminal justice and treatment systems from one based on the brokerage of services (case management) to one defined by rationing and triage (systemic case management). The four key components of the HIDTA seamless system include: (1) continuum of care, (2) supervision, (3) urinalysis testing, and (4) compliance measures and graduated sanctions. This evaluation report provides a detailed examination of the development, implementation, and initial impact of the High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas (HIDTA) Model, based on a multi- site (12 jurisdictions) analysis of the program. Using a simple pre-post, non-experimental design, data were collected at each of these twelve sites on the total population of offenders admitted to the HIDTA program in 1997 (N=1,216). By using a non-experimental design to conduct our initial review, we could provide preliminary outcome data to jurisdictions while focusing our evaluation resources on the critical question of level of implementation. Data were collected on the following: (1) demographic and criminal history, (2) treatment placement and movement through treatment, (3) criminal justice supervision and services, (4) drug testing results, and (5) the use of graduated sanctions by either the treatment agency or the criminal justice agency. The integration of records from treatment providers and criminal justice agency providers was critical to assessing the impact of the HlDTA Model on the offenders included in this study. Details: College Park, MD: University of Maryland Center for Applied Policy Studies, Bureau of Governmental Research, 2002. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 26, 2011 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/197046.pdf Year: 2002 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/197046.pdf Shelf Number: 122557 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment, Inmates (U.S.) Drug Offenders Prisoners

Author: Larney, Sarah Title: Opioid Substitution Treatment in Prison and Post-Release: Effects on Criminal Recidivism and Mortality Summary: Heroin dependence is a chronic condition associated with significant health and social harms. The most effective treatment for heroin dependence is opioid substitution treatment (OST), in which long-acting opioid medications such as methadone or buprenorphine are prescribed with the goal of reducing heroin use and associated harms. Internationally, OST is rarely available in prisons, despite the high proportion of heroin users among prisoners. Furthermore, limited research attention has been given to examining how prison-based OST can reduce the harms of heroin dependence. This thesis reports on two systematic literature reviews and three data linkage studies on the effects of prison-based and post-release OST. The first systematic review found that there is good evidence that prison OST reduces heroin use and needle and syringe sharing among prison inmates. The second review found that the evidence relating to the effects of prison OST on post-release outcomes is inconsistent and has limitations. As such, four data linkage studies were undertaken to assess incarceration, offending and mortality outcomes for a cohort of 375 male heroin users recruited in prisons in New South Wales (NSW), Australia, in 1996-7. Data were linked for the nearly ten-year period 1 June 1997 – 31 December 2006. The first data linkage study assessed whether the baseline data for the cohort could be linked to other databases with sufficient sensitivity and specificity to obtain reliable and valid results regarding episodes of OST. Results showed that maximum sensitivity and specificity were achieved when participants’ aliases were included as identifiers during the linkage process, and that enrolment in OST during the observation period had been reliably ascertained by linkage. The second data linkage study demonstrated that exposure to OST while in prison did not in itself reduce risk of re-incarceration; rather, it was continuation of treatment as the individual returned to the community that reduced the risk of returning to prison. Among participants who remained in OST post-release, risk of re-incarceration was, on average, 80% that of participants not in OST. The third study, assessing re-offending, did not find a relationship between OST exposure and criminal convictions; however, there were indications of bias in the analysis as a result of informative censoring. The fourth data linkage study analysed mortality outcomes for the cohort. Participant mortality was six times that seen in the age-, sex- and calendar-adjusted NSW population, but was moderated while in OST and while in prison. Although mortality was elevated in the 28 days immediately after release from prison in comparison to all other time at liberty, this difference was not statistically significant; a larger sample size may have resulted in a significant finding in this regard. Although OST has been studied extensively, few studies have employed data linkage to examine long-term treatment outcomes, particularly in relation to treatment participation while in prison. The evidence presented in this thesis provides support for the provision of OST in prisons, and for programs that facilitate prisoners’ access to post-release OST. Integration of prisoner healthcare into public health systems may assist in improving continuity of OST as well as general standards of care. Future research should explore how the duration of pre-release treatment affects post-release outcomes and how OST can be combined with therapeutic approaches that address other risk factors for offending. Further follow-ups of the cohort would provide insights into the course and consequences of heroin use in Australia. Details: Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre, University of New South Wales, 2010. 192p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed September 3, 2011 at: http://www.idpc.net/sites/default/files/library/OST-in-prison-and-post-release-effects-on-criminal-recidivism-and-mortality.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.idpc.net/sites/default/files/library/OST-in-prison-and-post-release-effects-on-criminal-recidivism-and-mortality.pdf Shelf Number: 122636 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Heroin Opioids Prisoner Reentry Recidivism Substance Abuse (Australia)

Author: Kirby, Amy Title: Engaging Substance Misusing Offenders: A Rapid Review of the Substance Misuse Treatment Literature Summary: The Offender Engagement Programme (OEP) seeks to investigate the hypothesis that one-to-one work with those under probation supervision can be a powerful vehicle for facilitating behavioural change. By establishing what supports effective engagement and better understanding how to overcome the barriers which hinder these processes, the aim of the OEP is to better enable practitioners to reduce reoffending and change probationers’ lives through their one-to-one engagement with them. Here we report findings of a rapid review about engagement in the substance misuse treatment and criminogenic literature. Details: London: Institute for Criminal Policy Research, 2011. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 7, 2011 at: http://www.icpr.org.uk/media/31487/Rapid%20review%20-%20engaging%20and%20retaining%20substance%20users%20final.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.icpr.org.uk/media/31487/Rapid%20review%20-%20engaging%20and%20retaining%20substance%20users%20final.pdf Shelf Number: 122676 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment (U.K.) Drug Offenders Probationers

Author: Tanguay, Pascal Title: Policy Responses to Drug Issues in Malaysia Summary: The development of drug policies in Malaysia has historically relied on harsh punitive measures, including widespread arrest and incarceration of users, and the continuing use of the death penalty for trafficking offences. However, since 2005, the introduction of harm reduction services as well as the more recent initiation of a process to transform compulsory drug treatment centres into voluntary needs-based services for people who use drugs indicates that Malaysia’s response to drug-related issues has become increasingly health focused. This paper provides an insight into Malaysian drug policies and the environment in which the national response to drugs has been developing in terms of harm reduction, prisons, drug treatment, law enforcement responses and civil society participation. An analysis of the situation concludes with recommendations for further drug policy development. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium , 2011. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: IDPC Briefing Paper: Accessed September 12, 2011 at: www.idpc.net Year: 2011 Country: Malaysia URL: Shelf Number: 122721 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Offenders Drug Policy (Malaysia) Drug Treatment

Author: Farabee, David Title: Implementation of the CYA-RSAT Programs: A Process Evaluation of the California Youth Authority’s Residential Substance Abuse Treatment (RSAT) Programs (Year 1) Summary: This report summarizes findings of a process evaluation of the Residential Substance Treatment (RSAT) Program of the California Department of the Youth Authority (CYA). Funded by the Office of Criminal Justice Planning, the CYA-RSAT program is operated at three institutional sites: (1) the Karl Holton Drug and Alcohol Abuse Treatment Center in Stockton, (2) the Heman G. Stark Youth Correctional Facility in Chino, and (3) the Ventura School in Camarillo. As a result of the RSAT funds, each of these institutions has been able to enhance the treatment components of its existing Formalized Drug Programs (FPDs). The goal of CYA-RSAT as articulated in the original proposal is to provide a safe and chemical-free environment in which participants can: · Discover the thinking errors and faulty belief systems they use to justify their chemical-dependent behavior. · Acquire the skills necessary to modify these beliefs and behaviors which will enable them to adopt a sober lifestyle. In 1943, CYA began to provide training and parole supervision to youthful offenders. In an effort to reform these offenders, CYA moved quickly to establish camps and institutions which would house and provide education and training to youths formerly detained in state reformatories, county jails, detention homes, and army camps. Camps were established throughout the state as were institutions, including those that would accommodate older youths. In 1960, the Youth Training School opened in Chino, California. Known today as the Heman G. Stark Youth Correctional Facility (YCF), this institution was named after the CYA’s longest acting director who served from 1952 to 1968. Shortly thereafter, in 1968, the Karl Holton School for Boys was opened in Stockton, California. This school was part of a general population facility which housed male offenders ages 17 to 24, but, in 1994, was converted to the Drug and Alcohol Abuse Treatment Center. Today this institution is known as the Karl Holton Drug Abuse Treatment Youth Correctional Facility, a facility devoted exclusively to the provision of substance abuse treatment. In 1970, due to declines in the number of female commitments, the Ventura School for Girls (founded in 1913 and acquired by CYA in 1942) became a coeducational facility. Thus it is now referred to as the Ventura School. Earlier, in 1964, this facility became the site of the reception clinic for all girls entering CYA, and it remains so today. The process evaluation of CYA-RSAT sought to determine the extent to which program activities and services have achieved this goal and to assess the effectiveness of each program with respect to implementation. The evaluation was conducted by the UCLA Drug Abuse Research Center (DARC) located in Los Angeles. Details: Los Angeles: UCLA Drug Abuse Research Center University of California, Los Angeles, 1998. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2011 at: http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Reports_Research/docs/rsat_rep.pdf Year: 1998 Country: United States URL: http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Reports_Research/docs/rsat_rep.pdf Shelf Number: 122772 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Juvenile Corrections Substance Abuse Treatment (California) Youth Adult Offenders

Author: British Columbia Centre for Excellence in HIV/AIDS, Urban Health Research Initiative Title: Reducing Drug-Related Harm in Thailand. Evidence and Recommendations from the Mitsampan Community Research Project Summary: For decades, Thailand has experienced high rates of illicit drug use and HIV/AIDS among people who inject drugs (PWID). In response to the drug problem, the Royal Thai Government has relied primarily on criminal justice approaches such as policing, incarceration, and mandatory drug detention centers. Despite these efforts, illicit drugs remain easily accessible, drug use is widespread, and the epidemic of HIV/AIDS among PWID continues. The Mitsampan Community Research Project was launched as a collaborative research effort by Thai AIDS Treatment Action Group (TTAG), the Mitsampan Harm Reduction Center, the Urban Health Research Initiative of the British Columbia Centre for Excellence in HIV/AIDS (Vancouver, Canada), and Chulalongkorn University (Bangkok, Thailand). This project sought to investigate patterns of drug use, health services use, criminal justice interactions, and health-related harms among PWID in Bangkok. The Project reached 468 local PWID in Bangkok over two cycles of surveying conducted in 2008 and 2009. The purpose of this report is to summarize the research findings and provide evidence-based recommendations. The majority of research findings presented have been subjected to independent scientific review and published in peer-reviewed journals. These findings are summarized in plain language in order to make this research accessible to a broad stakeholder audience. Details: Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 2011. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26 at: http://ttag.info/pdf/MSCRP_en.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Thailand URL: http://ttag.info/pdf/MSCRP_en.pdf Shelf Number: 122904 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Thailand) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Illicit Drugs

Author: International Harm Reduction Association Title: The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview 2011 - Shared Responsibility & Shared Consequences Summary: ‘Global Overview 2011 – Shared Responsibility and Shared Consequences’ is the fourth report on the death penalty for drug-related offences produced by Harm Reduction International. In addition to providing a survey of international developments related to capital drug laws around the world, it focuses on foreign nationals sentenced to death and/or executed for drug-related offences. The report demonstrates that every country in the world – whether it retains capital punishment or not – has a stake in the abolition of the death penalty. There are hundreds, if not thousands, of non-nationals who are facing or have faced the death penalty for drugs in recent years including citizens of Australia, France, Israel, Liberia, Mexico, Mongolia, The Netherlands, Nepal, Nigeria, Peru, The Philippines, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States, Zambia and many more. Details: London: Harm Reduction International, 2011. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26, 2011 at: http://www.ihra.net/contents/1080 Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.ihra.net/contents/1080 Shelf Number: 122905 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty Drug Offenders

Author: Idaho State Police. Statistical Analysis Center Title: The Relationship Between Substance Abuse and Crime in Idaho: Estimating the Need for Treatment Alternatives Summary: The relationship between drug abuse and crime is complex. Not all individuals who use drugs become addicted, nor do they commit violent crime. Social and economic concerns, such as crime, illness, premature death, and significant loss in productivity are all affected by alcohol and drug abuse. To understand the relationship between drug abuse and crime, this report will emphasize current research as well as drug trends occurring within Idaho. First, current research regarding reasons for drug addiction and the relationship between drugs and crime will be explored. Second, substance abuse trends within Idaho’s population from various surveys will be discussed. Third, an analysis of data coming from the criminal justice system including information from adult and juvenile arrests, incarceration, drug courts, traffic crashes, numbers involved in treatment, and mortality. A final synopsis concerning what this means for Idaho will also be addressed. Details: Meridian, ID: Idaho Statistical Analysis Center, 2010. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 28, 2011 at: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/drugsandcrime.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/drugsandcrime.pdf Shelf Number: 122935 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime (Idaho) Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Substance Abuse

Author: Hicarova, Tatiana Title: Summary Final Report Project to Evaluate Selected Drug-Possession Provisions of Act No. 300/2005 – Criminal Code of the Slovak Republic Summary: The project to evaluate the application of selected illegal drug possession provisions of Act No. 300/2005 – the Criminal Code – is the first project of its kind in Slovakia, evaluating the impact of relevant illegal drug possession provisions of the Act, and examining the trends in illegal drug use and punishment imposed in cases of their possession. The project was initiated by the Open Society Foundation Slovakia and was carried out in the period between January 1, 2006 and December 31, 2009 by the research team cooperating with academic institutions and the Slovak National Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction with the assistance of key departments of the Government of the Slovak Republic. The launch date of the project (January 1, 2006) corresponded with the effective date of the new Criminal Code of the Slovak Republic (“Criminal Code”). As a result of fundamental changes in the legislative framework governing possession of illegal drugs, the Foundation believed it was significant to find out to what extent the legislative intent presented in the Explanatory Memorandum to the Bill has been accomplished (a clear differentiation between users of illegal drugs and drug traffickers/dealers, application of alternative forms of punishment in cases of illeg al drug possession for personal use) through the only criterion specified in the Criminal Code – the quantity of illegal drug. The project sought to compare the legislative intent manifested in the new legislation with the actual application, in judicial practice, of the relevant illegal drug possession statutory provisions. For this reason, we examined the application of § 171 (possession of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances for personal use) and § 172 (1) (d), any illegal drug possession. The project combines qualitative and quantitative methods currently considered the most efficient research strategy in similarly designed studies. We pursued the implementation of these fundamental research goals in three formally and structurally separate, but closely interconnected, sub-studies to produce one inseparable whole. Two sub-studies (1 and 2) used qualitative research methods consisting of semi-structured interviews and focus groups. The third, quantitative sub-study combined secondary analyses of the existing public health care and epidemiological statistical results with full meta-analyses of data sources of the existing data sets (population studies, statistical information of the Police Corps Presidium, the Forensic Expertise Institution of the Police Corps Presidium, the Public Prosecutor General’s Office of the Slovak Republic and the Ministry of Justice of the Slovak Republic) during a period of approximately ten years. Details: Bratislava, Slovak Republic: Open Society Foundation, 2010. 106p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed September 28, 2011 at: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/drugpolicy/articles_publications/publications/slovak-drug-possession-report-20110301/evaluation-drug-paragraphs-20110308.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Slovakia URL: http://www.soros.org/initiatives/drugpolicy/articles_publications/publications/slovak-drug-possession-report-20110301/evaluation-drug-paragraphs-20110308.pdf Shelf Number: 122939 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Slovak Republic) Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Drug Policy

Author: Carey, Shannon M. Title: Jackson County Community Family Court Process, Outcome, and Cost Evaluation Final Report Summary: For the past 20 years in the United States, there has been a trend toward guiding nonvio-lent drug offenders into treatment rather than incarceration. The original drug court model links the resources of the criminal system and substance treatment programs to increase treatment participation and decrease criminal recidivism. Drug treatment courts are one of the fastest growing programs designed to reduce drug abuse and criminality in nonviolent of-fenders in the nation. The first drug court was implemented in Miami, Florida, in 1989. As of May 2009, there were 2,037 adult and juvenile drug courts active in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam, with another 214 being planned (National Association of Drug Court Professionals, 2009). Drug courts have been shown to be effective in reducing recidivism (GAO, 2005) and in reduc-ing taxpayer costs due to positive outcomes for drug court participants (including fewer re-arrests, less time in jail and less time in prison) (Carey & Finigan, 2004; Carey, Finigan, Waller, Lucas, & Crumpton, 2005). Some drug courts have even been shown to cost less to operate than processing offenders through business-as-usual (Carey & Finigan, 2004; Carey et al., 2005). More recently, in approximately the last 10 years, the drug court model has been expanded to include other types of offenders (e.g., juveniles and parents with child welfare cases). Family Drug Courts (FDCs) work with substance-abusing parents with child welfare cases. There have been a modest number studies of these other types of courts including some recidivism and cost studies of juvenile courts (e.g., Carey, Marchand, & Waller, 2006) and a national study of FDCs (Green, Furrer, Worcel, Burrus, & Finigan, 2007). Many of these studies show promising out-comes for these newer applications of the drug court model. However, the number of family drug court studies in particular has been small, and to date, there have been no detailed cost studies of family drug courts. In late 2008, NPC Research was contracted by the Oregon State Police and the Criminal Justice Commission to conduct the third year evaluations of 11 drug courts funded by the Byrne Methamphetamine Reduction Grant Project. NPC conducted Drug Court Foundations evaluations of 11 Oregon adult and family drug court sites. In addition, as a part of this project, NPC performed full process, outcome and cost-benefit evaluations of two family drug court sites, the Marion and Jackson County Family Drug Court Programs. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2010. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2011 at: http://www.oregon.gov/CJC/docs/Jackson_Byrne_Final_Report_June_2010.pdf?ga=t Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.oregon.gov/CJC/docs/Jackson_Byrne_Final_Report_June_2010.pdf?ga=t Shelf Number: 122956 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Family Courts (Oregon) Problem-Solving Courts

Author: South Carolina Department of Public Safety, Office of Justice Programs Title: High Crimes and Misdemeanors: A Five Year Overview of Indicators of Illegal Drug Activity in South Carolina Summary: High Crimes and Misdemeanors: A Five Year Overview of Indicators of Illegal Drug Activity in South Carolina is the first in what is intended to be a series of ongoing reports, designed to provide basic information about illicit drug activity over a five year period. The bulk of the information presented in the tables, graphs and charts in this publication is based on incident reports submitted to the South Carolina Law Enforcement Division (SLED) by state and local law enforcement agencies. These reports are edited and reviewed, corrected as needed and compiled to form the basis of the information presented in this report. It is important to note that the information in this report is only as complete and accurate as the information provided to local law enforcement and subsequently submitted to SLED. The nature of illegal drug activity is such that it is difficult, if not impossible, to measure its occurrence with any level of precision. Consumers, suppliers, producers and others involved in illegal drug activity take great pains to conceal their actions, and unlike crimes which involve an individual victim, none of those involved in the crime have any reason to report it. In order to provide a broader and more comprehensive perspective, data from the South Carolina Department of Corrections and the South Carolina Department of Probation, Parole and Pardon Services are also included, as are data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health. This report seeks to provide information concerning the scope and nature of illegal drug activity at the state level; however it also seeks to provide detailed information concerning short term trends and offender profiles at the county level. Details: Blythewood, SC: South Carolina Department of Public Safety, Office of Justice Programs, 2011. 311p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 30, 2011 at: http://www.scdps.org/ojp/stats/IllegalDrugs/Report%20v14.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.scdps.org/ojp/stats/IllegalDrugs/Report%20v14.pdf Shelf Number: 122954 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (South Carolina) Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Drugs and Crime Illegal Drugs

Author: Uda, Terry Title: Drug and Alcohol Related Offenses and Arrests: 2005-2009 Summary: This report provides information on Idaho alcohol and drug arrests for years 2005 through 2009. The data for this report was obtained from the Idaho Incident Based Reporting System. The first section of the report gives an overall summary of drug and alcohol arrests. The report then presents arrestee demographic information: including race, ethnicity, gender and age. Also addressed are drug seizures and incidents that involved an offender or offenders suspected of using drugs and/or alcohol. The report concludes with a comparison of Idaho counties by alcohol arrest, drug arrests and drug seizures. Details: Meridian, ID: Idaho State Police, Statistical Analysis Center, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 30, 2011 at: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/DrugTrend0509_000.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/Research/documents/DrugTrend0509_000.pdf Shelf Number: 122955 Keywords: Alcohol Related Crime, Disorder (Idaho) Arrests Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Drugs and Crime

Author: Wendel, Travis Title: Dynamics of Methamphetamine Markets in New York City: Final Technical Report to the National Institute of Justice Summary: Using Respondent Driven Sampling, this study piloted an innovative research design mixing qualitative and quantitative data collection methods, and social network analysis, that addresses a gap in information on retail methamphetamine markets and the role of illicit drug markets in consumption. Based on a sample of 132 methamphetamine users, buyers and sellers in New York City (NYC), findings describe a bifurcated market defined by differences in sexual identity, drug use behaviors, social network characteristics, and drug market behaviors. The larger sub-market is a closed market related to a sexual network of men who have sex with men (MSM) where methamphetamine (referred to as “tina”) is used as a sex drug. The smaller submarket is a less-closed market not denominated by sexual identity where methamphetamine (referred to as “crank,” “speed,” or “crystal meth”) overlaps with powder and crack cocaine markets. Participants in the MSM submarket viewed “tina” as very different from cocaine, due to what they characterized as the drug’s intense sexual effects, whereas participants in the smaller non-sexual-identity-denominated submarket saw “crystal meth” as a cost-effective alternative to cocaine. While majorities of participants in all subpopulations studied reported that their use of methamphetamine primarily centered on sex, almost all (91%) MSM reported this. Many MSM reported that their sexuality had become indistinguishable from their drug use. MSM had denser patterns of social network ties and many more sex partners than other subpopulations. MSM market participants reported higher prices for the drug, which may be an indication that they are accessing purer forms of methamphetamine. Participants were more willing to discuss accessing or purchasing methamphetamine than they were to discuss providing or selling the drug, although all indications are that most market participants do both. Compared with the sometimes highly organized markets that have existed for other illegal drugs (e.g., heroin, cocaine, marijuana), retail methamphetamine markets have remained, by contrast, relatively primitive in their social and technical organization, and distinct patterns of drug use emerged as an outcome of interactions between drug providers and members of their social networks. In this case, those with less structurally advantageous positions within the network must depend on better-positioned network contacts to supply them with methamphetamine. Findings from the study indicate that the most striking characteristic of the methamphetamine market in New York City is the extent of the secondary market. Study data suggests this large secondary market has developed because of “bottlenecks” in the chain of distribution, which may be the outcome of the inconsistent supply of methamphetamine available in New York City. Participants reported essentially no violence in connection with methamphetamine markets in NYC. Participants have a lifetime total of 13 methamphetamine possession arrests for the sample of 132; none has ever been arrested for methamphetamine distribution. Study findings may be useful to practitioners, policy-makers and researchers in fields including law enforcement, criminal justice, and public health and substance abuse treatment. Details: New York: John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 2011. 268p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 20, 2011 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/236122.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/236122.pdf Shelf Number: 123063 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Law Enforcement Drug Markets Drug Offenders Illegal Drugs Methamphetamine (New York City)

Author: Fortner, Michael Javen Title: The Carceral State and the Crucible of Black Politics: An Urban History of the Rockefeller Drug Laws Summary: The expansion of the carceral state and the mass incarceration of African American males have been of great concern to academics and activists. The dominant explanations for these outcomes emphasize white supremacy and the Republican law and order rhetoric that developed during the late 1960s. This paper complicates this narrative: it examines the role that African-American activists played in the development of local and national drug policy. Tracing the discourse around crime and law enforcement within New York City’s African American community from 1950s until the 1970s, this papers finds that the “urban crisis” narrative did not develop in spite of black politics: it developed, in great measure, because of black politics. The law and order rhetoric of the post-60s GOP might have been employed at the expense of racial minorities living in urban ghettos, but black politics played a preparatory role for this new Republican discourse. This paper concludes that the carceral state and the mass incarceration of African American males is as much a result of black fears as it is a result of white racism. Details: Unpublished paper, 2011. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper: Accessed October 22, 2011 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1944608 Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1944608 Shelf Number: 123081 Keywords: African Americans Drug Offenders Drug Policy Imprisonment Minorities Rockefeller Drug Laws (New York State)

Author: Butts, Jeffrey A. Title: Organizing for Outcomes: Measuring the Effects of Reclaiming Futures in Four Communities Summary: The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s (RWJF) Reclaiming Futures initiative was designed to increase positive outcomes for youth involved with drugs, alcohol and crime by shifting the efforts of the juvenile justice system and the substance abuse treatment system to incorporate strategies that are more community oriented, family focused, and closely coordinated. The Foundation launched Reclaiming Futures by awarding project grants to ten communities in 2002. In four of these communities, researchers tracked the efforts of local Reclaiming Futures projects as they worked to improve the effectiveness of interventions for young offenders. The four communities included Santa Cruz County in California, Cook County (Chicago) in Illinois, a multiple-jurisdiction project in the state of New Hampshire, and King County (Seattle), Washington. The four local evaluation projects assessed the influence of Reclaiming Futures on the actual experiences of youth involved in the juvenile justice and substance abuse treatment systems. The studies examined whether youth received substance abuse screening and assessment more often and more quickly after the implementation of Reclaiming Futures. They asked whether youth participated more frequently in treatment programs and received more support services as a result of Reclaiming Futures. Finally, they examined case processing and case referral patterns to determine whether Reclaiming Futures was associated with changes in youth behavior, as measured by recidivism, or the prevalence of new contacts with law enforcement and the courts. Details: Portland, OR: Reclaiming Futures, Graduate School of Social Work, Portland State University, 2009. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 22, 2011 at: http://www.rwjf.org/files/research/14831reclaimingfuturesorganizingforoutcomes2009.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.rwjf.org/files/research/14831reclaimingfuturesorganizingforoutcomes2009.pdf Shelf Number: 123086 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Juveniles Offenders (U.S.) Recidivism Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Prendergast, Michael Title: Final Report on the UCLA-ISAP Evaluation of the 1,000 Bed Expansion of Therapeutic Community Treatment Programs for Prisoners Summary: This report summarizes the quantitative results of UCLA Integration Substance Abuse Programs 5-year process evaluation of the California Department of Corrections (CDC) 1,000-bed expansion of therapeutic community (TC) Programs for prisoners. The process evaluation was conducted over the full 5-year term of the evaluation study and involved the collection and analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data. This report only presents quantitative process findings related to client characteristics, treatment participation (in-prison and aftercare) and return-to-custody rates. Details: Los Angeles: UCLA Integrated Substance Abuse Programs (ISAP), 2003. 33p. Source: Report Available at the Don M. Gottfredson Library of Criminal Justice, Rutgers University Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 123239 Keywords: Alcohol Treatment Programs Correctional Programs Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Recidivism Substance Abuse Treatment (California)

Author: Edwards, Sandra G. Title: Drug Law Reform in Ecuador: Building Momentum for a More Effective, Balanced and Realistic Approach Summary: Across the hemisphere, frustration is growing with the failure of the "war on drugs." Many Latin American countries face rising rates of drug consumption, despite harsh drug laws that have left prisons bursting at the seams. Typically, users and low-level dealers bear the brunt of the sanctions, while high-level actors with money and power carry on with impunity. In response, numerous countries are exploring alternative policies. For example, in August 2009, Mexico enacted a law decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of drugs for personal use. That same month, the Argentine Supreme Court determined that imposing criminal sanctions for the possession of drugs for personal use is unconstitutional, a ruling that paves the way for pending legislation that would decriminalize the possession of all illicit drugs for personal consumption. Brazilian officials are working on reforms that would advance legislative changes in 2002 and 2006 that partially decriminalize possession of drugs for personal use. In short, an incipient drug law reform movement appears to be gaining traction across the region and even in the United States. In Ecuador, the Correa government's comprehensive justice sector reform project includes significant changes in drug legislation. The country has one of the most punitive drug laws in the hemisphere. In a perversion of justice, those accused of drug offenses are assumed guilty unless they can prove their innocence, mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines ensure excessively long sentences and arrest quotas have led to the imprisonment of growing numbers of those at the lowest end of the drug trafficking trade. By 2008, Ecuador's justice system had reached a breaking point, overwhelmed by huge caseloads of drug-related offenses, and prisons were bursting at the seams. The need for significant reforms was painfully clear. This brief explains why and how the Ecuadorian government arrived at its decision to undertake significant drug law reform and how, if implemented successfully, those reforms could result in more effective, just and humane national drug control policies, setting an example for the rest of the region. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute - TNI, 2010. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 5, 2011 at: http://www.wola.org/drug_law_reform_in_ecuador Year: 2010 Country: Ecuador URL: http://www.wola.org/drug_law_reform_in_ecuador Shelf Number: 123244 Keywords: Drug Abuse (Ecuador) Drug Control Drug Offenders Drug Policy

Author: Stoové, Mark Title: External Component of the Evaluation of Drug Policies and Services and their Subsequent Effects on Prisoners and Staff within the Alexander Maconochie Centre Summary: Meeting the health and wellbeing needs of our detainees presents distinct challenges. Most of our detainees have complex health histories - 91 percent of surveyed inmates reported a lifetime use of illicit drugs, with two-thirds of those having a heroin addiction. Three quarters of respondents reported that their current prison sentence was related to drugs and 79 per cent reported that they were affected by drugs when they committed the relevant offence. While the Report acknowledges that the ACT Corrections Health Program and Forensic Mental Health counselling services are providing effective services and activities for the inmates, it also demonstrates that there is more work to be done. Details: Melbourne: Burnet Institute, 2011. 197p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 15, 2011 at: http://www.health.act.gov.au/c/health?a=sendfile&ft=p&fid=1302161190&sid= Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.health.act.gov.au/c/health?a=sendfile&ft=p&fid=1302161190&sid= Shelf Number: 123367 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Policies Prisoners (Australia)

Author: Mackin, Juliette R. Title: Montgomery County Adult Drug Court Program Outcome and Cost Evaluation Summary: The Montgomery County Adult Drug Court (MCADC) is located in Rockville, the county seat. The county has a population of 950,680, based on the 2008 Census estimate. The MCADC began serving participants in 2004. As of June 2009, 121 participants have been served. The MCADC serves nonviolent adult offenders with substance abuse problems in need of intensive treatment and monitoring services. The MCADC is a post-plea, postconviction program. Upon entry into the program, participants are placed on 2 to 3 years of probation, although once a participant successfully completes the program (on average after 18 months), her/his probation is terminated successfully. The program provides services aimed at rehabilitation, including substance abuse treatment provided by Maryland’s Department of Health and Human Services community-based substance abuse treatment programs. The MCADC program has three phases and takes a minimum of 16 months to complete. For the 76 drug court participants included in this study who had since exited the program, either successfully or unsuccessfully, the average number of days in the program was 512 (almost 17 months). Graduates spent an average of 525 days in the program (just over 17 months), whereas non-graduates spent an average of 487 days in the program (approximately 16 months). Throughout the program, participants attend drug court hearings evaluating their progress, supervision meetings with a case manager, and group and individual counseling sessions. The pro-gram requires that the individuals submit to drug testing, and uses incentives and sanctions to encourage positive behaviors. In order to graduate from the MCADC program, participants must satisfy program requirements for all three phases and complete an aftercare plan. In addition, they must meet all probation requirements, complete community service and other program assignments, have 9 months clean and sober, be recommended for graduation from the drug court team, and approved by the Judge. Three key policy questions of interest to program practitioners, researchers, and policymakers about drug courts were addressed in this study. 1. Do ADC Participants Reduce their Substance Abuse During Program Participation? 2. Do ADC Participants Have Reduced Re-Arrest Rates After Program Entry? 3. Does the ADC Result in Savings of Taxpayer Dollars? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2010. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 19, 2011 at: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Montgomery_Circuit_Outcome_Cost_0110.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Montgomery_Circuit_Outcome_Cost_0110.pdf Shelf Number: 123399 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts (Maryland) Recidivism Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Adkins, Geneva Title: Iowa Adult and Juvenile Drug Court Extended Recidivism Outcomes Summary: Over the past decade, the Iowa Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice (CJJP), located in the Department of Human Rights, has been engaged in several outcome and process evaluations of Iowa’s adult and juvenile drug courts. Since 2001 CJJP has engaged in two studies of adult drug courts and two studies of juvenile drug courts. These earlier studies found that adult drug courts had positive impacts on recidivism, particularly for felony offenders and female offenders. The juvenile studies did not demonstrate significant impact on recidivism. The purpose of this research is to complete a longitudinal study of drug court participants and comparison groups from the above cohorts to address the following questions: Do adult drug court participants continue to have lower rates of recidivism over time? What is the adult recidivism rate for juvenile drug court participants? In addition, the following questions will be explored: Are there differences in the highest level of new conviction? Are there differences in the type of new convictions? Are there differences in the number of new convictions? Are there differences in cumulative recidivism over time? Are there differences in recidivism by offender background or model? It should be clearly understood that this longitudinal study looks at outcomes for adult and juvenile drug courts as they functioned in the past. The outcomes identified in this study apply to those participants and matched comparison groups. Any generalization to current operations would only be valid to the extent that the courts are being operated in substantially the same manner. Any modifications in design, staffing, or participant selection could alter the long-term outcomes for offenders. The findings for the adult drug court confirm the earlier studies. o Females drug court participants tend to have lower recidivism rates than male participants. o Non-white drug court participants do not have better long-term outcomes than the comparison groups. o Judge model drug courts tend to be more effective than community panel courts. o Drug court participants who graduate tend to have lower recidivism over time than do non-graduates. o Of those offenders who did recidivate, the highest percentages of offenses were non-person and drug-related offenses. There was not much difference between participants and the comparison groups except for the pilot cohort. That cohort had a larger percentage of violent offenses than the other three cohorts. o Drug court participants who did not graduate had a higher percentage of violent offense convictions, and had a higher cumulative recidivism rate than did the graduates. The findings for the juvenile drug court also confirm the earlier studies, suggesting that participation in drug courts does not improve outcomes into adulthood. o Participants tended to have poorer long-term outcomes than the comparison groups. o The cohort with the lowest recidivism was the consent decree cohort. o The difference between white and minority participants is not as marked as that of adult drug court participants, although white participants did have lower recidivism rates. o Long-term recidivism rates do not vary significantly by drug court model. o Non-graduates have higher felony recidivism rates than do graduates and the three comparison cohorts. Details: Des Moines, IA: Iowa Department of Human Rights, Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning, Statistical Analysis Center, 2011. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 10, 2012 at: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/Extended%20Drug%20Court%20Study-Final.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/Extended%20Drug%20Court%20Study-Final.pdf Shelf Number: 123535 Keywords: Drug Courts (Iowa) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Oriented Courts Recidivism

Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Adult Drug Courts: Studies Show Courts Reduce Recidivism, but DOJ Could Enhance Future Performance Measure Revision Efforts Summary: A drug court is a specialized court that targets criminal offenders who have drug addiction and dependency problems. These programs provide offenders with intensive court supervision, mandatory drug testing, substance-abuse treatment, and other social services as an alternative to adjudication or incarceration. As of June 2010, there were over 2,500 drug courts operating nationwide, of which about 1,400 target adult offenders. The Department of Justice’s (DOJ) Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) administers the Adult Drug Court Discretionary Grant Program, which provides financial and technical assistance to develop and implement adult drug-court programs. DOJ requires grantees that receive funding to provide data that measure their performance. In response to the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, this report assesses (1) data DOJ collected on the performance of federally funded adult drug courts and to what extent DOJ used these data in making grant-related decisions, and (2) what is known about the effectiveness of drug courts. GAO assessed performance data DOJ collected in fiscal year 2010 and reviewed evaluations of 32 drug- court programs and 11 cost-benefit studies issued from February 2004 through March 2011. GAO recommends that BJA document key methods used to guide future revisions of its performance measures for the adult drug-court program. DOJ concurred with GAO’s recommendation. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2011. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-12-53: Accessed January 10, 2012 at: http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d1253.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d1253.pdf Shelf Number: 123545 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Yeh, Brian T. Title: Drug Offenses: Maximum Fines and Terms of Imprisonment for Violation of the Federal Controlled Substances Act and Related Laws Summary: This is a chart of the maximum fines and terms of imprisonment that may be imposed as a consequence of conviction for violation of the federal Controlled Substances Act (CSA) and other drug supply and drug demand related laws. It lists the penalties for: heroin, cocaine, crack, PCP, LSD, marihuana (marijuana), amphetamine, methamphetamine, listed (precursor) chemicals, paraphernalia, date rape drugs, rave drugs, designer drugs, ecstasy, drug kingpins, as well as the other substances including narcotics and opiates assigned to Schedule I, Schedule II, Schedule III, Schedule IV, and Schedule V of the Controlled Substances Act and the Controlled Substances Import and Export Act (Title II and Title III of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse and Control Act). Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2011. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: RL30722: Accessed January 12, 2012 at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL30722.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL30722.pdf Shelf Number: 123561 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Drug Smuggling Drug Trafficking Fines Imprisonment Punishment

Author: Shaffer, Deborah Koetzle Title: Reconsidering Drug Court Effectiveness: A Meta-analytic Review Summary: The first drug court was implemented in 1989, largely in response to the increasing number of substance-using offenders moving through the criminal justice system. Today, there are over 1,100 drug courts operating throughout the United States and an estimated 230,000 offenders had received drug court services by the year 2000. Despite the rapid proliferation of drug courts, relatively little is known about their effectiveness. Previous research on drug courts has been mixed in terms of its support. Some studies have found that drug courts fail to have an effect or actually increase recidivism, prior meta-analyses have found drug courts to be generally effective. It is likely that differences in drug court effectiveness may be attributable to differences between the drug courts themselves. The current study used a modified approach to meta-analysis to identify characteristics associated with the most effective drug courts. A total of 60 drug court evaluations were identified representing 76 distinct drug courts and 6 aggregated drug court programs. Data regarding policies and procedures were collected from 63 of the distinct drug courts via telephone surveys. These data were then combined with data collected from outcome evaluations. This approach allowed for an overall effect size to be calculated across the 82 distinct effect sizes and the exploration of moderating variables across 63 drug courts. Potentially moderating variables were grouped into 11 domains including: assessment, funding, intensity, leverage, philosophy, predictability, service delivery, staff characteristics, target population, treatment characteristics, and quality assurance. Consistent with prior meta-analyses, the current study found that drug courts, on average, reduce recidivism 9 percent. Adult drug courts appear to fare better than juvenile drug courts, and pre- or post-adjudication drug courts are more effective than mixed model drug courts. In terms of moderators, the target population, leverage, staff, and intensity domains were able to explain the most variance in effectiveness. These domains were followed by the treatment, philosophy, funding, and service delivery domains. The domains with the least ability to explain variance were predictability, assessment, and quality assurance. Details: Cincinnati, OH: University of Ohio, 2006. 315p. Source: Dissertation. Internet Resource: Accessed on January 15, 2012 at Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 123616 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Recidivism Repeat Offenders

Author: Wiest, Katharina L. Title: Indiana Drug Courts: St. Joseph County Drug Court Program: Process, Outcome and Cost Evaluation Final Report Summary: Drug treatment courts are one of the fastest growing programs designed to reduce drug abuse and criminality in nonviolent offenders in the United States. The first drug court was implemented in Miami, Florida, in 1989. As of 2007, there were more than 1700 adult and juvenile drug courts operating in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Northern Marina Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam (BJA, 2006). Drug courts use the coercive authority of the criminal justice system to offer treatment to nonviolent addicts in lieu of incarceration. This model of linking the resources of the criminal justice system and substance treatment programs has proven to be effective for increasing treatment participation and decreasing criminal recidivism. Indiana’s drug court movement began in 1996 with two drug courts that hoped to mirror the successes of the Court Alcohol and Drug Programs. As the number of drug courts grew in Indiana, a subcommittee was formed to consider the possibility of developing a certification program for drug courts. In 2002, the Indiana General Assembly enacted drug court legislation. By 2003, drug court rules were adopted which provided a framework for certification of drug courts operating under state statute. The St. Joseph County Drug Court Program (SJCDC) began operations in February 1997 for nonviolent, substance-abusing offenders and was fully certified in October 2004 by the Indiana Judicial Center (IJC). Since inception, 465 individuals have enrolled in the drug court program; 56% of these participants graduated, 39% are terminated or have withdrawn, and 5% are active. The program serves an annual average of 52 participants. For all drug court participants, the primary drug of choice is marijuana (56%), followed by crack/cocaine (24%) and alcohol (13%). In 2006, NPC Research (NPC), under contract with the IJC began process, outcome and cost studies of five adult drug courts in Indiana, including the SJCDC. This report contains the process, outcome and cost evaluation for the SJCDC. Information was acquired from several sources, including observations of court sessions and team meetings during site visits, key informant interviews, focus groups, Court Substance Abuse Program (CSAP) records which includes drug court data, plus arrest records. The methods used to gather this information are described in detail in the main report. This evaluation was designed to answer key policy questions that are of interest to program practitioners, policymakers and researchers: 1. Has the SJCDC program been implemented as intended and are they delivering planned services to the target population? 2. Does the SJCDC reduce recidivism? 3. Does the SJCDC reduce substance use? 4. Is there a cost-savings to the taxpayer due to drug court participation? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2007. 90p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/St._Joseph_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/St._Joseph_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 123618 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Indiana) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Recidivism

Author: Wiest, Katharina L. Title: Indiana Drug Courts: Vigo County Drug Court: Process, Outcome and Cost Evaluation Final Report Summary: Drug treatment courts are one of the fastest growing programs designed to reduce drug abuse and criminality in nonviolent offenders in the United States. The first drug court was implemented in Miami, Florida, in 1989. As of 2007, there were more than 1700 adult and juvenile drug courts operating in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Northern Marina Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam (BJA, 2006). Drug courts use the coercive authority of the criminal justice system to offer treatment to nonviolent addicts in lieu of incarceration. This model of linking the resources of the criminal justice system and substance treatment programs has proven to be effective for increasing treatment participation and decreasing criminal recidivism. Indiana’s drug court movement began in 1996 with two drug courts that hoped to mirror the successes of the Court Alcohol and Drug Programs. As the number of drug courts grew in Indiana, a subcommittee was formed to consider the possibility of developing a certification program for drug courts. In 2002, the Indiana General Assembly enacted drug court legislation. By 2003, drug court rules were adopted which provided a framework for certification of drug courts operating under state statute. The Vigo County Drug Court (VCDC) was one of the first drug courts in Indiana. It began operations in 1996 and was officially certified in May 2004 by the Indiana Judicial Center (IJC). The VCDC targets nonviolent, non-dealing, substance-abusing OVWI and felony offenders. As of March 2006, 697 people have been enrolled in the program and 39% have graduated. The program serves approximately 100 participants annually. The mean age of participants is 33 years with a range of 18 to 56 years. For all drug court participants, the primary drugs of choice are methamphetamine (38%), alcohol (31%) and marijuana (18%). In 2006, NPC Research (“NPC”), under contract with the IJC began process, outcome and cost studies of five adult drug courts in Indiana, including the VCDC. This report contains the process, outcome and cost evaluation results for the VCDC program. Information was acquired from several sources, including observations of court sessions and team meetings during site visits, key informant interviews, focus groups, drug court database, plus state and county records. The methods used to gather this information are described in detail in the main report. This evaluation was designed to answer key policy questions that are of interest to program practitioners, policymakers and researchers: 1. Has the VCDC program been implemented as intended and are they delivering planned services to the target population? 2. Does the VCDC reduce recidivism? 3. Does the VCDC reduce substance use? 4. Is there a cost-savings to the taxpayer due to drug court participation? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2007. 81p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Vigo_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Vigo_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 123619 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Indiana) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Recidivism

Author: Wiest, Katharina L. Title: Indiana Drug Courts: Monroe County Drug Treatment Court: Process, Outcome and Cost Evaluation Final Report Summary: Drug treatment courts are one of the fastest growing programs designed to reduce drug abuse and criminality in non-violent offenders in the United States. The first drug court was implemented in Miami, Florida, in 1989. As of 2007, there were more than 1700 adult and juvenile drug courts operating in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Northern Marina Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam (BJA, 2006). Drug courts use the coercive authority of the criminal justice system to offer treatment to nonviolent addicts in lieu of incarceration. This model of linking the resources of the criminal justice system and substance treatment programs has proven to be effective for increasing treatment participation and decreasing criminal recidivism. Indiana’s drug court movement began in 1996 with two drug courts that hoped to mirror the successes of the Court Alcohol and Drug Programs. As the number of drug courts grew in Indiana, a subcommittee was formed to consider the possibility of developing a certification program for drug courts. In 2002, the Indiana General Assembly enacted drug court legislation. By 2003, drug court rules were adopted which provided a framework for certification of drug courts operating under state statute. The Monroe County Drug Treatment Court (MCDTC) began operations in November 1999 and was officially certified in May 2005 by the Indiana Judicial Center (IJC). The MCDTC targets non-violent, non-dealing felony offenders. It is estimated that 200 individuals, with a mean age of 33 years, have enrolled in the drug court since inception: 38% (76) graduated and 26% (52) were terminated. The primary drugs of choice are alcohol (60%), followed by benzodiazepine (8%) and marijuana (8%). In 2006, NPC Research (“NPC”), under contract with the IJC began process, outcome and cost studies of five adult drug courts in Indiana, including the MCDTC. This report contains the process, outcome and cost evaluation results for the MCDTC program. Information was acquired from several sources, including observations of court sessions and team meetings during site visits, key informant interviews, focus groups, drug court database, plus state and county records. The methods used to gather this information are described in detail in the main report. This evaluation was designed to answer key policy questions that are of interest to program practitioners, policymakers and researchers: 1. Has the MCDTC program been implemented as intended and are they delivering planned services to the target population? 2. Does the MCDTC reduce recidivism? 3. Does the MCDTC reduce substance use? 4. Is there a cost-savings to the taxpayer due to drug court participation? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2007. 99p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Monroe_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Monroe_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 123620 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Indiana) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Recidivism

Author: Wiest, Katharina L. Title: Indiana Drug Courts: Vanderburgh County Day Reporting Drug Court: Process, Outcome and Cost Evaluation Final Report Summary: Drug treatment courts are one of the fastest growing programs designed to reduce drug abuse and criminality in nonviolent offenders in the United States. The first drug court was implemented in Miami, Florida, in 1989. As of 2007, there were more than 1700 adult and juvenile drug courts operating in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Northern Marina Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam (BJA, 2006). Drug courts use the coercive authority of the criminal justice system to offer treatment to nonviolent addicts in lieu of incarceration. This model of linking the resources of the criminal justice system and substance treatment programs has proven to be effective for increasing treatment participation and decreasing criminal recidivism. Indiana’s drug court movement began in 1996 with two drug courts that hoped to mirror the successes of the Court Alcohol and Drug Programs. As the number of drug courts grew in Indiana, a subcommittee was formed to consider the possibility of developing a certification program for drug courts. In 2002, the Indiana General Assembly enacted drug court legislation. By 2003, drug court rules were adopted which provided a framework for certification of drug courts operating under state statute. The Vanderburgh County Day Reporting Drug Court (VCDRDC) began operations in April 2001 and was given provisional certification in February 2003 and was later officially certified in March 2005 by the IJC. The VCDRDC targets nonviolent, substance-abusing offenders. As of March 2006, 153 people have been enrolled in the program and 45% have graduated. The program serves approximately 48 to 60 participants annually. For all drug court participants, the primary drug of choice is marijuana (32%), followed by methamphetamines (26%) and cocaine (21%). In 2006, NPC Research (“NPC”), under contract with the Indiana Judicial began process, outcome and cost studies of five adult drug courts in Indiana, including the VCDRDC. This report contains the process, outcome and cost evaluation results for the VCDRDC program. Information was acquired from several sources, including observations of court sessions and team meetings during site visits, key informant interviews, focus groups, drug court database, plus state and county records. The methods used to gather this information are described in detail in the main report. This evaluation was designed to answer key policy questions that are of interest to program practitioners, policymakers and researchers: 1. Has the VCDRDC program been implemented as intended and are they delivering planned services to the target population? 2. Does the VCDRDC reduce recidivism? 3. Does the VCDRDC reduce substance use? 4. Is there a cost-savings to the taxpayer due to drug court participation? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2007. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Vanderburgh_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Vanderburgh_Adult_Eval_Final.pdf Shelf Number: 123621 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Indiana) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Recidivism

Author: Carey, Shannon M. Title: California Drug Courts: Costs and Benefits. Phase III: DC-CSET Statewide Launch Superior Court of Sacramento County Sacramento Drug Court Site-Specific Report Summary: This report contains the site-specific cost-benefit results for the Sacramento Drug Court. These results are part of a multi-part of Phase III, the statewide launch phase, of this research effort to develop a statewide methodology for assessing the benefits and costs of drug courts in the State of California. The aim of this effort is to produce a validated methodology to conduct inexpensive cost-benefit studies on an ongoing basis of drug courts throughout the state. This methodology, when fully implemented, will enable NPC Research and the California State Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC) to answer important public policy questions from a cost-benefit perspective. These questions include the following: 1. Are adult drug courts cost beneficial? 2. What adult drug court practices appear most promising and cost-beneficial? As a part of this effort, a web-based tool was created the Drug Court Cost Self-Evaluation Tool (DCCSET) that drug courts statewide can use to help determine their own costs and benefits. This tool has been piloted in four drug court program sites. The results of the pilot, and in particular feedback from the pilot sites, were used to adjust the web-tool in preparation for the statewide launch. This report is the result of the statewide launch. This report contains the site-specific results for the Sacramento Drug Court in Sacramento County, California. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2008. 25p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/California_Drug_Courts_%20Sacramento_full_site_cost_report_1208.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/California_Drug_Courts_%20Sacramento_full_site_cost_report_1208.pdf Shelf Number: 123622 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (California) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Recidivism Sacramento Drug Courts

Author: Dandan, Doria Nour Title: Sex, drug courts, and recidivism Summary: Research studies have identified gender differences in the drug abusing patterns and treatment needs of men and women. Even so, studies on the drug court model have not assessed drug court effectiveness across sex. Using secondary data collected from the Ada County Drug Court, the recidivism rates of drug court participants (n=259) and probationers (n=235) were analyzed. Drug court participants were found to be less likely to recidivate compared to probationers, which supports previous research on drug court effectiveness. Regression analyses failed to find an interaction between group membership and sex, thereby indicating that the effect of the drug court did not differ across sex. These findings suggest that, despite differences in drug abuse patterns, the treatment needs of both men and women were being addressed in the drug court. Details: Las Vegas, NV: University of Nevada, Las Vegas, 2010. 46p. Source: Thesis. Internet accessed on January 15, 2012 at Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 123623 Keywords: Drug Courts (Idaho) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Female Offenders Male Offenders Recidivism

Author: Ferguson, Andrew Title: A Process and Site-Specific Outcome Evaluation of Maine's Adult Drug Treatment Court Programs Summary: The high correlation between crime and the abuse of drugs and alcohol is well documented. Individuals with substance abuse problems are significantly more likely to commit crimes, to commit a wider range of crimes and to be convicted of more violent and serious offenses. Drug courts were developed as a means to respond to problems posed by substance abusing offenders involved in the revolving door of the criminal justice system. As such, they represent a nexus between criminal justice and substance abuse treatment systems that is intended to reduce prison populations by reducing crimes of drug involved offenders by changing their drug using habits. Through comprehensive supervision, drug testing, integrated substance abuse treatment services and frequent court appearances before a designated program judge, drug courts attempt to motivate offenders to engage and participate in a program of behavioral change. Across the United States, there are more than 1,600 drug courts in operation and it is estimated that over 400,000 drug-using offenders have participated in these programs. The vast body of research literature on drug courts indicates positive outcomes – that drug courts are helping to improve the lives of difficult to reach populations. According to the United States Government Accountability Office (2005), drug court programs have demonstrated the ability to reduce recidivism and generate other positive outcomes. Maine’s Adult Drug Treatment Court was created by statute in August 2000 and currently operates in five of Maine’s sixteen counties. As of November 30, 2005, there were a total of 1,365 offenders referred to these programs and 540 offenders were admitted. Maine’s drug courts are intensive and challenging programs to successfully complete. The overall completion rate in Maine (60%) exceeds completion rates across drug court programs nationally (48%). The current study contributes to ongoing discussions about the effectiveness of drug court programs. Consistent with the national literature, this study shows that Maine’s Adult Drug Court program is not only effective in reducing crime but cost effective as well. Details: Augusta, ME: Department of Health and Human Services, 2006. 36p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.maine.gov/dhhs/osa/pubs/correct/2006/adultdc06.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.maine.gov/dhhs/osa/pubs/correct/2006/adultdc06.pdf Shelf Number: 123624 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Abuse Prevention Drug Courts (Maine) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Lucas, Lisa M. Title: Prince George's County Circuit Court Adult Drug Court: Outcome and Cost Evaluation Summary: Drug courts are designed to guide offenders identified as drug-addicted into treatment that will reduce drug dependence and improve the quality of life for them and their families. Benefits to society often take the form of reductions in crime committed by drug court participants, resulting in reduced costs to taxpayers and increased public safety. In the typical drug court program, participants are closely supervised by a judge who is supported by a team of state and local agency representatives who operate outside of their traditional roles. The team typically includes a drug court coordinator, addiction treatment providers, prosecuting attorneys, defense attorneys, law enforcement officers, and parole and probation officers who work together to provide needed services to drug court participants. Prosecuting attorneys and defense attorneys hold their usual adversarial positions in abeyance to support the treatment and supervision needs of program participants. Drug court programs can be viewed as blending resources, expertise, and interests of a variety of jurisdictions and agencies. NPC Research, under contract with the Maryland Judiciary, Administrative Office of the Courts, conducted a cost and outcome study of the Prince George’s County Circuit Court Adult Drug Court (PGCADC) program. The report includes the cost of the program and the outcomes of participants as compared to a sample of similar individuals who received traditional court processing. There are three key policy questions that are of interest to program practitioners, researchers and policymakers that this evaluation was designed to answer. 1. Do drug treatment court programs reduce recidivism? 2. Do drug treatment court programs reduce substance abuse? 3. Do drug treatment court programs produce cost savings? Information was acquired for this evaluation from several sources, including administrative databases, agency budgets, and other financial documents. Data were also gathered from PGCADC and other agency files and databases. NPC Research identified a sample of participants who entered PGCADC between August 2002 and August 2005. A comparison group was identified from individuals who were arrested on a drug court-eligible charge during the study period. These individuals did not attend drug court and instead received traditional court processing. Both the participant and comparison groups were examined through existing administrative databases for a period up to 36 months from the date of drug court entry (or equivalent for the comparison group). The two groups were matched on age, sex, race, marital status, education, prior drug use history, criminal history (including arrests and drug arrests for the 2 years prior to the study period), and drug of choice. The methods used to gather this information from each source are described in detail in the main report. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2008. 62p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/PG_Circuit_Adult_Outcome_Cost_1008.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/PG_Circuit_Adult_Outcome_Cost_1008.pdf Shelf Number: 123626 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Maryland) Drug Offenders Recidivism Substance Abuse

Author: Mackin, Juliette R. Title: Howard County District Court Drug Treatment Court Program Outcome and Cost Evaluation Summary: Individual drug courts are intensive interventions that involve coordination of multiple agencies and professional practitioners applying a variety of areas of expertise, intensive case management and supervision, and frequent judicial reviews. The purpose of drug courts is to guide offenders, identified as abusing substances, into treatment that will reduce drug use and criminality, and consequently improving the quality of life for participants and their families. In the typical drug court program, participants are closely supervised by a judge who is supported by a team of agency representatives that operate outside of their traditional, sometimes adversarial roles. Benefits to society take the form of reductions in crime committed by drug court participants, resulting in reduced costs to taxpayers and increased public safety. NPC Research, under contract with the Administrative Office of the Courts of the State of Maryland, conducted an outcome and cost study of the Howard County District Court Drug Treatment Court (DTC) program. This program is a combined drug court and DUI court program, but this report will focus only on the participants who are served by the drug court side of the program. Another report will cover the DUI court participant outcomes and associated costs. Howard County District Court Drug Treatment Court (DTC) was formed in 2004, with the expansion into a dual program with DUI offenders beginning in 2005. The program has a capacity of 25 and since inception has served over 66 participants. The DTC program has four phases that can be completed by participants in a period as short as 12 months. For the 44 drug court participants included in this study who had since exited the program, either successfully or unsuccessfully, the average number of days in the program was 380 (12.5 months). Graduates spent an average of 489 days in the program (approximately 16 months), whereas non-graduates spent an average of 318 days in the program (approximately 10.5 months). Throughout the program, participants attend drug court sessions evaluating their progress, meetings with a case manager, and group and individual counseling sessions. The program requires that the individuals submit to drug testing. The DTC uses incentives and sanctions to encourage positive behaviors. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2010. 49p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Howard_District_DTC_Outcome_Cost_0110.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Howard_District_DTC_Outcome_Cost_0110.pdf Shelf Number: 123628 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Maryland) Drug Offenders Recidivism Substance Abuse

Author: Mackin, Juliette R. Title: Wicomico County Circuit Court Adult Drug Treatment Court Program Outcome and Cost Evaluation Summary: Drug treatment courts are intensive interventions that involve coordination of multiple agencies and professional practitioners applying a variety of areas of expertise, intensive case management and supervision, and frequent judicial reviews. The purpose of drug treatment courts is to guide offenders, identified as abusing substances, into treatment that will reduce drug use and criminality, and consequently improving the quality of life for participants and their families. In the typical drug treatment court program, participants are closely supervised by a judge who is supported by a team of agency representatives that operate outside of their traditional, sometimes adversarial roles. Benefits to society take the form of reductions in crime committed by drug treatment court participants, resulting in reduced costs to taxpayers and increased public safety. NPC Research, under contract with the Administrative Office of the Courts of the State of Maryland, conducted an outcome and cost study of the Wicomico County Circuit Court Adult Drug Treatment Court (DTC) program. The Wicomico County Circuit Court Adult Drug Treatment Court Program (DTC) was created to provide intensive intervention to nonviolent felony offenders whose criminality is likely a result of their dependence on substances. Generally, prospective drug treatment court participants have not responded to regular probation and outpatient treatment. The Wicomico County DTC admitted its first participant in September 2005. At capacity, the DTC program is designed to serve 50 active participants. As of October 2009, 85 individuals had entered the drug treatment court since the program‘s inception. The DTC program has four phases, which cumulatively take 18 to 24 months to complete. During all phases, participants must comply with their individualized substance abuse treatment plan, health care instructions, medication requirements, curfew rules, and referrals made by the resource manager. They must attend drug treatment court review hearings and submit to regular drug tests. For the 37 drug court participants included in this study who had since exited the program, either successfully or unsuccessfully, the average number of days in the program was 470 (just over 15 months). Graduates spent an average of 634 days in the program (almost 21 months), whereas non-graduates spent an average of 345 days in the program (approximately 11 months). A minimum of 210 consecutive clean days are required in order to graduate. The graduation rate for this program is approximately 43%. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2009. 53p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 15, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Wicomico_Circuit_Outcome_Cost_1209.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Wicomico_Circuit_Outcome_Cost_1209.pdf Shelf Number: 123625 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Maryland) Drug Offenders Recidivism Substance Abuse

Author: Reichert, Jessica Title: Community Re-entry After Prison Drug Treatment: Learning from Sheridan Therapeutic Community Program Participants Summary: The Sheridan Correctional Center National Model Drug Prison and Reentry Program is a drug treatment program providing in-prison substance abuse treatment as well as substance abuse treatment upon release. Prior research has shown reductions in recidivism among Sheridan participants compared to other prisoners. This study examined a group of 50 re-incarcerated men who successfully completed the in-prison phase of the Sheridan program and what led to their re-incarceration. Among this sample, positive findings about the Sheridan program and its participants include: • Sixty-two percent stated they were Very engaged in the Sheridan program. • Slightly more than half (60 percent) felt Sheridan prepared them for success after release. • Over three-fourths (76 percent) indicated they had a job at some point after graduating Sheridan and before their re-incarceration. • A majority (84 percent) reported having little difficulty in finding housing. • Most (86 percent) said Sheridan helped them more than a traditional prison. Other notable findings include: • On average, Sheridan graduates in this study spent 738 days (about two years) in the community before returning to IDOC. The range was 40 to 2,096 days (over five-and-a-half years). • A majority of the men in our sample (90 percent) relapsed into drug or alcohol use after their release from Sheridan. • Slightly more than half (56 percent) of the sample reported they had illegal sources of income. • Sixty-eight 68 percent stated drug dealing was common in the neighborhood they lived in after release. This study found many factors associated with length of time to relapse to drug or alcohol use and recidivism (self-reported criminal activity or re-incarceration) including: • Younger participants engaged in criminal activity and relapsed sooner than older participants. Younger participants also reported being less engaged in the Sheridan program than older participants. • After prison, those who returned to their original neighborhood relapsed sooner than those who did not return to their original neighborhood. • Unemployed participants engaged in criminal activity sooner than employed participants. • Those living in neighborhoods that were perceived as unsafe and/or where drug dealing was common relapsed sooner than those living in safer, lower-risk neighborhoods. • Those who reported spending time with persons who engage in risky activities—substance use and/or criminal activity—relapsed sooner than those who did not spend time with persons engaging in risky activities. • Those with gang involvement engaged in criminal activity and relapsed sooner. • Those who did not complete aftercare engaged in criminal activity and relapsed sooner than those who did complete aftercare. Details: Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2012. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 19, 2012 at: http://www.icjia.org/public/pdf/ResearchReports/Reentry_Sheridan_Report_012012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.org/public/pdf/ResearchReports/Reentry_Sheridan_Report_012012.pdf Shelf Number: 123667 Keywords: Aftercare Correctional Programs Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Prisoner Reentry (Illinois) Recidivism Rehabilitation

Author: Yearwood, Doug Title: Prescription Drug Abuse and Diversion: The Hidden Crisis Summary: This report addresses public concerns about increased misuse, abuse and illegal diversion of licit or prescription medications in North Carolina. The study indicates that prescription drug abuse and diversion is a prominent and preeminent issue facing North Carolina’s medical and law enforcement organizations and personnel. Ninety percent of the law enforcement respondents reported an increase in abuse and diversion over the past five years, with the typical agency investigating 51 prescription drug cases per year or 356 per year on a per capita basis. This case investigation rate exceeds the reported crime rates for all of the violent Part I Uniform Crime Report categories. Details: Raleigh, NC: North Carolina Governor's Crime Commission, Criminal Justice Analysis Center, 2011. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 20, 2012 at: http://www.ncgccd.org/pdfs/pubs/drugdiversion.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncgccd.org/pdfs/pubs/drugdiversion.pdf Shelf Number: 123686 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Prescription Drug Abuse (North Carolina) Prescription Fraud

Author: Rossman, Shelli B. Title: The Multi-Site Adult Drug Court Evaluation: The Impact of Drug Courts - Final Report, Volume 4 Summary: Volume 4 from the National Institute of Justice's Multi–site Adult Drug Court Evaluation (MADCE) provides findings from the outcome evaluation answering the questions, "do drug courts work", "for whom do drug courts work," and "what are the mechanisms by which drug courts work", as well as provides findings from the cost–benefit study. The outcome evaluation found that drug courts prevent crime and substance use and work equally well for most participant subgroups. Effects are greatest among participants whose judges who spend time with them, support them, and treat them with respect. Implications for practice, policy, and future research are also discussed. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute Justice Policy Center, 2011. 366p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/412357-MADCE-The-Impact-of-Drug-Courts.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/412357-MADCE-The-Impact-of-Drug-Courts.pdf Shelf Number: 123694 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Piper, R.K. Title: Cost/Benefit Analysis of the Douglas County Drug Court Summary: The primary purpose of this cost-benefit evaluation of the Douglas County Drug Court (DCDC) is to provide administrators and policy-makers with critical information for future policy and funding decisions. This study expands and refines previous DCDC cost-benefit analyses through an investigation of drug court program investment, outcome and societal-impact costs and savings. This study employs a Transaction Cost model that examines complex, multiagency events and costs for participants in drug court and non-drug court comparison groups. A “cost-to-taxpayer” approach is used that includes any criminal justice related costs (or avoided costs) generated by drug court or non-drug court comparison group participants, that directly impacts citizens either through tax-related expenditures or personal victimization costs/losses due to crimes committed by drug offenders. Details: Omaha, NE: University of Nebraska at Omaha, 2004. 41p. Source: Internet Resource. Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.dc4dc.com/images/stories/forms/UNO_CostBenefit.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United States URL: http://www.dc4dc.com/images/stories/forms/UNO_CostBenefit.pdf Shelf Number: 123695 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Nebraska) Drug Offenders Victim Compensation

Author: Carey, Shannon M. Title: Vermont Drug Courts: Rutland County Adult Drug Court Process, Outcome, and Cost Evaluation - Final Report Summary: In the past 20 years, one of the strongest movements in the United States focused on reducing substance abuse among the criminal justice population has been the spread of Drug Courts across the country. In 2002, under Act 128 the Vermont legislature established a pilot project to create drug court initiatives and begin implementing drug courts in 3 Vermont counties: Rutland, Chittendon, and Bennington. By 2007, at the sunset of Act 128, drug courts in Vermont were up and running on their own. Currently, in Vermont, there are three operational Adult Drug Courts, one Family Treatment Court and one Mental Health Court. The Rutland County Adult Drug Court (RCADC) began its operations in January 2004 with the support of a federal grant. In early 2008, NPC Research ("NPC"), under contract with the Supreme Court of Vermont, Office of the Court Administrator, began a process, outcome and cost study of the Rutland County Adult Drug Court Program (RCADC). The goals of this project were to evaluate the effectiveness of the RCADC in reducing recidivism, to determine the cost-benefits of drug court participation and to evaluate the RDADC processes. The results of this evaluation are designed to be helpful in assisting the drug court in improving the services to drug court participants, and in gaining support from the community. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2009. 125p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/VT_Drug_Court_Eval_Rutland_0109.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/VT_Drug_Court_Eval_Rutland_0109.pdf Shelf Number: 123696 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Vermont) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Labriola, Melissa M. Title: The Drug Court Model and Chronic Misdemeanants: Impact Evaluation of the Queens Misdemeanor Treatment Court Summary: In January 2002, the Queens Misdemeanor Treatment Court (QMTC) opened in Queens County, New York to provide an alternative to incarceration for drug-addicted, chronic misdemeanor offenders. QMTC was established through the cooperative efforts of the New York State Unified Court System, the Queens District Attorney’s Office, the Queens defense bar, the New York City Department of Probation, and Treatment Alternatives for Safe Communities (TASC), a nationwide case management agency. An earlier report provided a process evaluation of the QMTC model, documenting the Court’s policies, key implementation challenges, participant characteristics, and compliance outcomes (Labriola 2006). The current report evaluates the impact of the QMTC on recidivism, case processing efficiency and sentencing outcomes. Outcomes were compared between 335 QMTC participants and a matched sample of 335 similar defendants arrested in Queens County, New York in the two years before the Court opened. The comparison group was rigorously matched to participants to ensure comparability in their current charges, prior criminal history, and key demographic characteristics (age, sex, and race/ethnicity). Details: New York, NY: Center for Court Innovation, 2009. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/Queens_Impact_Evaluation.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/Queens_Impact_Evaluation.pdf Shelf Number: 123697 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Courts (New York) Drug Offenders Recidivism Repeat Offenders

Author: Latimer, Jeff Title: A Meta-Analytic Examination of Drug Treatment Courts: Do They Reduce Recidivism? Summary: A meta-analysis was conducted to determine if drug treatment courts reduce recidivism compared to traditional justice system responses. After a comprehensive search of both the published and unpublished literature, 54 studies were located and deemed acceptable according to the study inclusion criteria. Since studies oftentimes contained information on more than one program, data from 66 individual drug treatment court programs were aggregated and analyzed. The results indicated that drug treatment courts significantly reduced the recidivism rates of participants by 14% compared to offenders within the control/comparison groups. Several variables identified in the analysis, however, had an impact on the results, including the age of the participants, the length of the program, the follow-up period used to measure recidivism, and other methodological variables (i.e., the use of random assignment and the choice of the comparison group). While there are other issues that were not the subject of this research, such as the cost-effectiveness of DTCs, the results of this meta-analysis provides clear support for the use of drug treatment courts as a method of reducing crime among offenders with substance abuse problems. Details: Ottawa: Research and Statistics Division, Department of Justice Canada, 2006. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/pi/rs/rep-rap/2006/rr06_7/rr06_7.pdf Year: 2006 Country: Canada URL: http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/pi/rs/rep-rap/2006/rr06_7/rr06_7.pdf Shelf Number: 123698 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Canada) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism Repeat Offenders

Author: Carey, Shannon M. Title: Marion County Adult Drug Court Outcome Evaluation Final Report Summary: Marion County, Oregon has a population of approximately 280,000. It is rich in ethnic diversity, including a large Hispanic/Latino population, a growing Russian-American community, and is near the Grande Ronde Indian tribe. The Office of National Drug Control Policy identified Marion County as a “High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area” (HIDTA) as the county has links to major Interstate and Highway routes that contribute to the drug trafficking trade from Mexico and Central America. The Community Corrections Division of the Marion County Sheriff’s Office reports that 64% of the offenders currently under their supervision have been convicted of alcohol and/or drug related offenses. Further, a study by Portland State University indicated that 80% of all corrections inmates had substance abuse addictions that directly contributed to their current offense. With these statistics in mind, Marion County began planning a drug court. The County was awarded a program planning grant in July of 1999. In April of 2000, Marion County began a pilot of their Adult Drug Court. Arrangements were made to collect client data in a drug court database, the Oregon Drug Court Case Management System (ODCMS), which is used in several counties in Oregon. In September of 2001, Marion County received a drug court implementation grant from the Drug Court Program Office (DCPO) at the National Institute of Justice and transitioned from their pilot phase into full drug court operations. This grant provided funds for evaluation and NPC Research was hired to perform a process and outcome study of the Marion County Adult Drug Court (MCADC). This report contains the MCADC outcome evaluation performed by NPC Research. The Drug Court participant outcomes were compared to outcomes for a matched group of offenders who were eligible for Drug Court during a time period one year prior to the MCADC program implementation. The first section of this report is a brief summary of the MCADC program process (An executive summary of the process evaluation can be found in Appendix A). Following the process summary is a description of the methods used to perform the outcome evaluation, including sample selection, data collection, and analysis. The next section provides the results of the outcome analyses and an interpretation of these results. A summary of the results with overall conclusions can be found at the end of this report. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2005. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Marion%20Outcome%20Evaluation%20Final%20Report%20-%20January%202005.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Marion%20Outcome%20Evaluation%20Final%20Report%20-%20January%202005.pdf Shelf Number: 123699 Keywords: Drug Courts (Oregon) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Repeat Offenders

Author: Carey, Shannon M. Title: Guam Adult Drug Court Outcome Evaluation Final Report Summary: In the past 15 years, one of the most dramatic developments in the movement to reduce substance abuse among the U.S. criminal justice population has been the spread of drug courts across the country. In a typical drug court program, participants are closely supervised by a judge who is supported by a team of agency representatives that operate outside of their traditional adversarial roles including addiction treatment providers, prosecuting attorneys, public defenders, law enforcement officers, and parole and probation officers who work together to provide needed services to drug court participants. “The emergence of these new courts reflects the growing recognition on the part of judges, prosecutors, and defense counsel that the traditional criminal justice method of incarceration, probation, or supervised parole have not stemmed the tide of drug use among criminals and drug-related crimes in America” (Hora, Schma, & Rosenthal, 1999). Guam’s drug court movement began in the mid-1990s with the emergence of the “ice” (crystal methamphetamine) epidemic. Nationwide, there was an unprecedented increase in drug-related offenses, particularly with crack cocaine, that significantly impacted the criminal justice system. Following national statistics, Guam’s increase of drug offenders, particularly “ice” offenders, rose to staggering numbers, thus impacting an already over-burdened justice system that was unprepared for this occurrence. An examination of statistics from the Guam Uniform Crime Report shows relatively high numbers of substance abuse arrests for adults, despite extremely limited law enforcement activities targeting drug crimes. In 1998, there were 418 drug-related arrests and 70% involved methamphetamine. Because of these statistics, Guam was awarded a Program-Planning Grant in 1998 and a Drug Court Implementation Grant in 2002. In August 2003, Guam held its first Adult Drug Court session. The implementation grant also provided funds for evaluation and NPC Research was hired to perform a process and outcome study of the Guam Adult Drug Court (GADC). This report contains the GADC outcome evaluation performed by NPC Research. GADC participant outcomes were compared to outcomes for a matched group of offenders who were eligible for drug court during a 2-year time period just prior to the GADC implementation. The first section of the main report is a brief summary and update of the GADC process with some new recommendation from NPC. The rest of the report contains a detailed description of the methodology used for the outcome evaluation and its results. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2007. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Guam_Adult_Drug_Court_Outcome_Evaluation_Final%20_Report_0307.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Guam_Adult_Drug_Court_Outcome_Evaluation_Final%20_Report_0307.pdf Shelf Number: 123700 Keywords: Drug Courts (Guam) Drug Offenders Methamphetamine Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism Repeat Offenders Substance Abuse

Author: Finigan, Michael W. Title: Impact of a Mature Drug Court Over 10 Years of Operation: Recidivism and Costs (Final Report) Summary: This study examined the impact of a single drug court on the total population of drug court-eligible offenders over a 10-year period in Portland, Oregon. This drug court, the Multnomah County Drug Court in Portland, Oregon, is the second oldest in the United States. The Program was originally designed to be a pre-plea offer to individuals arrested on drug charges. The program began accepting probationers and parolees (as well as pre-plea clients) in 1995 and became a completely post-plea program in 2000. This study covers the period from program start in 1991 through 2001. The entire population of offenders, identified as eligible for drug court by the Multnomah County District Attorney’s Office over a 10-year period, from 1991 to 2001, was identified and tracked through a variety of administrative data systems. Approximately 11,000 cases were identified; 6,500 participated in the Drug Court program during that period and 4,600 had their case processed outside the drug court model. Because the program changed from pre-plea to post-plea over time, the population of drug court participants used in these analyses contains a mix of both pre- and post-conviction offenders. Data on intermediate and long-term outcomes were gathered on each offender, with a particular emphasis on criminal recidivism (re-arrest) as a primary outcomes measure. The outcome data were drawn in late 2005 and early 2006, allowing a minimum of 5 years of follow-up on all cohorts and more than 10 years on many cohorts. Data on costs were gathered using a modified Transactional Cost Analysis Approach to allow us to conduct a cost-benefit analysis. Costs were calculated in terms of investment costs (transactions associated with the drug court-eligible case), outcome costs (transactions that occurred after participants entered the program, not associated with the drug court-eligible case) and total costs per participant. The analysis of the data focused on both the overall impact of the drug court on the target population over time, variations over time on that impact, and external and internal conditions that influenced these outcomes. A cost analysis was conducted to assess the overall investment of taxpayer money in the court compared to its benefits. Results included significantly reduced recidivism for drug court participants up to 14 years after drug court entry compared to eligible offenders that did not participate. Drug court judges that worked longer with the drug court had better participant outcomes. Judges that rotated through the drug court twice had better participant outcomes the second time than the first. Investment costs in the drug court program were $1,392 less than the investment costs of business-as-usual. Savings (benefits) due to reduced recidivism for drug court participants totaled more than $79 million over the 10-year period. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2007. 104p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/10yr_STOP_Court_Analysis_Final_Report.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/10yr_STOP_Court_Analysis_Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 123701 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Oregon) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Marchand, Gwen Title: Barry County Adult Drug Court Outcome and Cost Evaluation (Final Report) Summary: In the past fifteen years, one of the most dramatic developments in the movement to reduce substance abuse among the U.S. criminal justice population has been the spread of drug courts across the country. In a typical drug court program, participants are closely supervised by a judge who is supported by a team of agency representatives that operate outside of their traditional adversarial roles including addiction treatment providers, prosecuting attorneys, public defenders, law enforcement officers, and parole and probation officers who work together to provide needed services to drug court participants. “The emergence of these new courts reflects the growing recognition on the part of judges, prosecutors, and defense counsel that the traditional criminal justice methods of incarceration, probation, or supervised parole have not stemmed the tide of drug use among criminals and drug-related crimes in America” (Hora, Schma, & Rosenthal, 1999, p.9). In the drug treatment court movement, Michigan has been a pioneering force. The Michigan Community Corrections Act was enacted in 1988 to investigate and develop alternatives to incarceration. Four years later, in June 1992, the first women’s drug treatment court in the nation was established in Kalamazoo, Michigan. The Drug Court in Barry County began in 2001 as a response to the high number of drunk drivers coming before the court. Over time, the Barry County Adult Drug Court has emerged as a powerful force in the community in combating increasing jail and prison populations as well as social and public health problems stemming from a variety of substance abuse issues. In 2005, the Michigan Supreme Court, State Court Administrative Office contracted with NPC Research to perform outcome and cost evaluations of two Michigan adult drug courts; the Kalamazoo Adult Drug Treatment Court and the Barry County Adult Drug Court. This document describes the evaluation and results for the Barry County Adult Drug Court (BCADC). Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2006. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Barry%20Final%20Report_1006.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Barry%20Final%20Report_1006.pdf Shelf Number: 123702 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Michigan) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism Substance Abuse

Author: Marchand, Gwen Title: Kalamazoo County Adult Drug Treatment Court Outcome and Cost Evaluation (Final Report) Summary: In the past fifteen years, one of the most dramatic developments in the movement to reduce substance abuse among the U.S. criminal justice population has been the spread of drug courts across the country. In a typical drug court program, participants are closely supervised by a judge who is supported by a team of agency representatives that operate outside of their traditional adversarial roles including addiction treatment providers, prosecuting attorneys, public defenders, law enforcement officers, and parole and probation officers who work together to provide needed services to drug court participants. “The emergence of these new courts reflects the growing recognition on the part of judges, prosecutors, and defense counsel that the traditional criminal justice methods of incarceration, probation, or supervised parole have not stemmed the tide of drug use among criminals and drug-related crimes in America.” (Hora, Schma, & Rosenthal, 1999, p. 9). In the drug treatment court movement, Michigan has been a pioneering force. The Michigan Community Corrections Act was enacted in 1988 to investigate and develop alternatives to incarceration. Four years later, in June 1992, the first women’s drug treatment court in the nation was established in Kalamazoo, Michigan. In 1997, a program for male offenders was added to the Drug Treatment Court Program through an expansion grant from the U.S. Department of Justice1. In 2005, NPC Research was hired to perform outcome and cost evaluations of two Michigan adult drug courts; the Kalamazoo Adult Drug Treatment Court and the Barry County Adult Drug Court. This document describes the evaluation and results for the Kalamazoo County Adult Drug Treatment Court (KADTC). There are three key policy questions that are of interest to program practitioners, researchers and policymakers that this evaluation was designed to answer. 1. Do drug treatment court programs reduce substance abuse? 2. Do drug treatment court programs reduce recidivism? 3. Do drug treatment court programs produce cost savings (in terms of avoided costs)? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2006. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Kalamazoo%20Final%20Report_1006.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Kalamazoo%20Final%20Report_1006.pdf Shelf Number: 123703 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Michigan) Drug Offenders Recidivism Repeat Offenders

Author: Van Vleet, Russell K. Title: Evaluation of the Salt Lake County Adult Felony Drug Court Final Report Summary: The general effectiveness of drug courts on reducing recidivism has been consistently established (Belenko, 2001). The Government Accountability Office’s (GAO) review of adult drug court evaluations (2005) found that most studies have shown both during program and post-program (up to one year) reductions in recidivism. The evaluation of the Salt Lake County Drug Court is consistent with that overall finding. In the 12 months following drug court exit, 19.7% of graduates had a new arrest, compared to 29.8% of the probationer comparison group and 46.5% of terminated clients. Drug court graduates had more pre-intervention arrests on average than the probationer comparison group and pre-intervention arrests were the most consistent predictor of post-intervention recidivism; however, a smaller proportion of drug court graduates than probationers recidivated during the follow-up period, suggesting that drug court may have lessened the detrimental effects of prior criminal history for this group of graduates. Terminated clients are three times more likely than graduates to recidivate in the first year after exiting drug court. However, even terminated clients had a significant decrease in offending from one year prior to drug court to one year following drug court (3.63 offenses on average in year prior to drug court; 0.81 on average in the year following drug court exit). Program compliance was significantly related to post-program recidivism, with those who recidivated in the 12-months after exiting drug court having about 31.8% of their urinalysis tests (UAs) positive or missed on average, compared to 19.5% for those who did not. Those who re-offended after exiting drug court had significantly fewer treatment sessions on average (26.6) than those who did not (59.5). Time in drug court also varied significantly for those who recidivated (200 days in drug court on average) and those who did not (356). The cost-benefit return for the drug court based on the Utah cost-benefit model (Fowles, et al., 2005) is approximately $4.29 return on every dollar invested in the program. This benefit takes into account both the explicit reduced costs to the taxpayer due to lowered recidivism and also the implicit reduced costs to potential victims due to lowered recidivism. Client satisfaction with the drug court staff and professionals was overwhelmingly positive. Most clients felt that the judges, case managers, treatment staff, and other professionals both respected them and helped them to remain drug free. Even terminated clients had mostly positive reviews of the drug court components and the program overall. Key informant interviews with those professionals conducting drug court included judges, prosecutors, therapists and case managers. While overwhelmingly supportive of drug court, concerns were expressed regarding the need to retain program fidelity if the court is to continue to experience the success indicated in this and other evaluations. Specifically, respondents recognized the role of the judge in drug court success and the concern that the judicial role would be compromised if the court becomes too large. Secondly respondents brought up the compatibility of the legal team, therapists, and case managers, as their roles have potential for conflict. Methodological limitations of the recidivism analyses, such as sample size, follow-up length, and probation end-date calculations, may impact the results of these tests. Additional analysis of the three recidivism studies included in this report should be conducted after the follow-up period for both participants and the probation group have been extended to 24 months (the length of time required to capture 75-80% of adult recidivism events; Barnoski, 1997), to see if the differences among the groups are durable across a longer period of time. Larger samples of graduates and terminated clients should be included in the recidivism analyses, as the follow-up period allows. Details: Salt Lake City, UT: Criminal and Juvenile Justice Consortium, College of Social Work, University of Utah, 2005. 139p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://ucjc.law.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/1.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://ucjc.law.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/1.pdf Shelf Number: 123704 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Utah) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Recidivism Repeat Offenders

Author: Shaffer, Deborah K. Title: Evaluation of Ohio's Drug Courts: A Cost Benefit Analysis Summary: In 1995, researchers in the Center for Criminal Justice Research at the University of Cincinnati began an evaluation of Ohio’s first drug court (Hamilton County). Since that time, numerous other drug courts have been implemented throughout the State of Ohio. The University of Cincinnati has completed outcome evaluations on juvenile, felony, and misdemeanor drug courts throughout the State. While these studies have suggested that Ohio’s drug courts are reducing recidivism, none of them have included a cost-benefit analysis. In 2003, the Ohio Office of Criminal Justice Services contracted with the University of Cincinnati to extend the previous research. Specifically, this project seeks to assess whether drug courts save taxpayer dollars as either a less expensive sentencing option or through reductions in recidivism. Details: Cincinatti, OH: Center for Criminal Justice Research, University of Cincinnati, 2005. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/ocjs_CostBenefitAnalysisofOhiosDrugCourts2005.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://www.publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/ocjs_CostBenefitAnalysisofOhiosDrugCourts2005.pdf Shelf Number: 123705 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Ohio) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Rhodes, William Title: Suffolk County Drug Court Evaluation Summary: This report documents an evaluation of four adult treatment drug court programs located in Suffolk County, Massachusetts. The evaluation incorporates both process and impact analyses conducted by Abt Associates Inc. The process evaluation examines program caseflow and participant characteristics to describe program intake, retention, and graduation. Using a comparison group of matched probationers who did not enter drug court, the impact analysis studies the receipt of alcohol and other drug treatment services following entry into drug court; and it studies probation revocations, criminal recidivism (new arrests and new convictions), and incarceration (Houses of Correction or jails) during a follow-up period beginning one year after the probationer entered drug court. Details: Cambridge, MA: Abt Associates Inc., 2006. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.abtassociates.com/reports/MASSDRUGCT_Report_FINAL061406.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.abtassociates.com/reports/MASSDRUGCT_Report_FINAL061406.pdf Shelf Number: 123706 Keywords: Drug Courts (Massachusetts) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Recidivism Substance Abuse

Author: Gilbertson, Troy Title: 2008 DWI Court Evaluation Report - Ninth Judicial District Minnesota Summary: An evaluation of the DWI Courts in the Minnesota 9th Judicial District was conducted. The individual courts include; Aitkin County DWI Court, Beltrami County DWI Court, Cass County/ Leech Lake Band of Ojibwe Wellness Court, Crow Wing County DWI Couty, Koochiching County DWI Court, Lake of the Woods County DWI Court, and Roseau County DWI Court. The evaluation is based on data collected from participants active in the above referenced DWI courts between January 1, 2008 and December 31, 2008. The analysis was focused on four main criteria: recidivism, sobriety, community functioning, and jail cost avoidance. Details: Bemidji, MN: Criminal Justice Department, Bemidji State University, undated. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 20, 2012 at http://www.american.edu/spa/jpo/customcf/get.cfm?jpo_collection=1&doc=2008-DWI-Court-Evaluation-Report--Ninth-Judicial-District-MN-Executive-Summary & at: http://www.american.edu/spa/jpo/customcf/get.cfm?jpo_collection=1&doc=2008-DWI-Court-Evaluation-Report-Ninth-Judicial-District-MN1 Year: 0 Country: United States URL: http://www.american.edu/spa/jpo/customcf/get.cfm?jpo_collection=1&doc=2008-DWI-Court-Evaluation-Report--Ninth-Judicial-District-MN-Executive-Summary & at: http://www.american.edu/spa/jpo/customcf/get.cfm?jpo_collection=1&do Shelf Number: 123709 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Minnesota) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: New York State Division of Criminal Justice Services Title: Felony Drug Court Activity Among Offenders Eligible Under 2009 Drug Law Changes 2008-2010 Summary: New York’s Rockefeller Drug Laws, enacted in 1973, mandated long prison sentences for many drug offenders. After several amendments to the original laws, in April 2009 the Legislature instituted significant changes. Mandatory prison sentences for some drug offenses were eliminated, and minimum sentence lengths were reduced for others. In October 2009, CPL Article 216 became effective, expanding judicial discretion to offer drug court alternatives to certain addicted nonviolent offenders without the approval of the district attorney. The Article also establshed a mechanism to request a judicial hearing on diversion to drug court. Article 216 is presented in Appendix A. To meet the anticipated increase in diversion cases, OCA established new felony drug courts in St. Lawrence, Dutchess, Madison, Nassau, Suffolk, and Westchester counties and expanded existing felony drug courts in New York City. The 2009 reform of New York’s drug laws included a requirement to study the impact of these changes (see Section 837, (4) (b-1) of the Executive Law). DCJS is coordinating this effort and working with other state agencies, including OCA, the Office of Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Services (OASAS), and the Department of Corrections and Community Services (DOCCS). DCJS is also working with New York City agencies, district attorneys’ offices and diversion programs to obtain additional data not available at the State level. This report focuses on the impact of the 2009 drug law changes on drug court screenings and admissions among offenders eligible for judicial diversion under CPL Article 216. Eligible offenses include felony level B, C, D, or E drug offenses and property offenses specified in Article 216. Details: New York: Division of Criminal Justice Services, 2011. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 22, 2012 at http://criminaljustice.state.ny.us/drug-law-reform/documents/drug-court-activity-report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://criminaljustice.state.ny.us/drug-law-reform/documents/drug-court-activity-report.pdf Shelf Number: 123719 Keywords: Drug Courts (New York) Drug Laws Drug Offenders Prison Sentences

Author: Rossman, Shelli B. Title: The Multi-Site Adult Drug Court Evaluation: The Drug Court Experience - Final Report Volume 3 Summary: Volume 3 from the National Institute of Justice's Multi–site Adult Drug Court Evaluation (MADCE) provides process evaluation findings about the 23 drug courts included in the MADCE outcome evaluation, and information about participant receipt of program services including drug court supervision (contact with judges and attorneys; case management; drug testing; and sanctions and incentives) and treatment. It also describes drug court participants' outcomes related to offender attitudes and to drug court retention. Participants' perceptions of procedural justice, distributive justice, and severity of the sentence to be imposed upon drug court failure significantly predicted program compliance, criminal behavior, and drug use at follow–up. Details: Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2011. 139p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 23, 2012 at http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/412356-MADCE-The-Drug-Court-Experience.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/412356-MADCE-The-Drug-Court-Experience.pdf Shelf Number: 123747 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Sweeney, Josh Title: Poly drug use among police detainees Summary: Offenders with complex drug dependencies involving two or more drug types comprise a substantial proportion of drug court and drug diversion clients, yet evaluation studies have demonstrated that these offenders often have poorer retention rates and higher post-program reoffending rates. Poly drug use also has implications for police and law enforcement agencies, as users are potentially a more diversified group whose varied patterns of use makes them more resilient to illicit drug market fluctuations. For these reasons, understanding the nature and extent of poly drug use, especially among those who come into contact with the criminal justice system, will help agencies develop more targeted programs and policing strategies that seek to minimise the impact of drug use in their communities. Using data from Australia’s most comprehensive survey of drug use among detainees, the 2009 collection of the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program, it was shown that nearly a third of detainees reporting using two or more drugs in the 30 days prior to being detained. Cannabis was the primary drug used by 48 percent of detainees, followed by heroin (19%) and amphetamines (17%). Binary logistic models show that poly drug users are almost twice as likely as single drug users to self report the receipt of income from both drug dealing and other illegal sources, irrespective of any differences between frequency and type of drug used. Details: Canberra, Australia: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2011. 8p. Source: Trends & issue in crime and criminal justice, No. 425: Internet Resource: Accessed February 10, 2012 at http://www.aic.gov.au/documents/A/0/4/%7BA047429D-813B-48E5-B2DE-027A209AE899%7Dtandi425.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/documents/A/0/4/%7BA047429D-813B-48E5-B2DE-027A209AE899%7Dtandi425.pdf Shelf Number: 124068 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Use (Australia) Police Custody Police Detainees (Australia)

Author: Immarigeon, Russ Title: Diversion Works: How Connecticut Can Downsize Prisons, Improve Public Safety and Save Money with a Comprehensive Mental Health and Substance Abuse Approach Summary: After leading the nation in prison population reduction in 2003, Connecticut's prison population reached record high levels this year, with more than 19,800 men and women behind bars. A recent prison population forecast by the Connecticut Statistical Analysis Center indicates that, unless measures are quickly taken to bring prison population levels back under control, taxpayers are likely to be burdened with excessive and rising costs to pay for capacity expansion. This report outlines how Connecticut can save money and increase public safety through diverting people with mental health and substance abuse issues away from prison. Details: New York: Drug Policy Alliance, 2008. 19p. Source: A Better Way Foundation Report, Commissioned by the Drug Policy Alliance: Internet Resource: Accessed February 18, 2012 at http://www.drugpolicy.org/docUploads/DiversionWorks.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/docUploads/DiversionWorks.pdf Shelf Number: 124180 Keywords: Corrections (Connecticut) Diversion Drug Offenders Mentally Ill Offenders Public Safety

Author: Bouchard, Martin Title: Estimation of the Size of the Illicit Methamphetamine and MDMA Markets in Canada: A Discussion Paper on Potential Methods and Data Sources Summary: Ever since their relatively recent appearance as drugs of choice among the Canadian population, methamphetamine (meth) and 3,4-methylenedioxy-N-methylamphetamine (MDMA or ecstasy) hydrochloride have been the object of concern for public health and law enforcement agencies. The concern with meth and ecstasy are based on two main issues: (i) the highly addictive nature of these drugs paired with serious health consequences for users (especially for meth), (ii) the identification of Canadian offenders as major players in meth/ecstasy production and exportation. Although various reports suggest that both issues deserve immediate consideration from policy makers and researchers, there is a lack of data on the most basic (yet crucial) issue – the size of the markets. The purpose of this report is to re-examine the scientific and grey literature on current methods of estimating the size of illegal markets, with an emphasis on the meth/MDMA markets. The first part of this paper reviews the current data available from various surveys on the prevalence of Amphetamine-Type Stimulants (ATS) and MDMA use in Canada. The second section of the report examines recent innovations in the area, with a special emphasis on two families of methods: (i) multiplier methods, which derive an estimate of the population based on a rate of occurrence of an event in the population of interest (e.g. number of overdoses per ATS user); and (ii) capture-recapture methods, which infer the number of users, dealers or producers never arrested based on the patterns of arrests and re-arrests over a fixed time period. The third part of the paper turns to the data requirements for applying these methods to the Canadian meth and ecstasy markets, with an emphasis on estimating the scale of ATS production. Details: Ottawa: Organized Crime Division, Law Enforcement and Policy Branch, Public Safety Canada, 2010. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Report No. 003, 2010: Accessed February 27, 2012 at: http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2012/sp-ps/PS4-90-2010-eng.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2012/sp-ps/PS4-90-2010-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 124279 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Markets Drug Offenders Methamphetamine (Canada)

Author: Mitchell, Ojmarrh Title: Drug Courts’ Effects on Criminal Offending for Juveniles and Adults Summary: Drug courts are specialized courts in which court actors collaboratively use the legal and moral authority of the court to monitor drug-involved offenders’ abstinence from drug use via frequent drug testing and compliance with individualized drug treatment programs. Drug courts have proliferated across the United States in the past 20 years and been adopted in countries outside the United States. Drug courts also have expanded to non-traditional populations (juvenile and DWI offenders). The objective of this review is to systematically review quasi-experimental and experimental (RCT) evaluations of the effectiveness of drug courts in reducing recidivism, including drug courts for juvenile and DWI offenders. This systematic review critically assesses drug courts’ effects on recidivism in the short- and long-term, the methodological soundness of the existing evidence, and the relationship between drug court features and effectiveness. Details: Oslo, Norway: Campbell Collaboration, 2012. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: Campbell Systematic Review 2012:4: Accessed February 28, 2012 at: http://www.ndcrc.org/sites/default/files/mitchell_drugcourts_review.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.ndcrc.org/sites/default/files/mitchell_drugcourts_review.pdf Shelf Number: 124302 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Barnard, Matt Title: The Drug Treatment Outcomes Research Study (DTORS): Qualitative Study Summary: The DTORS qualitative research involved in-depth interviews with both service providers and service users. Qualitative research is a key means of carrying out research in sensitive areas and is a way of collecting data that are capable of centralising the participants own experiences, being responsive to participants and remaining flexible and reflexive. Participation in the research was voluntary. Participants' were initially identified and invited to participate in the research using purposive sampling methods. In all elements of the qualitative research, this means that samples were designed to include range and diversity in all the dimensions likely to affect experiences, behaviour and attitudes, and to include all key sub-groups and constituencies. Research interviews lasted for approximately 1.5hrs and were carried out using topic guides. The data was analysed using the Framework method of analysis (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003). The qualitative research provided a rich understanding of participants' experiences and perceptions of treatment and the decisions they made about remaining in or leaving it. In the broadest terms, the research also explored: service users' pathways into treatment; service providers' experiences and views of treatment services; the factors perceived to influence service users' different pathways through treatment; and to understand the wider range of personal and social factors that may impact on different treatment outcomes for service users. Research with service providers and service users took place in 2006/07. Details: London: Home Office, 2009. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Homes Office Research Reprot 26: Accessed April 11, 2012 at: http://www.dtors.org.uk/reports/DTORS_Qualitative_Main.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.dtors.org.uk/reports/DTORS_Qualitative_Main.pdf Shelf Number: 124933 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment (U.K.) Drug Offenders

Author: Davies, Linda Title: The Drug Treatment Outcomes Research Study (DTORS): Cost-effectiveness Analysis Summary: The objectives of the CBA were to: estimate the costs of treatment; descriptively compare the costs and outcomes of drug treatment overall and by treatment centre; estimate the monetary value of the outcomes measured by the DTORS and the overall net benefit of treatment. The economic evaluation used cost consequences analysis to descriptively compare the costs and outcomes of drug treatment. Cost benefit analysis was used to estimate the net benefit (cost) of drug treatment. The cost estimates included the fixed and variable costs of the treatment centres, the costs of services accessed or used by service users and families as part of treatment or as a consequence of treatment. These data were collected from a review of centre accounting and information systems, service user records (where these existed) and interviews and questionnaires completed by care and support staff and service users. The outcomes included: •Quality adjusted life years; •Engagement in drug related behaviours; •Severity of drug dependence; •Offending behaviour; •Employment. Details: London: Home Office, 2009. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Home Office Research Report 25: Accessed April 11, 2012 at: http://www.dtors.org.uk/reports/DTORS_CostEffect_Main.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.dtors.org.uk/reports/DTORS_CostEffect_Main.pdf Shelf Number: 124934 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment (U.K.) Drug Offenders

Author: Jones, Andrew Title: The Drug Treatment Outcomes Research Study (DTORS): Final Outcomes Report Summary: This report summarises follow-up data from the Drug Treatment Outcomes Research Study (DTORS): a longitudinal study that explores the outcomes of drug treatment in England. The overriding finding is that treatment reduces the harmful behaviours that are associated with problem drug use. The majority of treatment seekers received carecoordinated treatment, expressed satisfaction with their care, were retained in treatment beyond three months, reported significant and substantial reductions in drug use and offending, and improvements in mental well-being and social functioning. DTORS has measured a broad range of outcomes. Where comparable, the positive DTORS outcomes are equivalent to, or better than, those observed a decade ago by NTORS, the previous national outcomes study. Alongside the fact that the number of people in contact with treatment services has more than doubled over the last decade, this suggests that the drug-treatment system has been responding effectively by increasing numbers in treatment and improving treatment effectiveness. Most improvements occur within the first few months of entering treatment. The changes in behaviour observed at first follow-up (three to five months after initial interview) are mainly only sustained at second follow-up (11 to13 months), although there are some additional improvements during this later stage of treatment. This may suggest that there are opportunities to further capitalise on the early gains that are achieved. Further work is needed to establish whether these gains are sustained once treatment has stopped. Levels of drug use declined rapidly within the first three months of starting treatment, and then continued at the same rate, for up to six months. These findings support the validity of the national performance indicator of retention in treatment for at least three months, but suggest potential value in longer measures of retention than currently employed as well as the need for treatment facilities to focus on a continuing process of change. Details: London: Home Office, 2009. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Home Office Research Report 24: Accessed April 11, 2012 at: http://www.dtors.org.uk/reports/DTORS_Final_Main.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.dtors.org.uk/reports/DTORS_Final_Main.pdf Shelf Number: 124935 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (U.K.) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders

Author: New Jersey Courts Title: A Model for Success: A Report on New Jersey's Adult Drug Courts Summary: The New Jersey Adult Drug Court Program is an alternative to incarceration for drug dependent offenders. Instead of imprisoning offenders, the Drug Court offers a voluntary, therapeutic program designed to break the cycle of addiction and crime by addressing the underlying cause of repeated criminal behavior. In New Jersey, the Drug Court process begins with a legal review of the offender’s current and prior offenses and a clinical assessment of his or her substance abuse history. Offenders who meet eligibility criteria and are found to be drug and/or alcohol dependent are placed in the Drug Court program and referred to a treatment level of care that meets their clinical need. Over several years, the individual receives substance abuse treatment, intensive probation supervision, frequent and random drug testing and may be referred to a variety of ancillary service providers. A unique element of the Drug Court program is that offenders must appear in court regularly, even weekly and report to the Drug Court judge on their compliance with program requirements. The personal intervention of the judge in the offenders’ lives is a major factor in the success of Drug Courts. This report tells the of the accomplishments of Adult Drug Courts in the State of New Jersey over the past ten years. Details: Trenton, NJ: New Jersey Courts, 2010. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 12, 2012 at: Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 124940 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Courts (New Jersey) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Thompson, Jennie Title: Use of Bleach and the Methadone Maintenance Treatment Program as Harm Reduction Measures in Canadian Penitentiaries Summary: To prevent the transmission of blood-borne infections (BBIs), including human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and hepatitis C virus (HCV), Correctional Service Canada (CSC) directs that bleach be “easily and discreetly” accessible to inmates for the cleaning of injecting, tattooing and piercing equipment (CSC, 2004). Further CSC provides a Methadone Maintenance Treatment Program (MMTP) to inmates severely addicted to opiates (CSC, 2003). To date, there has not been a thorough examination of the demand for bleach (defined as any attempt to access bleach between November 2006 and completion of the survey) and use of MMTP for the purpose of harm reduction in Canadian Penitentiaries. To address this gap in knowledge, CSC conducted the National Inmate Infectious Diseases and Risk-Behaviours Survey (NIIDRBS) in 2007. This questionnaire was completed by a large sample of Canadian federal inmates (n=3,370). This report presents NIIDRBS findings on the use of injection drug use (IDU), tattooing and piercing; awareness of and demand for bleach; and, participation in MMTP. Overall, a minority of inmates reported risk factors for BBIs: 17% reported injecting drugs, 38% reported tattooing, and 13% reported piercing while at CSC. These inmates may be exposed to BBIs through the use of someone else’s equipment for injecting, tattooing, and piercing. A large proportion of inmates who used injection drugs reported using someone else’s used equipment (68%). Notably, fewer inmates used someone else’s equipment for tattooing and piercing on a CSC range (ranging from 15% to 40%). Among all inmates, 87% reported being aware of CSC’s policy ensuring easy access to bleach and 57% reported a demand for bleach. The majority of inmates who engaged in injecting, tattooing and/or piercing at CSC reported using bleach-cleaned equipment. Furthermore, demand for bleach was higher among inmates who reported using someone else’s used injecting equipment. Overall, bleach is being used as intended among inmates engaging high risk-behaviours associated with the transmission of BBIs. Thirty-seven percent of inmates who had a demand for bleach reported problems accessing it. Inmates reported maintenance issues as the primary problem in accessing bleach (men 69%, women 48%). Forty-eight percent of women also reported that they had to ask staff for bleach. Overall availability of bleach could be increased through decreasing these two issues. Generally, inmates who reported injecting opiates were more likely to use someone else’s used injecting equipment than inmates who reported injecting non-opiates. Hence, injecting opiates may increase the risk of exposure to BBIs through increased risky injecting practices. MMTP is a harm reduction measure offered by CSC to reduce the frequency of opiate use and thus exposure to BBIs. At the time of the survey, 7% of inmates reported being on MMTP. Among those who reported being on MMTP, 60% did not report opiate use recently in a penitentiary. For those not on the program but who had previously tried to get on it, 53% reported not meeting the program requirements; the remaining inmates reported that they had taken themselves off (29%), were taken off because of diversion (<1%), or they were taken off for other reasons (17%). Overall, the NIIDRBS provides descriptive estimates of inmates’ risk- and harm-reducing behaviours associated with the transmission of BBIs. The survey’s cross-sectional design, however, limited the measurement of some indicators. Future research should examine the direct associations between demand for bleach, the use of bleach as a cleaning product and factors associated with using non-sterile equipment. In particular, greater knowledge is needed regarding why inmates do not use the available harm reduction measures. Furthermore, greater detail on risk-behaviours prior to and after MMTP initiation would assist in examining and possibly improving program effectiveness. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2010. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 2010 Nº R-210: Accessed April 16, 2012 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r210/r210-eng.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r210/r210-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 124981 Keywords: Bleach Correctional Institutions (Canada) Drug Abuse Treatment Programs Drug Offenders Inmate Treatment Programs Methadone Prisons (Canada)

Author: Axford, Marsha Title: Homicide, Sex, Robbery and Drug Offenders in Federal Corrections: An End-of-2008 Review Summary: One of the challenges confronting all Correctional Services in recent years is the effective management of offender populations. It has long been recognized that the demographic and offence-related characteristics of these populations influence institutional conduct as well as the safe transition of offenders to the community. As the characteristics of offenders and populations change, it creates the need to develop or refine correctional interventions to best respond to the needs and risks of these offenders. For example, an increase in the number of offenders admitted to prison with drug-related offences may indicate the need to develop and offer more addictions or substance-abuse programs. Moreover, an increase in the number of offenders sentenced with violent offences is typically associated with higher levels of institutional misconduct. As a result, it is important to monitor changes in the offender population. This study provides an overview of offenders convicted of homicide, sexual, robbery and drug-related offences on December 31, 2008. Of the 22,445 offenders under the supervision of the Service on that date, 5,540 had been convicted of a homicide offence, 3,154 were sexual offenders, 6,276 had a conviction for robbery, and 6,433 offenders had been convicted of a drug-related offence. In terms of population trends, the number of offenders sentenced on a homicide offence increased by 18% in the ten years prior to December 31, 2008. Part of this increase is because offenders convicted of first- and second-degree murder will remain under correctional supervision for the remainder of their lives. The number of sexual offenders, by contrast, decreased 14% during that same era, and this may be due to a decrease in the number of these offences reported to the police in the past decade (Dauvergne & Turner, 2010). The number of CSC offenders convicted of a robbery offence followed a similar trend, having decreased 8% from 1998 to 2008. However, during the same time period, the number of offenders who had been sentenced on a drug-related offence increased by 18%. Over the past ten years for which data are reported, there were a number of noteworthy changes in the management of these offenders. First, the number of homicide and drug offenders supervised in the community increased by 431 (+25%) and 117 (4%) respectively, while there were fewer offenders from the other groups who had been conditionally released: sex offenders (-268; -22%) and those convicted of robbery (-490; -18%), In addition, more offenders were placed in maximum security units in 2008 compared to 1998. In 2008, homicide (31%) and robbery (29%) offenders were more often housed in maximum security units than drug and sexual offenders (23% each). Last, the proportion of offenders released at their statutory release date (SR) had increased for all offence types, particularly for robbery offenders (50% in 1998 versus 63.1% in 2008). Altogether, there have been some significant changes in the characteristics of the federal offender population. These changes have resulted in a number of operational changes to better manage the risks that these offenders might pose in either institutions or the community. Basing these operational changes on the latest information about the offender population will enable the Service to focus on the safe transition of these offenders to the community. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2011. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 2011 No R-234: Accessed April 16, 2012 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r234/r234-eng.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r234/r234-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 124982 Keywords: Drug Offenders Inmates (Canada) Prisoners Robbers Sex Offenders Violent Offenders

Author: Zakaria, Dianne Title: The Relationship between Knowledge of HIV and HCV, Health Education, and Risk and Harm-Reducing Behaviours among Canadian Federal Inmates Summary: For inmates to make informed decisions about risk-behaviours, such as injection drug use and unprotected sex, they require knowledge about infectious disease transmission and prevention. Previous research suggests that greater human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) knowledge does not necessarily translate into less HIV risk-behaviours, but similar research examining the relationship between hepatitis C virus (HCV) knowledge and risk-behaviours is lacking. Moreover, past research has not extensively examined harm-reducing behaviours, such as bleaching injecting equipment, and no studies were identified which examined the association between knowledge and behaviour in the Canadian correctional context. To address these deficiencies in the literature, in 2007 the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) conducted the National Inmate Infectious Diseases and Risk Behaviours Survey (NIIDRBS), a self-administered paper questionnaire completed by a large sample of Canadian federal inmates (n = 3,370). This report presents NIIDRBS data on Canadian federal inmates’ knowledge of HIV and HCV; the association between health education program attendance and knowledge; and, the association between knowledge and risk and harm-reducing behaviours. Overall knowledge was higher for HIV than HCV. On average, inmates correctly answered 80% (95% CI: 79, 80) of the HIV questions compared to 69% (95% CI: 68, 70) of the HCV questions. Inmates were most knowledgeable regarding the major modes of transmission for both HIV (M = 85%, 95% CI: 84, 85) and HCV (M = 83%, 95% CI: 82, 84). For HCV, however, knowledge of transmission through casual contact (M = 62%, 95% CI: 61, 64), prevention (M = 63%, 95% CI: 62, 65), and testing and treatment (M = 60%, 95% CI: 58, 61) were lower. The most substantial association between health education program attendance and knowledge was noted among women. Specifically, women attendees correctly answered, on average, 78% (95% CI: 77, 80) of the HCV questions compared to 68% (95% CI: 64, 71) for women non-attendees. Contrary to previously published research, there were instances where greater knowledge was associated with safer behaviour. First, inmates aware of the HIV-risk associated with injecting drugs with needles previously used by others were less likely to report injecting drugs during the past six months in prison compared to inmates who were unaware of the risk (14% vs. 22%, χ2(1, n = 2,922) = 5.84, p < 0.05). Second, among males who injected drugs during the past six months in prison, those aware of the HCV-risk were more likely to have last injected with a needle cleaned with bleach compared to those unaware of the risk (73% vs. 46%, χ2(1, n = 265) = 9.00, p < 0.05). Third, among males ever pierced on a CSC prison range, those aware of the HCV-risk were twice as likely to report consistently using piercing equipment cleaned with bleach compared to those unaware of the risk (63% vs. 31%, χ2(1, n = 306) = 8.15, p < 0.05). Finally, among currently sexually active women, those aware of the HIV-risk were less likely to report unprotected anal sex with women during the past six months in prison compared to those who were unaware of the risk (37% vs. 71%, χ2(1, n = 55) = 5.57, p < 0.05). Further, those aware of the HCV-risk were less likely to report unprotected vaginal sex with women compared to those unaware of the risk (67% vs. 91%, χ2 (1, n = 59) = 5.30, p < 0.05). Thus, greater knowledge may not consistently reduce the occurrence of a risk-behaviour, but it may increase an inmate’s tendency to use harm reduction items should he or she engage in the risk-behaviour. The NIIDRBS provided insight into the associations between knowledge of HIV/HCV, health education, and behaviour, but the cross-sectional survey design limited rigorous evaluation of these relationships, particularly with respect to causal effects. An intervention study1, which captures information about knowledge and behaviour over time, including after release into the community, could provide more accurate information about the impact of health education on knowledge and knowledge on behaviour. Such research should explore why inmates continue to engage in risk-behaviours, despite adequate knowledge. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2010. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 2010 No R-195: Accessed April 16, 2012 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r195/r195-eng.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/rsrch/reports/r195/r195-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 124987 Keywords: Drug Offenders Health Care, Prisons HIV (Viruses) Infectious Diseases Inmates, Drug Abusing (Canada) Prisoners, Drug Abusing

Author: Cowen, Nick Title: Rehabilitating Drug Policy: What Can We Do Better to Reduce Offending by Drug Addicts? Summary: This report examines what is currently working in drug rehabilitation, and what could be done better, with specific reference to the criminal justice system and criminal justice outcomes in England and Wales. The following sections attempt to answer two key questions: 1. What drug interventions are effective? 2. How should effective drug interventions be delivered? The primary evidence is a series of open-ended interviews with practitioners and advocates in the field of drug addiction. In addition, this report attempts to distil some of the implications of current empirical evidence on treatment. Greater weight is given to systematic reviews of the evidence where they have been carried out. Details: London: Civitas, 2012. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 30, 2012 at: http://www.civitas.org.uk/crime/RehabilitatingDrugsPolicy2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.civitas.org.uk/crime/RehabilitatingDrugsPolicy2012.pdf Shelf Number: 125097 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (U.K.) Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Policy

Author: Porter, Nicole D. Title: Cracked Justice Summary: In August 2010 President Barack Obama signed the Fair Sentencing Act (FSA), historic legislation that reduced the quantity-based sentencing differential between federal crack and powder cocaine convictions that resulted in significant racial disparities and excessive penalties. The bipartisan measure addressed the 100-to-1 disparity that punished defendants with five grams of crack cocaine (also known as cocaine base) with the same five-year mandatory minimum penalty imposed on powder cocaine defendants with 100 times that amount. Lawmakers rushed to establish the disparity and stiff sentences for crack cocaine in 1986 when the growing hysteria around the drug’s emergence in urban communities climaxed because of the death of a college basketball star whose overdose, officials believed, was caused by crack cocaine. The policy advances at the federal level, which reduced the disparity to 18-to-1, provide an opening for reevaluating similar state policies enacted during the height of the crack cocaine “epidemic,” and followed the lead of Congress. While each state maintains its own laws governing offenses involving crack cocaine, and none maintain the extreme 100-to-1 differential between crack and powder cocaine, the harsh penalties for low-level crack cocaine offenses are considerable and produce significant consequences. Today 13 states maintain sentencing disparities between crack and powder cocaine offenses. These include:  In Missouri, where a defendant convicted of selling six grams of crack cocaine faces the same prison term –a ten-year mandatory minimum – as someone who sells 450 grams of powder cocaine, or 75 times that amount..  In Oklahoma, which maintains a 6-to-1 quantity-based sentencing disparity, a ten-year mandatory minimum sentence is triggered for five grams of crack cocaine and 28 grams of powder cocaine.  In Arizona, which has a 12-to-1 disparity, nine grams of powder cocaine or less than a gram of crack cocaine trigger five-year prison terms for trafficking offenses. Harsh drug penalties like these are a contributing factor to the exceptionally high rates of incarceration and overcrowding in state prison facilities. During the 1980s, policy responses to drug abuse deprioritized treatment in favor of enforcement and sentencing enhancements. A quadrupling of investments in drug enforcement ramped up drug arrests.1 Moreover, since the early days of the war on drugs, the number of Americans incarcerated for drug offenses in state prisons has increased from 19,000 in 1980 to 265,000 by 2008. Fiscal pressure to tighten state corrections budgets, along with mounting evidence documenting the unfair and unwarranted structure of these sentencing laws, suggests that lawmakers should reexamine the sentencing differential between crack and powder cocaine. According to the National Governors Association, 46 states expect budget deficits this year. High rates of incarceration are expensive to maintain and sentencing changes that limit terms for low-level drug offenses, including crack cocaine, can effectively conserve resources without adverse effects on public safety. States like Kansas, Michigan, New York, and New Jersey have enacted policy changes in recent years that significantly reduced prison populations, while maintaining public safety and curbing the cost of incarceration. Details: Washington, DC: The Sentencing Project, 2011. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 30, 2012 at: http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/dp_Cracked%20Justice.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/dp_Cracked%20Justice.pdf Shelf Number: 125099 Keywords: Disparities in Sentencing Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Offenses (U.S.)

Author: Iowa Public Safety Advisory Board Title: Final Report: Outcomes of Mandatory Minimum Sentences for Drug Traffickers Summary: A mandatory minimum sentence requires that offenders serve a certain portion of their sentence in confinement, without the possibility of parole, until they have served the required portion of time. Mandatory minimum sentencing became popular in the 1980s and 1990s as a proposed way to control crime and create equity in sentencing. However, a growing body of research indicates that mandatory sentencing is ineffective and has not reduced recidivism rates or gender, age, and race disparities. In addition, exceptions in the law allow for reductions in mandatory sentencing if offenders provide helpful information to authorities, typically benefiting high risk offenders and resulting in a higher incarceration of low risk offenders. This study was undertaken to assess the effectiveness of mandatory minimum sentences for drug traffickers. In Iowa, the drug offender mandatory minimum is required by Code of Iowa §124.413 and requires offenders to serve at least one-third of the maximum sentence of their offense class. Code of Iowa §901.10 allows for reductions in the mandatory minimum sentence. The cohort studied here included drug traffickers who entered prison as new admissions or probation violators and who were released from prison or work release in FY2007. Those who served mandatory sentences were compared to those whose mandatory sentences were waived (eligible but not serving a mandatory sentence). The total in the study cohort was 625. The outcome of interest in the study was recidivism, defined as a return-to-prison within three years. Outcomes for all cohort members were examined excluding foreign born offenders who may not have had an opportunity to recidivate due to deportation or federal incarceration. The major findings are summarized below. Detailed data and other findings are provided in the outcomes section. Details: Des Moines: Iowa Department of Human Rights, Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning, 2011. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2012 at: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/PSAB_MandatoryMinimumReport2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.humanrights.iowa.gov/cjjp/images/pdf/PSAB_MandatoryMinimumReport2011.pdf Shelf Number: 125125 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Traffickers Mandatory Minimum Sentences Sentencing (Iowa)

Author: Great Britain. National Health Service. National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse Title: Estimating the Crime Reduction Benefits of Drug Treatment and Recovery Summary: The Home Office estimates that drug related crime costs £13.9bn per year and that offenders who use heroin, cocaine or crack cocaine commit between a third and a half of all acquisitive crimes. As a result, reducing drug-related crime is one of the main objectives of the government’s drug strategy. This recognises that the provision of good quality drug treatment, combined with stable housing and employment, can be very effective in preventing high volume acquisitive offending. Drug addicted people often develop a tolerance through daily compulsive use, which can result in an expensive addiction. For instance, the estimated average value of drugs used in the four weeks prior to treatment among participants of the Drug Treatment Outcomes Research Study (DTORS) was £1,2964. With little income they may resort to crime to pay for their drug use. This might include acquisitive crimes such as shoplifting, burglary or robbery, or other financially motivated crimes such as soliciting and begging. Drug treatment is designed to reduce people’s need for drugs, which in turn reduces the driving force behind their drug-related offending. The National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse (NTA) has worked closely with economists in the Home Office (HO) and the Department of Health (DH) to build a Value for Money (VFM) model in response to the National Audit Office recommendation to develop a framework for evaluating value for money in relation to the previous drug strategy. The VFM model estimates the crime prevention and health improvement benefits of treatment and recovery. This is the first time such estimates have been made at a national level. This report sets out a detailed explanation of how the estimates were calculated for the crime component of the VFM model and has been endorsed by HO. It will be followed by a publication later this year on the health improvement benefits of drug treatment, presenting our work with DH on the potential improvements to Quality Adjusted Life Years (QALYs) from drug treatment and recovery. Crime prevention and health improvement are not the only potential benefits of drug treatment. There are a variety of different harms associated with drug use and we hope to look at other potential benefits of treatment and recovery in relation to these in the future. We estimate that drug treatment and recovery systems in England may have prevented approximately 4.9m crimes in 2010-11, with an estimated saving to society of £960m in costs to the public, businesses, the criminal justice system and National Health Service (NHS). We also estimate that approximately 19.6m crimes may be prevented over the course of the Spending Review 2010 period (SR10) (2011-12 to 2014-15), with an estimated saving to society of £3.6bn. In addition we estimate that up to a further 4.1m offences may be prevented over a nine year period (from 2011-12 to 2019-2020), because we estimate that 13,702 people who left treatment in 2010-11 will go on to sustain long term recovery, with an estimated value of £700m. We also estimate that continued investment in drug treatment over the SR10 period could lead to up to an estimated 54,000 former clients sustaining long term recovery which may prevent up to 16.6m more offences with an estimated value of up to £2.6bn by 2023-24. The model also helps us to estimate the potential impact of disinvestment in adult drug treatment. We estimate that, all else being equal, for every £1m taken out of the system there could be an increase of approximately 9,860 drug-related crimes per year at an estimated cost to society of over £1.8m. These findings are based on an empirical analysis of data from the National Drug Treatment Monitoring System (NDTMS) linked to conviction records from the Police National Computer (PNC) and on self reported offences data from DTORS. Details: London: National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse, 2012. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2012 at: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/vfm2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/vfm2012.pdf Shelf Number: 125256 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment (U.K.) Drug Offenders

Author: Great Britain. National Health Service. National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse Title: Breaking the Link: The Role of Drug Treatment in Tackling Crime Summary: The relationship between problem drug use and crime is complex. Even so, all the evidence indicates that problem drug users are responsible for a large percentage of acquisitive crime, such as shoplifting and burglary. As a direct consequence of the crime they commit, these problem drug users are highly likely to end up in the criminal justice system at some point. Some will serve community sentences, others will be sent to prison. In either case, the criminal justice system now compels them to confront their drug problems. Drug treatment for offenders in the community has improved enormously over the past decade, in terms of availability and quality. Prisons are now catching up, with the introduction of a new treatment regime – the Integrated Drug Treatment System (IDTS). The NTA is now responsible for implementing IDTS in prisons, and this report, in part, looks at the progress that has been made so far. Prisons are logical places to engage problem drug users in effective treatment. The aim is to break the link between their drug use and criminal behaviour, so that they don’t reoffend on release and have the opportunity to recover and reintegrate with society. In this way, effective treatment can liberate them, their families, and the communities that suffer as a result of drug-related crime. Drug treatment has been available in prisons for some time, but this is the first time there will be an evidence-based, individual-focused system offering consistent treatment in all prisons in England. IDTS seeks to ensure that problem drug users in prisons have access to the same quality of treatment as those in the community, and the same chance to rebuild their lives. This report is therefore about the positive impact drug treatment can have towards reducing crime, cutting the cost of drug-related harm to society, and making communities safer for everyone. Details: London: National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse, 2004. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2012 at: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/nta_criminaljustice_0809.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/nta_criminaljustice_0809.pdf Shelf Number: 125261 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime (U.K.) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders

Author: Hornick, Joseph P. Title: An Evaluation of Yukon's Community Wellness Court Summary: The Yukon Community Wellness Court (CWC) is a therapeutic court model that is designed to work with offenders to address the underlying, root causes of their offending behaviour. The Court was established in May 2007 as a response to the recognition that a substantial proportion of offenders in the Yukon have underlying issues related to wellness such as alcohol and drug addictions, mental health problems, or Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder (FASD). This report presents results of a comprehensive process and summative outcome evaluation analysis designed to monitor and test the effectiveness of the CWC. More specifically, the evaluation objectives were as follows: (1) to identify whether the Community Wellness Court and program continues to be implemented as planned; and (2) to determine the effectiveness of the Community Wellness Court process and program at achieving their objectives. Details: Calgary, Alberta, Canada: Canadian Research Institute for Law and the Family, 2011. 129p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2012 at: Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 125263 Keywords: Alcoholism Drug Offenders Mentally Ill Offenders Problem-Solving Courts (Yukon, Canada)

Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: The Maryland Adult Offender Population Urine Screening (OPUS) Program - Final Report Summary: In 2005, CESAR piloted an innovative cost-effective method to measure drug use trends in offenders in Maryland, using urine specimens already collected and tested for a small panel of drugs by the Division of Parole and Probation (DPP). The 2005 OPUS study sampled 299 specimens obtained from adult parolees and probationers in six counties in Maryland (Baltimore City, Baltimore, Howard, Prince George’s, Charles and Washington counties) and retested the specimens for an expanded panel of 30 drugs. The findings indicated considerable promise of the OPUS methodology for providing the state with information regarding the availability and use of drugs by offenders. The current study used the OPUS methodology to obtain 1,061 specimens from the three Maryland DPP labs that process urine specimens submitted from 55 DPP collection sites. These specimens were sent to a laboratory for testing of an extended panel of 31 drugs. As we found in the prior pilot study, the most common drugs detected were marijuana, cocaine, benzodiazepines, and morphine. Again, we found almost no evidence of methamphetamine use and that most PCP positives came from offenders in Prince George’s County. On the other hand, a larger percentage of buprenorphine positives were detected (5% vs. 13%, p<.001) than we found in 2005, suggesting greater use of this relatively newly prescribed drug in Maryland. Considerable geographic differences were found in the patterns of drugs detected across Maryland. Only 4% of the tested specimens were found to test positive solely for a drug in the expanded screen. It therefore appears that the current five drug DPP screen identifies 96% of all recent drug users. The OPUS methodology may provide states with a relatively quick and low cost method for monitoring drug trends in offenders. Details: College Park, MD: Center for Substance Abuse Research (CESAR), University of Maryland, 2009. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 20, 2012 at http://www.goccp.maryland.gov/msac/documents/bjag-2005-1080.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.goccp.maryland.gov/msac/documents/bjag-2005-1080.pdf Shelf Number: 125393 Keywords: Adult Offenders (Maryland) Drug Offenders Drug Testing Evaluative Studies (Maryland) Urinalysis (Maryland) Urine Testing

Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: The Maryland Adult Offender Population Urine Screening (OPUS) Program: Final Report Summary: In 2005, CESAR piloted an innovative cost-effective method to measure drug use trends in offenders in Maryland, using urine specimens already collected and tested for a small panel of drugs by the Division of Parole and Probation (DPP). The 2005 OPUS study sampled 299 specimens obtained from adult parolees and probationers in six counties in Maryland (Baltimore City, Baltimore, Howard, Prince George’s, Charles and Washington counties) and retested the specimens for an expanded panel of 30 drugs. The findings indicated considerable promise of the OPUS methodology for providing the state with information regarding the availability and use of drugs by offenders. The current study used the OPUS methodology to obtain 1,061 specimens from the three Maryland DPP labs that process urine specimens submitted from 55 DPP collection sites. These specimens were sent to a laboratory for testing of an extended panel of 31 drugs. As we found in the prior pilot study, the most common drugs detected were marijuana, cocaine, benzodiazepines, and morphine. Again, we found almost no evidence of methamphetamine use and that most PCP positives came from offenders in Prince George’s County. On the other hand, a larger percentage of buprenorphine positives were detected (5% vs. 13%, p<.001) than we found in 2005, suggesting greater use of this relatively newly prescribed drug in Maryland. Considerable geographic differences were found in the patterns of drugs detected across Maryland. Only 4% of the tested specimens were found to test positive solely for a drug in the expanded screen. It therefore appears that the current five drug DPP screen identifies 96% of all recent drug users. The OPUS methodology may provide states with a relatively quick and low cost method for monitoring drug trends in offenders. Details: College Park, MD: Center for Substance Abuse Research (CESAR), University of Maryland, College Park, 2009. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2012 at: http://www.goccp.maryland.gov/msac/documents/bjag-2005-1080.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.goccp.maryland.gov/msac/documents/bjag-2005-1080.pdf Shelf Number: 125441 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Urine Testing

Author: McCarty, Maggie Title: Drug Testing and Crime-Related Restrictions in TANF, SNAP, and Housing Assistance Summary: Throughout the history of social assistance programs, administrators have attempted to limit access only to those families considered “worthy” of assistance. Policies about worthiness have included both judgments about need—generally tied to income, demographic characteristics, or family circumstances—and judgments about moral character, often as evidenced by behavior. Past policies evaluating moral character based on family structure have been replaced by today’s policies, which focus on criminal activity, particularly drug-related criminal activity. The existing crime and drug-related restrictions were established in the late 1980s through the mid-1990s, when crime rates, especially drug-related violent crime rates, were at peak levels. While crime rates have since declined, interest in expanding these policies has continued. The three programs examined in this report—the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly Food Stamps), and federal housing assistance programs (public housing and Section 8 tenant and project-based assistance)—are similar, in that they are administered at the state or local level. They are different in the forms of assistance they provide. TANF provides cash assistance and other supports to low-income parents and their children, with a specific focus on promoting work. SNAP provides food assistance to a broader set of poor households including families with children, elderly households, and persons with disabilities. The housing assistance programs offer subsidized rental housing to all types of poor families, like SNAP. All three programs feature some form of drug- and other crime-related restrictions and all three leave discretion in applying those restrictions to state and local administrators. Both TANF and SNAP are subject to the statutory “drug felon ban,” which bars states from providing assistance to persons convicted of a drug-related felony, but also gives states the ability to opt-out of or modify the ban, which most states have done. Housing assistance programs are not subject to the drug felon ban, but they are subject to a set of policies that allow local program administrators to deny or terminate assistance to persons involved in drug-related or other criminal activity. Housing law also includes mandatory restrictions related to specific crimes, including sex offenses and methamphetamine production. All three programs also have specific restrictions related to fugitive felons. Recently, the issue of drug testing in federal assistance programs has risen in prominence. In the case of TANF, states are permitted to drug-test recipients; however, state policies involving suspicionless drug testing of TANF applicants and recipients are currently being challenged in courts. SNAP law does not explicitly address drug testing, but given the way that SNAP and TANF law interact, state TANF drug testing policies may affect SNAP participants. The laws governing housing assistance programs are silent on the topic of drug testing. The current set of crime- and drug-related restrictions in federal assistance programs are not consistent across programs, meaning that similarly situated persons may have different experiences based on where they live and what assistance they are seeking. This variation may be considered important, in that it reflects a stated policy goal of local discretion. However, the variation may also be considered problematic if it leads to confusion among eligible recipients as to what assistance they are eligible for or if the variation is seen as inequitable. Proposals to modify these policies also highlight a tension that exists between the desire to use these policies as a deterrent or punishment and the desire to support the neediest families, including those that have ex-offenders in the household. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2012. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: CRS Report R42394: Accessed July 2, 2012 at: http://assets.opencrs.com/rpts/R42394_20120307.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://assets.opencrs.com/rpts/R42394_20120307.pdf Shelf Number: 125450 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Testing (U.S.) Housing Assistance

Author: Waller, Mark S. Title: Benton County Adult Drug Treatment Court: Process, Outcome, and Cost Evaluation: Final Report Summary: Drug courts are designed to guide offenders identified as drug-addicted into treatment that will reduce drug dependence and improve the quality of life for the offenders and their families. Benefits to society include substantial reductions in crime, resulting in reduced costs to taxpayers and increased public safety. In late 2009, the Benton County Adult Drug Treatment Court (BCADTC) received a program grant from the Bureau of Justice Assistance. This grant included funds for evaluation. NPC Research was contracted to perform a process, outcome and cost evaluation. The process study included an examination of BCADTC practices in relation to the 10 Key Components of drug court (NADCP, 1997) and recommendations for enhancements to the program to meet research based best practices results. The outcome evaluation included a criminal justice recidivism study comparing outcomes for drug treatment court participants to a matched group of offenders who were eligible for the program but did not participate. Outcomes were examined for up to five years after drug treatment court entry. The cost evaluation was a cost-benefit analysis that calculated the cost of the program and the costs of participant and comparison group criminal justice related outcomes including rearrests, court cases, time on probation, in jail and in prison. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2011. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 7, 2012 at: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Benton_County_Adult_Drug_Treatment_Court_Final_Report_1211.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/Benton_County_Adult_Drug_Treatment_Court_Final_Report_1211.pdf Shelf Number: 125493 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts (Oregon) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Ziersch, Emma Title: The South Australian Drug Court: A Recidivism Study Summary: One of the primary aims of the South Australian Drug Court is to cease or reduce criminal activity amongst individuals whose offending is related to drug abuse. The court seeks to achieve this through a comprehensive program of intensive supervision, regular drug testing, sanctions and therapy and support services. This evaluation examines and compares the offending behaviour of persons who participate in the Drug Court between 2004 and 2008 with a sample of prisoners who did not take part in the Drug Court program, with the aim of determining the impact of the Drug Court on re-offending. Details: Adelaide: http://www.ocsar.sa.gov.au/docs/evaluation_reports/SADrugCourtRecidivismStudy.pdf, 2012. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 9, 2012 at: http://www.ocsar.sa.gov.au/docs/evaluation_reports/SADrugCourtRecidivismStudy.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ocsar.sa.gov.au/docs/evaluation_reports/SADrugCourtRecidivismStudy.pdf Shelf Number: 125513 Keywords: Drug Courts (Australia) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Minnesota. Judicial Branch. State Court Administrator's Office Title: Minnesota Statewide Adult Drug Court Evaluation Summary: The first drug court in Minnesota started in Hennepin County in 1996. However, not until the mid-2000s did drug courts spread throughout the state, primarily in counties where judges had interest in the drug court concept. By July 2007, Minnesota had 27 operational drug courts, covering one third of Minnesota counties. In 2007, the Judicial Council approved, upon the Drug Court Initiative Advisory Committee (DCI) recommendation, the Drug Court Standards, which became Judicial Council Branch Policy 511.1. The Standards, based on the 10 Key Components published by the U.S. Department of Justice’s Office of Justice Programs, and written by the National Association of Drug Court Professionals (NADCP), require all drug courts to follow uniform practices. The Standards allow flexibility at the local level, while keeping basic and foundational aspects of drug courts uniform across all locations. The Standards provide the foundation for the evaluation. The research questions evaluate if drug courts meet the three goals of drug courts, as well as the extent courts are employing the practices required and recommended by the Standards. A comparison group is used to evaluate outcome measures related to incarceration and recidivism. In June 2008 the DCI approved the Statewide Drug Court Evaluation plan. The plan focused on a cohort of adult and hybrid drug court participants entering drug courts from July 2007 to December 2008. All drug courts in Minnesota operational during the evaluation period are included in the evaluation. The evaluation measures drug court processes, compliance with the standards, outcomes for incarceration time served by participants, and recidivism rates of new charges and convictions. The comparison group includes court participants meeting drug court eligibility criteria (e.g. chemically dependent) and matching similar characteristics of the selected drug court participants (e.g. offenses, criminal history, and demographics). Details: St. Paul: Minnesota Judicial Branch, 2012. 157p., app. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 11, 2012 at: http://www.mncourts.gov/Documents/0/Public/Drug_Court/2012%20Statewide%20Evaluation/MN_Statewide_Drug_Court_Evaluation_Report_-_Final_Public.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.mncourts.gov/Documents/0/Public/Drug_Court/2012%20Statewide%20Evaluation/MN_Statewide_Drug_Court_Evaluation_Report_-_Final_Public.pdf Shelf Number: 125542 Keywords: Drug Courts (Minnesota) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Lai, Gloria Title: Drugs, Crime and Punishment: Proportionality of Sentencing for Drug Offences Summary: Proportionality is one of the key principles of the rule of law aiming to protect people from cruel or inhumane treatment. The principle has been established in interna­tional and regional human rights agree­ments and many countries have adopted reflections of it in their constitution or penal code. Its applica­tion to drug-related offences is firstly the responsibility of the legislators, in defining the level of penalisa­tion of certain behaviours. The level of penalisation should be deter­mined according to the severity of damage that a certain behaviour causes to others or to society. Download the briefing (PDF) In the second instance, the courts and judges have to apply the principle of proportionality in defining the appropriate punishment for a particular case; and finally, proportionality also plays a role in the execu­tion of this punishment. This briefing paper looks at specific criteria of proportionality developed in the context of drug control and describes a number of recent attempts to recalibrate the often grossly disproportionate nature of current drug laws and their enforce­ment around the world. The core requirement of proportionality is that an individual’s rights and freedoms may only be limited to the extent that it is appro­priate and necessary for achieving a legiti­mate aim. Such standards further require that of the range of available op­tions for restricting an individual’s rights and free­doms in order to achieve a legiti­mate aim, the option that is least intrusive to fundamental rights should be adopted. In the context of drug offences, a legitimate aim of punishment should correspond with the basic objective of the UN drug control conventions: to improve the health and welfare of mankind. As a result, a propor­tionate sentence for a drug offence should be determined in accordance with the potential harm that a controlled sub­stance may cause to the health and welfare of a community. The principle of proportionality is under­stood in international law as an essential means for safeguarding fundamental human rights. Unfortunately, its applica­tion has often been limited to scaling the severity of punishment without questioning in principle the need to inflict a punish­ment at all – a problematic limitation, especially in the con­text of the contempo­rary drug policy debate where punishment is no longer assumed to be a necessary response for all drug-related acti­vities. Applying the principle of proportion­ality to drug control should transcend any predis­position towards punishment per se. The trend towards decriminalisation of posses­sion for personal use is a clear example that abstaining from punishment may well be the most appropri­ate outcome of a propor­tionality check of drug laws and sentencing practices for certain drug-related activities. RECOMMENDATIONS • Governments should review their laws, sentencing guidelines and practices for drug offences to evaluate their compliance with existing standards of proportionality. • A proportionality check should consider as an option that activities relating to certain acts or substances may be dealt with outside the realm of criminal law. For example, the possession, purchase or cultivation of drugs for personal use should not constitute offences. • Proportionate sentencing frameworks should distinguish between the type of drugs and the scale of the illicit activity, as well as the role and motivation of the offender : serious or organised traffickers; micro-traffickers (low-level dealers or smugglers); people dependent on drugs; and people who use drugs occasionally (or ‘recreationally’). • For drug-related offences committed due to drug dependency or to meet basic economic needs, services such as treatment, education, aftercare, rehabilitation or social integration should be offered as more humane, effective and proportionate alternatives to conviction. • For micro-trafficking offences, reduced or provisional sentences, as well as alternatives to imprisonment, should be promoted. The socio-economic circumstances in which an offence was committed and the financial gains of the offender should be considered as important mitigating factors. • Ensuring the consistent application of proportionate sentencing laws and guidelines should include addressing institutional biases against drug offenders, for example amongst judges. • The death penalty for drug offences should be entirely abolished. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2012. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 20: Accessed July 20, 2012 at: http://www.druglawreform.info/images/stories/documents/dlr20.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.druglawreform.info/images/stories/documents/dlr20.pdf Shelf Number: 125695 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Punishment Sentencing

Author: Parsons, Jim Title: Closing the Gap: Using Criminal Justice and Public Health Data to Improve the Identification of Mental Summary: This report describes findings from the Vera Institute of Justice’s District of Columbia Forensic Health Project—a study of the mental health needs of people arrested in the District of Columbia designed to fill a gap in the available information on this high-need and underserved population. The project was developed by Vera’s Substance Use and Mental Health Program (SUMH) to provide criminal justice and health agencies with information to improve the delivery of mental health services to people involved in the criminal justice system in the District of Columbia (referred to as “DC” throughout this report). The identification and treatment of people with mental health needs who are involved with the criminal justice system is an ongoing priority in DC, as demonstrated by the establishment of the Criminal Justice Coordinating Council’s Substance Abuse Treatment and Mental Health Services Integration Taskforce (SATMHSIT) in 2006. The findings of this study support the strategic recommendations of the task force and the work of individual health and justice agencies by providing the most comprehensive quantitative assessment to date of the mental health needs of people arrested in DC. The study uses administrative data supplied by five government agencies to track criminal justice system involvement and markers of psychiatric need for a cohort of 2,874 people arrested by the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia (MPD) during June 2008. In addition to the arrest data provided by MPD, the Court Services and Offender Supervision Agency for the District of Columbia (CSOSA), the District of Columbia Department of Corrections (DOC), the District of Columbia Department of Mental Health (DMH) and the Pretrial Services Agency for the District of Columbia (PSA) provided client-specific data describing contacts with members of the study cohort between 2006 and 2011.1 This is the first time that records from these agencies have been combined into an aggregate dataset. Vera researchers calculated rates of mental illness based on the indicators of psychiatric need provided by each of the agencies (for example, formal diagnosis, or contact with specialized mental health supervision teams) for the study cohort. They sought to answer two basic questions: >>Which people arrested in DC have mental health needs? >>When this population comes into contact with local and relevant federal criminal justice agencies, do these agencies recognize their mental health needs?2 The research had three goals: to inform ongoing initiatives in DC seeking to improve access to treatment services; to support the design of new policies and programs; and to provide a baseline against which to measure the effectiveness of new initiatives. The key study findings include: >>About 33 percent of adult DC residents arrested during June 2008 had some indication of mental health need in partner agency records between 2006 and 2011. >>Many of those arrested with mental health needs were not known to community mental health care providers. Most of the cohort members who had mental health needs (83 percent) were known to at least one criminal justice agency as having such a need between 2006 and 2011. Yet the Department of Mental Health knew about only 59 percent of the cohort members who had mental health needs during that same period. 3 >>Criminal justice agencies often failed to identify the mental health needs of the people that they encountered. Six hundred sixty-six cohort members with mental health needs came into contact with probation, pretrial services, or the jail as a result of the June 2008 arrest; however, almost half (46 percent) of this group was not identified as having a mental health need by any of the agencies during those contacts. >>Thirty-three percent of the cohort members known to the Department of Mental Health as having a psychotic spectrum disorder or bipolar disorder were not identified by any of the criminal justice agencies; rates of identification of mental health need by the criminal justice agencies were even lower for people with other diagnoses, such as depression and anxiety disorders. The report concludes with a series of recommendations aimed at increasing rates of identification of mental health problems by DMH and criminal justice agencies in DC. Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2012. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 27, 2012 at: http://www.vera.org/download?file=3544/closing-the-gap-report.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.vera.org/download?file=3544/closing-the-gap-report.pdf Shelf Number: 125791 Keywords: Drug Offenders Mental Health Services Mentally Ill Offenders (U.S.) Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Adams, Christine M. Shea Title: Colorado Division of Criminal Justice Evaluation of the Colorado Short Term Intensive Residential Remediation Treatment (STIRRT) Programs Summary: The Short Term Intensive Residential (STIRRT) program is intended to provide 14 days of residential substance abuse treatment designed to stabilize an individual and then provide outpatient, community-based services for six to nine months following discharge from the residential component. The program is offered at one of four Colorado locations: Arapahoe House (Denver), Crossroads Turning Point (Pueblo), Mesa County Community Corrections (Grand Junction), and Larimer County Community Corrections (Fort Collins). The program is considered a “last chance” for offenders who would otherwise go to prison. Those eligible include those referred by probation, parole, Treatment Alternatives to Street Crime (TASC), Denver Drug Court, and community corrections. This evaluation includes 1,324 individuals who participated in the STIRRT program between January 1, 2008 and June 30, 2009. FINDINGS • Most participants (91%) successfully completed the 14-day residential component of STIRRT. • Less than half (42.3%) of successful STIRRT discharges participated in the continuing care component of the program. • Recidivism, measured as new county or district court filing within 12 months of discharge from residential treatment, was approximately 25% regardless of participation in continuing care. This analysis included 296 individuals who participated in continuing care and were at risk of recidivating for 12 months. o In comparison, in FY 2008, 63.7% of community corrections clients (diversion and transition combine) successfully completed the program and 14.6% recidivated within 12 months. Details: Denver, CO: Office of Research and Statistics, Division of Criminal Justice, Colorado Department of Public Safety, 2010. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 4, 2012 at: http://cospl.coalliance.org/fedora/repository/co:8588/ps722r312010internet.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://cospl.coalliance.org/fedora/repository/co:8588/ps722r312010internet.pdf Shelf Number: 126232 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Offenders Rehabilitation Residential Treatment Programs Substance Abuse (Colorado) Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Fletcher, Del Roy Title: Qualitative Study of Offender Employment Review: Final Report Summary: The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) commissioned the Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research (CRESR) to undertake a qualitative study of offender employment services, with a specific focus on the progress made in the implementation of the recommendations of the joint DWP/Ministry of Justice (MOJ) offender employment review. The key objectives of the study were to: • identify how well the recommendations of the review have been implemented; • identify the extent to which the changes implemented have contributed to improved offender employment services; • establish what further reforms should be developed to maximise the employment outcomes for offenders; • assist in developing future policy for the offender group; • consider the role of drug treatment services in the offender employment journey. The DWP and MOJ provide a range of support to offenders through their delivery organisations such as Jobcentre Plus and the National Offender Management Service (NOMS). The Skills Funding Agency (SFA) commissions the Offender Learning and Skills Service which provides the majority of prison education in the public sector and seeks to ensure that offenders have the skills and qualifications needed to hold down a job and play a positive role in society. In 2009, the Permanent Secretaries of the DWP and MOJ launched a joint strategic review of offender employment services. The aim was to ‘improve offender employment support by conducting a strategic review of current services offered by DWP and MOJ and implementing improvements to make services more coherent and effective without increasing resources’. Details: London: Department for Work and Pensions, 2012. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report No 784: Accessed September 4, 2012 at: http://research.dwp.gov.uk/asd/asd5/rports2011-2012/rrep784.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://research.dwp.gov.uk/asd/asd5/rports2011-2012/rrep784.pdf Shelf Number: 126238 Keywords: Drug Offenders Ex-Offenders, Employment (U.K.) Reentry Vocational Education and Training

Author: Sweeney, Josh Title: 'Initiation Into Drug Use' Addendum: Findings from the DUMA Program Summary: The age at which an individual first experiments with illicit drugs has been of significant interest to policymakers and practitioners, primarily because research has persistently shown a link between early juvenile onset of drug use and less favourable health and criminal justice outcomes in adulthood. In the Australian context, studies have shown: drug users who have regular contact with the criminal justice system typically commenced their drug use at earlier ages (Gaffney et al. 2010; Johnson 2001); even within the drug-using offender population, those with a recent history of violent or prolific property offending typically commenced drug use and progressed to regular drug use earlier than those with no such history (Makkai & Payne 2003); and the risk that an offender will progress to serious and frequent offending was highest when both drug use and offending first began at younger than average ages (Payne 2006). Although there is broad agreement that early initiation into drug use and subsequent involvement in the criminal justice system are correlated, there still remains considerable debate regarding the direction of causality. Some suggest that early drug use can act as a gateway or ‘stepping stone’ to more significant drug use and other problem behaviours (Kandel, Yamaguchi & Chen 1992), while others argue that drug use does not cause criminal behaviour, but rather, there is a shared or common aetiology, such as low self control or high impulsivity (Gottfredson & Hirschi 1990). Although much effort has been made in the Australian context to profile ages of initiation across various criminal justice populations (detainees, prisoners, juvenile offenders etc), an examination of the reasons why drug users first experiment with drugs has been largely overlooked. Knowing why an individual first uses drugs can provide a powerful insight into potential causal networks, as well as identify new options and approaches for intervention. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2012. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Research In Practice, DUMA No. 28: Accessed September 10, 2012 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/rip/21-40/rip28.aspx Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/rip/21-40/rip28.aspx Shelf Number: 126282 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime (Australia) Drug Abuse Prevention Drug Offenders

Author: Rodas, Ana Title: Supply, Demand and harm Reduction Strategies in Australian Prisons: An Update Summary: This report provides an update of the 2004 study of supply, demand and harm reduction strategies in Australian prisons (Black, Dolan and Wodak, 2004). Since the 2004 report, the Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy (MCDS) launched the first National Corrections Drug Strategy in 2008, designed to guide the provision of supply, demand and harm reduction strategies in prisons throughout Australia (Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy, 2008). The 2004 study examined supply, demand and harm reduction strategies within Australian prisons, their associated costs and evidence of their effectiveness. The current 2009 study examined supply, demand and harm reduction strategies within Australian prisons but did not include their associated costs. Instead the 2009 study included a section on Indigenous prisoners, programs for released prisoners such as re-entry programs, mortality among recently released prisoners, transitional and pre-release services, and services to which prisoners are referred upon release. The year 2009 was chosen as the comparison year for this report because it was the most recent year for which most jurisdictions were able to provide complete data. Since data were provided for the activities of prison departments and health departments in 2009, this report uses the relevant policy document at the time, which was the National Drug Strategy 2004–2009, as the basis for analysis of supply, demand and harm reduction strategies in Australian prisons. It is important, as always, to acknowledge the limitations of the data and results obtained. Comparison of strategies employed by different jurisdictions is difficult for several reasons. Firstly, much of the data collected were incomplete or from different time periods. Secondly, there are substantial differences in the characteristics of prison systems in different jurisdictions in Australia. Thirdly, the states and territories where the prisons systems are based also vary markedly. Some prison systems have large numbers of injecting drug users, while others have large numbers of Indigenous inmates. Details: Sydney: National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre University of New South Wales, 2011. 141p. Source: Internet Resource: ANCD Research paper 23: Accessed September 10, 2012 at: http://www.ancd.org.au/images/PDF/Researchpapers/rp23_australian_prisons.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ancd.org.au/images/PDF/Researchpapers/rp23_australian_prisons.pdf Shelf Number: 126288 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Programs Drug Offenders Indigenous Peoples Prisoners Prisons (Australia)

Author: Douglas, Bob Title: Alternatives to Prohibition. Illicit Drugs: How We Can Stop Killing and Criminalising Young Australians. Report of the second Australia21 Roundtable on Illicit Drugs held at The University of Melbourne on 6 July 2012 Summary: Australia’s illicit drug markets continue to thrive. Young people are being encouraged to experiment because huge profits are made from drug markets controlled by powerful criminal networks. Australia’s reported rates of cannabis and ecstasy (MDMA) use are among the highest in the world. Every year, new drug types appear in Australia. But the criminal justice system is unable to stamp out psychoactive drug use. People accused of drug related crimes fill our courts and those convicted fill our prisons. The collateral damage from efforts to suppress the drug trade continues to disrupt civil society and destroy young lives. About 400 Australians die each year through heroin overdose alone. By international standards our rates of drug-related deaths are extremely high. The July 2012 Roundtable included a group of 22 high level experts and young people, who examined changes in policy in four European countries and considered future options for Australia. These discussions identified a range of ways in which Australian policy could be reset. Some are modest and incremental reforms, while others are more ambitious and will require wide community consideration. Details: Weston, ACT, AUS: Australian21 Limited, 2012. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 11, 2012 at: http://www.australia21.org.au/publications/press_releases/A21_Alternatives_to_Prohibition_SEP_12.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.australia21.org.au/publications/press_releases/A21_Alternatives_to_Prohibition_SEP_12.pdf Shelf Number: 126296 Keywords: Drug Abuse Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Prohibition Illicit Drugs (Australia)

Author: Douglas, Bob Title: The Prohibition of Illicit Drugs is Killing and Criminalilsing Our Children and We Are All Letting It Happen. Report of a high level roundtable held at the University of Sydney on Tuesday 31st January 2012 on the topic “What are the likely cost Summary: In response to the Global Commission report, Australia21, in January 2012, convened a meeting of 24 former senior Australian politicians and experts on drug policy, to explore the principles and recommendations that were enunciated by the Global Commission. The group also included two young student leaders, a former senior prosecutor, a former head of the Australian Federal Police, representatives of Families and Friends for Drug Law Reform and a leading businessman. The Australian group agreed with the Global Commission that the international and Australian prohibition of the use of certain “illicit” drugs has failed comprehensively. By making the supply and use of certain drugs criminal acts, governments everywhere have driven their production and consumption underground and have fostered the development of a criminal industry that is corrupting civil society and governments and killing our children. By defining the personal use and possession of certain psychoactive drugs as criminal acts, governments have also avoided any responsibility to regulate and control the quality of substances that are in widespread use. Some of these illicit drugs have demonstrable health benefits. Many are highly addictive and harmful when used repeatedly. In that respect they are comparable to alcohol and nicotine, which are legal in Australia and, as a result, are under society’s control for quality, distribution, marketing and taxation. Australia has made great progress in recent decades reducing the harm from tobacco – a drug which kills half the people who use it. Details: Weston, ACT, AUS: Australia21, 2012. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 11, 2012 at: http://www.australia21.org.au/publications/press_releases/Australia21_Illicit_Drug_Policy_Report.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.australia21.org.au/publications/press_releases/Australia21_Illicit_Drug_Policy_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 126297 Keywords: Drug Abuse Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Prohibition Illicit Drugs (Australia)

Author: Wicklund, Peter Title: Windsor County Sparrow Project: Outcome Evaluation Summary: The Sparrow Project was initiated in the spring of 2009 when it was awarded an H.859 Justice Reinvestment Pilot Project grant from the Vermont Court Administrator’s office (CAO). The grant application was submitted by Health Care and Rehabilitation Services of Southeastern Vermont (HCRS) in collaboration with the Windsor District Court, the Windsor County State’s Attorneys Office, a group of Windsor County public defenders, Probation & Parole for the Springfield and Hartford Districts, and the Field Service Division of the Agency of Human Services for the Springfield and Hartford districts. Bill H.859 was passed during the 2007/2008 Legislative session. The Sparrow Project was designed to address a critical need in the community to meet the challenges facing defendants with substance abuse and/or mental health issues. The Sparrow Project offers effective alternatives to incarceration through a viable community-based treatment plan. Through clinical case management services, the Sparrow Project is focused on increasing the availability of therapeutic services to defendants and veterans in Windsor County charged with non-violent property felonies, drug felonies, and other charges. The Sparrow Project is designed to help improve the quality of life for these individuals by decreasing recidivism, helping them develop the skills they need to make healthy decisions, and moving them towards recovery, in order to become successful participants in our community. During the study period 58% of Sparrow Project participants (56 of 97) completed the Project. An outcome evaluation attempts to determine the effects that a program has on participants. In the case of the Sparrow Project the objective of this outcome evaluation was to determine the extent to which participation in the Sparrow Project reduced recidivism among program participants. An indicator of post-program criminal behavior that is commonly used in outcome evaluations of criminal justice programs is the number of participants who recidivate -- that is, are convicted of a crime after they complete the program or, in the case of this study, while they are in the program or after they are dis-enrolled from the program. An analysis of the criminal history records of the 103 subjects who were referred to and accepted into the Sparrow Project from March 30, 2009 to October 28, 2011 was conducted using the Vermont criminal history record of participants as provided by the Vermont Criminal Information Center at the Department of Public Safety. The Vermont criminal history record on which the recidivism analysis was based included all charges and convictions prosecuted in a Vermont District Court that were available as of January 23, 2012. The criminal records on which the study was based do not contain Federal prosecutions, out-of-state prosecutions, or traffic tickets. MAJOR CONCLUSIONS 1. The Sparrow Project appears to be a promising approach for reducing recidivism among Project participants who completed the Project. Participants who successfully completed the Project had a reconviction rate of 17.9% which is substantially less than the 29.3% recidivism rate for those participants who were dis-enrolled from the Project. 2. Participants who successfully completed the Sparrow Project recidivated at the same pace as did participants who were dis-enrolled from the Project. For the recidivists who successfully completed the Sparrow Project, 100% of those reconvictions for any new crime occurred in less than one year. For the recidivists who were unsuccessful in completing the Project, 91.7% (11 of 12) of reconvictions for any new crime occurred in less than one year, and only one occurred during the first year after being dis-enrolled from the Project. Further analysis indicated that though the vast majority of recidivism occurs within the first year, it is unlikely that recidivism will increase substantially as post-Project elapsed time continues to increase for participants. 3. The Sparrow Project appears to be a promising approach for reducing the number of post-Project reconvictions for participants who completed the Project. The reconviction rate for those participants who completed the Project was 39 reconvictions per 100 participants versus 66 reconvictions per 100 participants for the dis-enrolled group. There were no felony reconvictions for participants who successfully completed the Project, whereas there were four felony reconvictions for the dis-enrolled group. For both groups approximately 85% of their reconvictions involved (listed in order of frequency) motor vehicle charges violations of conditions of release, drug crimes, theft, false information to a law enforcement officer, and violation of probation. There was only one reconviction for a violent crime (Domestic Assault); it involved a participant from the “successful completion” group. Details: Northfield Falls, VT: Vermont Center for Justice Research, 2012. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 19, 2012 at: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/sparrowreport_files/SparrowRpt_6-20-12.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/sparrowreport_files/SparrowRpt_6-20-12.pdf Shelf Number: 126748 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Abuse and Addiction (Vermont) Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Mental Health Services Recidivism

Author: Jacobson, Jessica Title: Public Attitudes to the Sentencing of Drug Offences Summary: This study explored public attitudes to the sentencing of a variety of drug offences. The study used a qualitative methodology, involving focus groups conducted in various locations across England and Wales. A short pre-discussion questionnaire was also used to collect basic demographic information on participants and to gauge early views on the sentencing of drug offences. The findings provide valuable insights into public reactions to this issue, although they should not be regarded as necessarily representative of the views of the wider population. The key findings from the research are presented below. • Participants did not generally wish to see custodial penalties for drug possession offences; nor did they necessarily want substantial custodial penalties for small-scale supply and small to medium-scale importation offences. • However, they wanted lengthy custodial sentences for medium to large-scale supply and large-scale importation offences. • They tended to favour sentences that were more punitive than current practice, although this may have been a function of the group dynamics within the focus groups; however, their preferences for medium-scale importation offences were often more lenient. • The punitiveness of attitudes towards serious supply and importation offences reflects a focus on the harm caused by this kind of offending, which was expressed through concerns with: - the distinction between possession offences and other kinds of drug offences; - the impact of different types of drug on users; and - the quantity of the drug(s) involved in a given offence. • Overall, notions of offender culpability played a lesser part than harm in participants’ sentencing preferences; nevertheless offences were deemed to be substantially more serious where: - the offender made a large amount of profit from the offence; - the offender had previous convictions; or - minors were exploited in the offence. • Participants expressed a wide range of views on the relevance of personal factors that may aggravate or mitigate a sentence, and some were resistant to the general principle of taking the offender’s personal circumstances into account in sentencing. Details: London: Sentencing Council, 2011. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Sentencing Council Research Series 01/11; http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Drugs_research_report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://sentencingcouncil.judiciary.gov.uk/docs/Drugs_research_report.pdf Shelf Number: 126754 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Offenses Public Attitudes (U.K.) Public Opinion Punishment Sentencing

Author: Ritter, Alison Title: An Assessment of Illicit Drug Policy in Australia (1985 to 2010): Themes and Trends Summary: This monograph forms part of the Drug Policy Modelling Program (DPMP) Monograph Series. Drugs are a major social problem and are inextricably linked to the major socio-economic issues of our time. Our current drug policies are inadequate and governments are not getting the best returns on their investment. There are a number of reasons why: there is a lack of evidence upon which to base policies; the evidence that does exist is not necessarily analysed and used in policy decision-making; we do not have adequate approaches or models to help policy-makers make good decisions about dealing with drug problems; and drug policy is a highly complicated and politicised arena. The aim of the Drug Policy Modelling Program (DPMP) is to create valuable new drug policy insights, ideas and interventions that will allow Australia to respond with alacrity and success to illicit drug use. DPMP addresses drug policy using a comprehensive approach that includes consideration of law enforcement, prevention, treatment and harm reduction. The dynamic interaction between policy options is an essential component in understanding best investment in drug policy. DPMP conducts rigorous research that provides independent, balanced, non-partisan policy analysis. The areas of work include: developing the evidence-base for policy; developing, implementing and evaluating dynamic policy-relevant models of drug issues; and studying policy-making processes in Australia. This work aimed to provide an accessible description and assessment of drug policy in Australia from 1985 to 2010. Approaches to drug policy are constantly changing as a result of international and domestic factors, the comings and goings of governments, political imperative and the uptake of new knowledge. Consequently, this report represents the situation as it stands in Australia up to mid-2010. We take the Australian context (section 1) as our starting point, then summarise Australia’s National Drug Strategies over time comparing them to those of other nations (section 2). We then provide analysis of trends and patterns of drug use and harms in Australia (section 3), government action on drugs (section 4), and finish with an analysis of the roles of some of the many actors in the Australian drug policy landscape (section 5). Details: Sydney, Australia: Drug Policy Modelling Program, 2011. 85p. Source: Drug Policy Modelling Program Monograph 21: Internet Resource: Accessed October 22, 2012 at http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/monograph1.pdf/$file/DPMP+MONO+21.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.dpmp.unsw.edu.au/DPMPWeb.nsf/resources/monograph1.pdf/$file/DPMP+MONO+21.pdf Shelf Number: 126767 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy (Australia) Harm Reduction Illicit Drug Markets

Author: Mitchell, Ojmarrh Title: The Effectiveness of Incarceration-Based Drug Treatment on Criminal Behavior: A Systematic Review Summary: Many, if not most, incarcerated offenders have substance abuse problems. Without effective treatment, these substance-abusing offenders are likely to persist in non-drug offending. The period of incarceration offers an opportunity to intervene in the cycle of drug abuse and crime. Although many types of incarceration-based drug treatment programs are available (e.g., therapeutic communities and group counseling), the effectiveness of these programs is unclear. The objective of this research synthesis is to systematically review quasi-experimental and experimental (RCT) evaluations of the effectiveness of incarceration-based drug treatment programs in reducing post-release recidivism and drug relapse. A secondary objective of this synthesis is to examine variation in effectiveness by programmatic, sample, and methodological features. In this update of the original 2006 review (see Mitchell, Wilson, and MacKenzie, 2006), studies made available since the original review were included in an effort to keep current with emerging research. Details: Oslo: Campbell Collaboration, 2012. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: Campbell Systematic Reviews 2012:18: Accessed November 9, 2012 at: www.campbellcollaboration.org Year: 2012 Country: International URL: Shelf Number: 126905 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs Title: Cannabis Production and Markets in Europe Summary: This study brings together available evidence to provide a comprehensive analysis of cannabis production and markets across the EU. It combines information from EMCDDA routine reporting — data on patterns of prevalence and use, seizures, police reports, drug-law offences, cannabis potency and retail market prices — with literature on cannabis markets to create an in-depth analysis of the issue in a European context. The analysis presented in this volume covers, as far as possible, the 30 countries that participate in the EMCDDA’s reporting system. That is the 27 EU Member States, Croatia, Turkey and Norway. The information reviewed is based on a number of sources and methodologies. We list below the main sources and data used as a basis for the analysis, and more detailed methodological notes are provided throughout the text. Some of the data used in this report are derived from the EMCDDA’s routine monitoring, based on its Reitox network of national focal points. Data on prevalence and patterns of drug use, drug seizures, police reports of drug law offences, cannabis potency and retail prices are part of the quantitative data sets submitted by reporting countries on an annual basis. Quantitative data are routinely analysed and made available in the online Statistical bulletin (EMCDDA, 2011b), but more in-depth analyses were carried out for this publication. In addition, the EMCDDA’s routine monitoring includes a national narrative report providing an overview of the drug phenomenon and, among other issues, information on drug supply and drug trafficking, drug laws and sentencing practices. Legal texts held in the European Legal Database on Drugs (ELDD) and an ad hoc consultation of the legal correspondents network that informs the database were also used as sources of information for this report. In addition, two independent studies were carried out to obtain more detailed data and other information on specific aspects of cannabis production and markets in Europe. The issue of market shares of different cannabis products was a focus of both of these exercises. First, the national focal points, within the context of a Selected issue data collection exercise (Reitox national focal points, 2009), provided an overview of cannabis production (brief history, plantations seized, ‘grow shops’), distribution of cannabis at national level (structure and actors, wholesale prices, retail outlets, transaction sizes) and cannabis supply reduction responses (law enforcement activities, cannabis seizures, cannabis offences). These national contributions result from an analysis of different sources, including quantitative data, targeted studies, research, expert opinions and information from operational actors such as law enforcement. Second, the EMCDDA commissioned a study (Costes et al., 2009) to provide an overview of cannabis production methods (covering topics such as materials and costs) and typologies of growers, and of cannabis flows and trafficking routes to and within Europe. The authors carried out a survey based on key informants drawn from across Europe as part of this exercise. This report is also informed by an extensive review of the literature, which took in both scientific papers published in peer-reviewed journals and the ‘grey literature’ 16 (including reports from international organisations). For a number of the issues addressed in this report, the literature served as the only information source or as a complement. Analysis of the literature proved to be key in areas where standardised data collections are relatively rare, in particular on the botany of cannabis and on the production of cannabis both outside and within Europe. Chapter 1 reviews the origins of cannabis and its diffusion. Consideration is given to the morphology and anatomy of this interesting plant — which can be characterised by its extreme natural variation. This is accompanied by an analysis of production issues, including cultivation and processing for consumption. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the source countries for the cannabis imported into Europe. It includes a critical review of the considerable, and arguably insurmountable, challenges associated with estimating global cannabis production. The chapter focuses mainly on cannabis production in, and exportation to Europe from, the five regions and countries (the ‘big five’) most often mentioned as a source: North Africa (Morocco), south-west Asia (Afghanistan), the Balkans (Albania), the Middle East (Lebanon) and sub-Saharan Africa (South Africa). Chapter 3 is dedicated to cannabis production in Europe. Starting with the historical context, including the substitution of imported resin by domestically produced herb in some countries, it then reviews available evidence of the extent and type of cannabis cultivation across Europe. A typology of cannabis growers and their motivations is discussed. Distribution, either social or commercial, is addressed, and an analysis of issues related to transactions and prices is presented. Cannabinoid contents, and in particular tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), are addressed in Chapter 4, as are issues affecting the sampling and quantitative analysis of THC in cannabis products. This is followed by a review of the data available on cannabis potency in Europe. Chapter 5 focuses on cannabis consumption. Starting with an overview of the situation and trends in cannabis use in Europe, it then reviews the results of the few studies that have estimated the size of the market for cannabis in Europe. It ends with an analysis of the market shares at consumer level of cannabis herb and cannabis resin across Europe. Differences in the legislations controlling cannabis cultivation and supply in Europe are discussed in Chapter 6, which also provides an analysis of data on cannabis offences reported by law enforcement, and of cannabis seizures across Europe. The chapter ends with a brief overview of the strategies and tactics employed by law enforcement in their fight against cannabis cultivation and cannabis trafficking in Europe. Details: Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2012. 274p. Source: Internet Resource: EMCDDA Insights Series No 12; Accessed November 9, 2012 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/insights/cannabis-market Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/insights/cannabis-market Shelf Number: 126911 Keywords: Cannabis Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Markets (Europe) Drug Offenders Drug Smuggling Marijuana

Author: Nicosia, Nancy Title: Does Mandatory Diversion to Drug Treatment Eliminate Racial Disparities in the Incarceration of Drug Offenders? An Examination of California's Proposition 36 Summary: Like other states, minorities are disproportionately represented in the California’s state prison system, particularly for drug offenses. Unlike other states, California has had a policy of mandatory diversion to drug treatment for non-violent drug offenders since mid-2001 (Proposition 36). Using a rich dataset including current and prior criminal charges from 1995 through 2005 in California, we examine whether disparities in court dispositions to prison and drug treatment between White and Blacks male drug offenders are explained by observable case and criminal justice characteristics. We estimate the extent to which remaining observable disparities are affected by Proposition 36. We find that Black and White male drug offenders differ considerably on covariates, but by weighting on the inverse of a nonparametric estimate of the propensity score, we can compare Blacks to Whites that are on average equivalent on covariates. Unadjusted disparities in the likelihood of being sentenced to prison are substantially reduced by propensity score weighting. Proposition 36 reduces the likelihood of prison overall, but not differentially for Blacks. By contrast, racial disparity in diversion to drug treatment is not reduced by propensity score weighting. There is some evidence that Proposition 36 increased diversion for Blacks. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2012. 49p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper Series; Working Paper 18518: Accessed November 20, 2012 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w18518.pdf?new_window=1 Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w18518.pdf?new_window=1 Shelf Number: 126942 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment (U.S.) Drug Offenders Racial Disparities Sentencing Disparities

Author: Golub, Andrew Title: Monitoring Drug Epidemics and the Markets that Sustain Them Using ADAM II Final Technical Report Summary: Effective law enforcement, drug abuse and related social policies and initiatives depend on the timely availability of information and its interpretation. This study examined trends in use of five widely abused drugs among arrestees at ten geographically diverse locations from 2000 to 2010: Atlanta, Charlotte, Chicago, Denver, Indianapolis, Manhattan, Minneapolis, Portland OR, Sacramento, and Washington DC. The data came from the Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring Program reintroduced in 2007 (ADAM II) and its predecessor the ADAM program. ADAM data are particularly valuable because they include urinalysis results that provide an objective measure of recent drug use; they provide location specific estimates over time; and, they include sample weights that yield unbiased estimates for each location. Arrestees are often at the forefront of drug use trends. Moreover, this population is of central concern to law enforcement and related agencies. The ADAM data were analyzed according to a drug epidemics framework, which has been previously employed to understand the decline of the crack epidemic, the growth of marijuana use in the 1990s, and the persistence of heroin use. Similar to other diffusion of innovation processes, drug epidemics tend to follow a natural course passing through four distinct phases: incubation, expansion, plateau, and decline. The study also searched for changes in drug markets over the course of a drug epidemic. A variety of exploratory analyses strongly suggest that there is no simple relationship between the nature of individuals’ drug market purchases and the broader course of drug epidemics. As of 2010, the Marijuana Epidemic was in its plateau phase across the country. In contrast, by 2010 the Crack Epidemic had been in decline for some time at most locations. The timing of the decline phase varied substantially across locations. The decline started as early as 1990 in Manhattan and Washington DC and as late as 2003 in Indianapolis. As of 2010, the Crack Epidemic was still in the plateau phase in Sacramento. Powder cocaine use was only substantial at 5 of the 10 ADAM II locations. The Powder Cocaine Epidemic entered a decline early in the 2000s at two eastern locations (Charlotte and Manhattan) and closer to 2010 at two western locations (Denver and Portland OR). In Atlanta, the recent Powder Cocaine Epidemic was either still in plateau or had just entered the decline phase. Heroin use was limited to four locations and was in decline at three of the four (Chicago, Manhattan and Washington DC). Heroin use appears to be endemic to Portland OR; use is not widespread but appears to be embedded within a small population that continues to attract new young users. Methamphetamine use was substantial at two West Coast locations. Of note, the data strongly indicate that the Methamphetamine Epidemics in Portland OR and Sacramento entered the decline phase during the 2000s. The primary limitation to this analysis is that it focused exclusively on male arrestees from the 10 urban locations included in the ADAM II Program. The trends identified do not necessarily parallel the trends in the general population. Additionally, there may be variations in drug use across gender not detectable with ADAM data. The ADAM II locations provide geographic diversity but the program does not include any rural locations. Details: Final Report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2012. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 23, 2012 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239906.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/239906.pdf Shelf Number: 126946 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Markets Drug Offenders Drugs Abuse and Crime (U.S.)

Author: Ritter, Alison Title: Evaluating Drug Law Enforcement Interventions Directed Towards Methamphetamine in Australia Summary: Methamphetamine belongs in the class of stimulant drugs referred to as Amphetamine Type Stimulants (ATS). The category of ATS includes ecstasy, amphetamine and methamphetamine. This research project concerned itself with the amphetamine and methamphetamine class and excluded ecstasy (and henceforth we use the generic term methamphetamine). In Australia, methamphetamine is available in three forms—powder, base and crystal. Methamphetamine is associated with significant harms and is an important drug policy priority. The National Amphetamine-Type Stimulants Strategy (2008–2011) (Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy, 2008) articulates the following priority areas in relation to methamphetamine: • improve community awareness and understanding of amphetamine-type stimulant use and related problems; • reduce the supply of amphetamine-type stimulants; • develop specific strategies to prevent and reduce amphetamine type stimulant use; and • develop organisational and system capacity to prevent and respond to amphetamine-type stimulant problems This research concerns the second priority area—reducing the supply of methamphetamine. The specific aims of the research were twofold: • to provide a rich description of the Australian methamphetamine supply chains in order to inform drug law enforcement interventions; and • to conduct an initial economic evaluation comparing law enforcement interventions directed at the methamphetamine market. The work focused on the methamphetamine market(s) and supply chains in Australia above the retail level. Previous research (eg McKetin, McLaren, & Kelly, 2005) has examined retail methamphetamine markets in Australia. Governments and policymakers are interested in determining which interventions are more or less effective than others, such that the scarce funding resources can be allocated in the most efficient manner possible. There is scant research available to law enforcement to guide such decisions. The main impediments to such research are the fundamental methodological challenges inherent in such an undertaking. This project is an attempt to conduct a preliminary analysis comparing the costs and impacts of different types of law enforcement. It is a ground-breaking study as this has not been previously attempted and it should be seen as the initial development of a methodological approach that can be improved upon with subsequent research. The project aimed to determine the relative cost-to-impact ratios of different law enforcement strategies aimed at reducing methamphetamine production and distribution. In an environment focused on efficiency in resource allocation, it is hoped that this research will provide the impetus for further research on the effectiveness of drug law enforcement. As the results of such research accumulate, it is hoped that policymakers will be able to use the information to improve decision making on law enforcement investment. As with all research, this study has limitations, which we hope will be addressed in future research. The economic results should be read with these limitations in mind. • This study assessed the difference between four drug law enforcement interventions in terms of the impact (value of seized drugs) against expenditure (government costs). It is not a cost-effectiveness or a cost– benefit study. The results are reported in terms of the ranking of the interventions against each other. This study does not allow one to draw conclusions about the overall efficiency or value for money represented by drug law enforcement. Future research, which builds on this work, could include a cost-effectiveness analysis, between drug law enforcement interventions and across drug law enforcement and other interventions which reduce methamphetamine use (such as drug treatment). • In this evaluation, the measure of policing impact was the monetary value of seized methamphetamine (or precursor). This is an imperfect impact measure. Drug law enforcement that results in seized product can also impact on the overall capacity of a criminal network. • This study used the value of seized drugs as the measure to compare law enforcement interventions. However, drug law enforcement may change other financial aspects for drug criminals, such as increase the costs of manufacture and distribution (by seizing assets), increase the risks of arrest and imprisonment (opportunity costs) and increase the operational costs of running a business (costs of new avoidance strategies adopted against drug law enforcement). The aggregate costs are the losses to illicit drug enterprises due to drug law enforcement activities. A comprehensive analysis would include each of these aspects and calculate ‘total loss’ due to drug law enforcement. However, in this preliminary work, we were not able to cost each of these components and hence used only replacement costs (seizures) to represent the loss. • There are other important impacts of drug law enforcement interventions—deterrence, public safety and public amenity, and disruptions on other crimes that criminal networks are engaged in that have not been included in this study; future research could adopt the broader, taxpayer (societal) perspective, rather than policing agency perspective. • In this study, we evaluate the relative impact of discrete law enforcement interventions. However, in reality, law enforcement interventions are likely to exert synergistic effects such that the combined impact of a suite of interventions is likely to be greater than the sum of the impact of individual interventions. Thus, an important caveat to our results relates to the cumulative impact of law enforcement interventions. The current project did not examine the impact of cumulative or multi-pronged interventions. • There is a substantial lack of data across many areas of illicit drug markets. We had difficulty obtaining methamphetamine price data, information about market structure, police agency budgets and detailed seizure data. Some of these data, such as information about markets, involves ethnographic research. For quantitative data, consideration should be given to the development of data collection systems which would facilitate illicit drug market and law enforcement effectiveness research (eg collection of data which connects price and purity of seizures). • Our study did not include the relative impact of precursor regulations and the enforcement of these regulations, nor did it include source country interventions conducted by Australian law enforcement. There is currently very little empirical evidence to guide policy decisions about drug enforcement interventions directed to methamphetamine. In fact, the paucity of research on the effectiveness of law enforcement across all illicit drugs ‘continues to pose a major barrier to applying these policies effectively’ (Babor, et al., 2010 p. 258.) Decisions about which methamphetamine supply control policy to fund, which policies should receive increased funding, or how to derive the most effective balance of priorities, are currently uninformed by the results of research. There is a clear and pressing need for further research that examines the effectiveness of law enforcement interventions directed at methamphetamine. The current study aims to begin to fill this gap. Details: Canberra: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2012. 133p. Source: Internet Resource: Monograph Series No. 44: Accessed November 24, 2012 at: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_44.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/pub/Monograph_44.pdf Shelf Number: 126990 Keywords: Amphetamines Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Enforcement Drug Markets Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Illegal Drugs Methamphetamine (Australia)

Author: Kennedy, David M. Title: The High Point Drug Market Intervention Strategy Summary: Drug markets are the scourge of too many communities in the United States. They destroy neighborhoods, a sense of community, and the quality of life. They contribute to crime, shootings, prostitution, assaults, robbery, and have a negative effect on local businesses and on business and residential property values. Police sweeps, buy-bust operations, warrant service, and the arrests and jailing of drug dealers have not eliminated the problem. The drug dealers return, new dealers come into the neighborhood, and the drug markets are quickly back in business. Exasperated by the problem, the High Point (North Carolina) Police Department tried a different tactic and, to the surprise of many, succeeded in eliminating the notorious West End drug market. Creating swift and certain consequences by “banking” existing drug cases; addressing racial conflict between communities and law enforcement, setting strong community and family standards against dealing; involving dealers’ family members, and offering education, job training, job placement, and other social services, the police department was able to close the drug market. Buoyed by this success, the police also were able to close three other drug markets in the city using the same tactics. After studying the successes in High Point, other cities across the country have used similar strategies with similar levels of success. The High Point strategy does not solve the drug problem, but by eliminating street drug markets, we can reduce crime, reduce racial conflict, reduce incarceration, build a sense of camaraderie among residents, and turn some dealers’ lives around. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing, 2012. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 4, 2012 at: http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/files/RIC/publications/e08097226-HighPoint.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/files/RIC/publications/e08097226-HighPoint.pdf Shelf Number: 127117 Keywords: Drug Markets Drug Offenders Nuisance Behaviors and Disorders Pulling Levers Strategy Violence Violent Crime

Author: Telesca, Donatello Title: Modeling Criminal Careers as Departures from a Unimodal Population Age-Crime Curve: The Case of Marijuana Use Summary: A major aim of longitudinal analyses of life course data is to describe the within- and between individual variability in a behavioral outcome, such as crime. Statistical analyses of such data typically draw on mixture and mixed-effects growth models. In this work, we present a functional analytic point of view and develop an alternative method that models individual crime trajectories as departures from a population age-crime curve. Drawing on empirical and theoretical claims in criminology, we assume a unimodal population age-crime curve and allow individual expected crime trajectories to differ by their levels of offending and patterns of temporal misalignment. We extend Bayesian hierarchical curve registration methods to accommodate count data and to incorporate influence of baseline covariates on individual behavioral trajectories. Analyzing self-reported counts of yearly marijuana use from the Denver Youth Survey, we examine the influence of race and gender categories on differences in levels and timing of marijuana smoking. We find that our approach offers a flexible and realistic model for longitudinal crime trajectories that fits individual observations well and allows for a rich array of inferences of interest to criminologists and drug abuse researchers. Details: Seattle, WA: Department of Statistics, University of Washington, 2011. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Technical Report no. 5882: Accessed January 22, 2013 at: http://www.stat.washington.edu/research/reports/2011/tr588.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.stat.washington.edu/research/reports/2011/tr588.pdf Shelf Number: 127347 Keywords: Criminal Careers Criminal Trajectories Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Longitudinal Studies Marijuana

Author: Dunklee, Caitlin Title: Effective Approaches to Drug Crimes In Texas: Strategies to Reduce Crime, Save Money, and Treat Addiction Summary: During the past 30 years, Texas has enacted laws and policies meant to enhance public safety, resulting in crowded prisons and jails, and a corrections budget that comprises a huge slice of the state budget. Laws that focus on incarcerating men and women have been founded in genuine concern. However, a considerable percentage of the people arrested, charged, and incarcerated have been low-level drug users. Since 1999, arrests for drug possession in Texas have skyrocketed. In fact, almost all drug arrests in Texas are not for delivery or distribution, but for possession of a controlled substance. These numbers include people arrested for possession of illicit drugs, as well as the increasing number of Texans who have become addicted to prescription drugs. Both of these groups share a common thread: their substance abuse problems are often rooted in addiction. A proper response to this public health issue is treatment, not incarceration. Many people prosecuted for low-level drug crimes battle other obstacles, including mental illness, homelessness, joblessness, and poverty. Prosecuting and incarcerating Texans whose addictions push them into using illicit drugs or abusing prescription drugs burdens them with the collateral consequences associated with conviction and incarceration; it (further) limits their housing options, employment opportunities, and access to educational and medical programs, and it ultimately lessens the likelihood that they will become healthy, contributing members of their communities. Incarceration-driven policies are also egregiously expensive: treatment is a fraction of the cost of imprisoning an individual in Texas. Finally, our prisons and jails are simply not equipped with staff or resources to adequately combat the root causes of substance abuse and addiction, which means that untreated individuals are much more likely to commit other crimes after release, threatening public safety and creating a continual drain on limited coffers. For those with addiction, drug treatment is a more effective strategy to treat the individual, reduce recidivism, and lower costs to the state. Texas should take steps to aggressively and proactively address drug addiction, and thereby decrease associated crime, by promoting medical and public health responses to this issue. Specifically, policy-makers must support the efforts of practitioners, including probation departments and judges, who are seeking to effectively treat those with substance abuse problems by improving and making more widely available community-based rehabilitation and treatment diversion alternatives. Details: Austin, TX: Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, 2013. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed February 4, 2013 at: http://www.texascjc.org/sites/default/files/uploads/TCJC%20Addiction%20Primer%20(Jan%202013).pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.texascjc.org/sites/default/files/uploads/TCJC%20Addiction%20Primer%20(Jan%202013).pdf Shelf Number: 127469 Keywords: Alternative to Incarceration Costs of Criminal Justice Drug Abuse and Addiction (Texas, U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Carvalho, Leandro Title: Living on the Edge: Youth Entry, Career and Exit in Drug-Selling Gangs Summary: We use data from a unique survey of members of drug-trafficking gangs in favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to characterize drug-trafficking jobs and study the selection into gangs, analyzing what distinguishes gang-members from other youth living in favelas. We also estimate wage regressions for gang-members and examine their career path: age at entry, progression within the gangs’ hierarchy, and short- to medium-term outcomes. Individuals from lower socioeconomic background and with no religious affiliation have higher probability of joining a gang, while those with problems at school and early use of drugs join the gang at younger ages. Wages within the gang do not depend on education, but are increasing with experience and involvement in gang-related violence. The two-year mortality rate in the sample of gang-members reaches 20%, with the probability of death increasing with initial involvement in gang violence and with personality traits associated with unruliness. Details: Bonn, Germany: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2013. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Working Discussion Paper No. 7189: Accessed February 15, 2013 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp7189.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Brazil URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp7189.pdf Shelf Number: 127627 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Favelas Gang Violencd Gangs (Brazil)

Author: Forsythe, Lubica Title: Measuring Mental Health in Criminology Research: Lessons from the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia Program Summary: Poor mental health among people in the Australian criminal justice system is increasingly being identified and targeted for remediation. This is evidenced by Australian and international governments establishing specialist services for prisoners with mental disorders such as forensic hospitals, forensic units within prisons and specialist drug treatment programs within correctional environments (eg Birgden & Grant 2010; Justice Health & Forensic Mental Health Network 2011). Drug courts, mental health courts, court liaison services and pre-court diversion schemes for drug addicted or mentally ill offenders are also increasingly being established to divert mentally disordered and/or substance dependent offenders away from the criminal justice system and towards treatment (Justice Health & Forensic Mental Health Network 2011; Payne 2006; Richardson 2008). This focus by the criminal justice system on addiction and mental health stems from evidence indicating that these factors may be related to offending behaviour and rehabilitation prospects (Andrews & Bonta 2010; Day & Howells 2008). The link between illicit drug use and criminal offending has been well established (Andrews & Bonta 2010; Bradford & Payne 2012; Kinner et al. 2009) and evidence also suggests a relationship between mental disorders and illicit drug use (Degenhardt 2008; Frisher et al. 2005; Marsh 2008; Mattick & O’Brien 2008). However, the findings regarding a relationship between mental disorders and offending behaviour are varied (Andrews & Bonta 2010), with some studies suggesting that the relationship is not a direct one but rather, may be mediated by substance abuse (Elbogen & Johnson 2009; Fazel et al. 2009). While it is arguable that mental disorders play a causal role in offending behaviour, studies have identified that imprisoned offenders experience poor mental health (AIHW 2012; Butler & Allnutt 2003; Fazel & Danesh 2002). It is also widely accepted that offenders who are mentally ill are less able to respond to offender rehabilitation programs (Andrews & Bonta 2010), thereby making mental health treatment important not only on humanitarian grounds but also to give offender rehabilitation programs the best possible chance of success. It is important to note that prisoners constitute a minority of offenders, as most people who appear in court are not given a custodial sentence (BOCSAR 2012), however recent studies of police detainees suggest that alleged offenders (ie those not yet brought before the courts) may also experience poor mental health at the time of their arrest (Baksheev, Ogloff & Thomas 2010; Forsythe & Gaffney 2012; Heffernan et al. 2003). One issue that has been highlighted by such studies is the challenge of accurately measuring mental health among people who are detained for short periods of time in police cells or watchhouses. This report is focused on describing and discussing the process and challenges inherent in measuring mental health concerns among alleged offenders in police custody. This is, in part, informed by the author’s experience as the Site Manager responsible for DUMA data collection in New South Wales from 1999–2010; a role that included evaluating and improving the mental health information collected as part of the DUMA program. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2013. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Technical and Background Paper 54: Accessed February 21, 2013 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tbp/41-60/tbp054.html Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tbp/41-60/tbp054.html Shelf Number: 127681 Keywords: Drug Offenders Mental Health Services (Australia) Mentally Ill Offenders

Author: South Dakota. Unified Judicial System Title: Drug Court Study Summary: In 2009, the South Dakota Legislature passed SB78, which required the Unified Judicial System (UJS) to provide a plan to “determin[e] the need for an additional drug court or drug courts to be established in judicial circuits with the highest volume of felony convictions” and for such findings to “be presented to the 2010 Legislature for possible implementation in fiscal year 2011”. The stated goal of this plan was to present proposals to reduce the prison population without jeopardizing the public safety. To effectuate this plan, the following study was conducted to analyze the need and interest of alternative sentencing options and make appropriate initial recommendations. Ultimately, by utilizing alternative sentencing programs, the final objective is to address the underlying problem of addiction, subsequently reducing recidivism and substance abuse related crime. An overall examination of literature relative to the subject was conducted and is included within this report. Overview information and statistical data specific to each of the three programs currently in place in South Dakota was examined and detailed. For expansion evaluation purposes, in order to determine the highest areas of need in the state, the ten counties with the highest numbers of felony drug and DUI charges for FY 08 were selected for consideration. The ten counties were: Beadle, Brookings, Brown, Brule/Buffalo, Codington, Davison, Lincoln, Pennington, Union, and Yankton. At their request, Walworth County’s DUI convictions were also examined for purposes of this report. All Fourth and Sixth Circuit counties and Minnehaha County were excluded from the study because these areas currently have drug/DUI alternative sentencing programs in place. Upon completion of the study, conclusions were drawn and the following recommendations were made: 1) Continued state allocation of general funds to support the Northern Hills Drug Court Program in the Fourth Circuit; future allocation of state general funds to support the Sixth Circuit STOP DUI Program, and continued state allocation of general funds to support the Adult Intensive Court Services Officer position for the Meth Sentencing Alternative Program in the Second Circuit. 2) Based upon this study’s conclusions, Pennington County, Brown, Yankton, and Davison Counties are identified as showing the greatest need and feasibility for establishing some form of sentencing alternative program. Therefore, these four counties should be pursued as possible candidates for expansion areas. 3) Further study is necessary and appropriate to identify alternative sentencing program specifications in the previously named counties. It is imperative to have a strong foundation and plan in place prior to implementation of any type of alternative sentencing program. The Unified Judicial System should conduct a Symposium to convene pertinent stakeholders from current programs and possible expansion areas to further determine feasibility and program specifics based upon jurisdictional need. From this additional study, specific recommendations regarding possible expansion of alternative sentencing programs, including funding needs, can be presented to the 2011 Legislative session. Details: Pierre, SD: South Dakota Unified Judicial System, 2009. 123p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 21, 2013 at: http://www.sdjudicial.com/Uploads/PublicDocuments/Final_2009_Drug_Court_Study_Reprinted_08_2010.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.sdjudicial.com/Uploads/PublicDocuments/Final_2009_Drug_Court_Study_Reprinted_08_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 127687 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Driving Under the Influence Driving While Intoxicated Drug Coruts (South Dakota) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Lovenheim, Michael F. Title: Does Federal Financial Aid Affect College Enrollment? Evidence from Drug Offenders and the Higher Education Act of 1998 Summary: In 2001, amendments to the Higher Education Act made people convicted of drug offenses ineligible for federal financial aid for up to two years after their conviction. Using rich data on educational outcomes and drug charges in the NLSY 1997, we show that this law change had a large negative impact on the college attendance of students with drug convictions. On average, the temporary ban on federal financial aid increased the amount of time between high school graduation and college enrollment by about two years, and we also present suggestive evidence that affected students were less likely to ever enroll in college. Students living in urban areas and those whose mothers did not attend college appear to be the most affected by these amendments. Importantly, we do not find that the law deterred young people from committing drug felonies nor did it substantively change the probability that high school students with drug convictions graduated from high school. We find no evidence of a change in college enrollment of students convicted of non-drug crimes, or of those charged by not convicted of drug offenses. In contrast to much of the existing research, we conclude that, for this high-risk group of students, eligibility for federal financial aid strongly impacts college investment decisions. Details: Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2013. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: NBER Working Paper No. 18749: Accessed March 5, 2013 at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w18749 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.nber.org/papers/w18749 Shelf Number: 127830 Keywords: Colleges and Universities (U.S.) Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Financial Assistance

Author: Gallahue, Patrick Title: Death Penalty for Drug Offences Global Overview 2012: Tipping the Scales for Abolition Summary: The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview 2012 – Tipping the Scales for Abolition is Harm Reduction International’s third annual overview on the status of the death penalty for drug offences worldwide. Tipping the Scales for Abolition documents the 33 countries and territories that retain death penalty for drug offences, including 13 in which the sentence is mandatory. In the past year many hundreds of people have been executed for drug offences in violation of international law in just a small minority of states that continue to operate at the fringes of international consensus. The trend towards abolition is, however, moving back in the right direction. This report details court cases and recent political debates that show an increasing discomfort with the death penalty for drugs, and in particular with mandatory death sentences. Details: London: Harm Reduction International, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 7, 2013, at http://www.ihra.net/files/2012/11/27/HRI_-_2012_Death_Penalty_Report_-_FINAL.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.ihra.net/files/2012/11/27/HRI_-_2012_Death_Penalty_Report_-_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 127855 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty Drug Offenders Drug Offenses

Author: Quigley, Eoghan Title: Drug Policy Profiles — Ireland Summary: The national drug policy of Ireland comes under the spotlight in the second volume in the EMCDDA series of Drug policy profiles. Examining the evolution of Irish drug policy through four periods of historic development, the report explores: the country’s national strategies; the legal context within which they operate; the public funds spent, or committed, to implement them; and the political bodies and mechanisms set up to coordinate the response to the problem. The profile sets this information in context by outlining the size, wealth and economic situation of the country as a whole, as well as the historical development of the current policy. Also described is the manner in which events in Ireland bear similarities with, and differences from, developments in other European countries. Details: Lisbon: EMCDDA, 2013. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 7, 2013 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/drug-policy-profiles/ireland Year: 2013 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/drug-policy-profiles/ireland Shelf Number: 127860 Keywords: Drug Law Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy (Ireland) Drug Use and Abuse

Author: Marlowe, Douglas B. Title: Behavior Modification 101 for Drug Courts: Making the Most of Incentives and Sanctions Summary: Drug Courts improve outcomes for drug-abusing offenders by combining evidence-based substance abuse treatment with strict behavioral accountability. Participants are carefully monitored for substance use and related behaviors and receive escalating incentives for accomplishments and sanctions for infractions. The nearly unanimous perception of both participants and staff members is that the positive effects of Drug Courts are largely attributable to the application of these behavioral contingencies (Lindquist, Krebs, & Lattimore, 2006; Goldkamp, White, & Robinson, 2002; Farole & Cissner, 2007; Harrell & Roman, 2001). Scientific research over several decades reveals the most effective ways to administer behavior modification programs. Drug Courts that learn these lessons of science reap benefits several times over through better outcomes and greater cost-effectiveness (Rossman & Zweig, 2012). Those that follow nonscientific beliefs or fall back on old habits are not very effective and waste precious resources. Every Drug Court team should stay abreast of the research on effective behavior modification and periodically review court policies and procedures to ensure they are consistent with science-based practices. Details: Alexandria, VA: National Drug Court Institute, 2012. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Court Practitioner Fact Sheet: Accessed March 8, 2013 at: http://www.ndci.org/sites/default/files/BehaviorModification101forDrugCourts.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.ndci.org/sites/default/files/BehaviorModification101forDrugCourts.pdf Shelf Number: 127869 Keywords: Behavior Modification Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Levine, Harry Title: One Million Police Hours: Making 440,000 Marijuana Possession Arrests In New York City, 2002‐2012 Summary: A new report documents the astronomical number of hours the New York Police Department has spent arresting and processing hundreds of thousands of low-level misdemeanor marijuana possession arrests during Mayor Bloomberg’s tenure from 2002 to 2012. The report finds that NYPD used approximately one million hours of police officer time to make 440,000 marijuana possession arrests. Under Mayor Bloomberg, New York City has made more marijuana possession arrests than under mayors Koch, Dinkins and Giuliani combined. Details: New York: Drug Policy Alliance and the Marijuana Arrest Research Project, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 22, 2013 at: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/One_Million_Police_Hours_0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/One_Million_Police_Hours_0.pdf Shelf Number: 128078 Keywords: Drug Abuse Policy Drug Arrests Drug Law Enforcement Drug Offenders Marijuana (New York City)

Author: Wicklund, Peter Title: Washington County Treatment Court: Outcome Evaluation Summary: In 2002, under Act 128, the Vermont Legislature established a pilot project to create drug court initiatives and begin implementing drug courts in three Vermont counties -- Rutland, Chittenden, and Bennington. Since the establishment of these drug courts, and the initial indications of their efficacy, additional Vermont counties have started drug court programs. The Washington County Treatment Court began official operation in September of 2006. It was established as a pilot program for combating drug crimes, not only drug possession, but drug-related crimes, both misdemeanors and felonies, such as retail theft, burglaries, and grand larceny. Offenders identified as drug-addicted are referred to the court by law enforcement, probation officers and attorneys and put into a treatment program whose goal is to reduce drug dependency and improve the quality of life for offenders and their families. In most cases, after their successful completion of drug court, the original charges are dismissed or reduced. The benefits to society include reduced recidivism by the drug court participants, leading to increased public safety and reduced costs to taxpayers. Details: Northfield Falls, VT: Vermont Center for Justice Research, 2013. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 2, 2013 at: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/wctcreport_files/WCTC%20Outcome%20Eval%20Rpt.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/wctcreport_files/WCTC%20Outcome%20Eval%20Rpt.pdf Shelf Number: 128187 Keywords: Drug Courts (Vermont, U.S.) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Wicklund, Peter Title: Chittenden County Rapid Intervention Community Court: Outcome Evaluation Summary: The Chittenden Rapid Intervention Community Court (hereafter the “RICC”) is a program that is available to non-violent offenders whose crimes have been driven by untreated addiction or mental illness. The program is designed as a pre-charge system through which offenders are quickly assessed using evidence-based screening tools and offered diversion to community programming, services, and community-based accountability programs. The RICC staff work closely with the Chittenden County State’s Attorney and the Burlington Police Department to identify individuals who may benefit from a rapid intervention program, without which they may reoffend and engage in conduct that is costly both to them and to the community. The Burlington Community Justice Center accepts referrals from RICC for individuals who agree to meet with a restorative justice panel to take responsibility for the crime, learn how individuals and the community were impacted, and take steps to repair the harm caused by the crime. An outcome evaluation attempts to determine the effects that a program has on participants. In the case of the RICC the objective of this outcome evaluation was to determine the extent to which the RICC reduced recidivism among program participants. An indicator of post-program criminal behavior that is commonly used in outcome evaluations of criminal justice programs is the number of participants who recidivate -- that is, are convicted of a crime after they complete the program. An analysis of the criminal history records of the 654 subjects who entered the RICC from September 14, 2010 to December 5, 2012, was conducted using the Vermont criminal history record of participants as provided by the Vermont Criminal Information Center at the Department of Public Safety. The Vermont criminal history records on which the recidivism analysis was based included all charges and convictions prosecuted in a Vermont Superior Court – Criminal Division that were available as of September 17, 2012. The criminal records on which the study was based do not contain Federal prosecutions, out-of-state prosecutions, or traffic tickets. For this evaluation, the study cohort was divided into three segments – subjects who successfully completed the RICC program (n=470), a segment that did not complete the program and were returned to docket (n=71), and a segment that were currently in the RICC and pending outcome (n=113). Summary of Conclusions 1. The RICC appears to be a promising approach for reducing recidivism among participants who successfully complete the program. Only 7.4% of the successful participants of the RICC were reconvicted of a crime after leaving the program. In comparison, 25.4% of participants who were unsuccessful at completing the RICC were convicted of a new crime after leaving the program. Although this is a significantly higher rate of recidivism compared to the successful participants, the rate is still relatively low. This indicates that even an abbreviated exposure to the benefits of the RICC may provide a positive influence on those participants who do not complete the program. 2. The RICC was shown to be very effective in producing successful participants that remained conviction free in the community during their first year after leaving the program. Approximately 93% of the successful participants of the RICC had no arrest for any new criminal conviction within one year after program completion. The unsuccessful participants had a significantly lower success rate – only 78% remained conviction free within the first year after leaving the program. 3. The RICC appears to be a promising approach for reducing the number of post-program reconvictions for participants who successfully complete the RICC. The successful participants of the RICC had a significantly lower reconviction rate of 15 per 100 participants compared to 48 reconvictions per 100 participants for those who did not complete the program. 4. A large majority of the recidivists who completed the RICC were reconvicted in Chittenden County (91%), followed by Franklin and Addison counties. The recidivists who did not complete the RICC showed a similar pattern with most of their crimes occurring in Chittenden County (76%), and the remaining occurring in Franklin, Addison, Grand Isle, and Lamoille counties. 5. Comparing the demographic and criminal history profiles between the subjects who were successful in completing the RICC and those who were unsuccessful revealed no significant differences. This leads to the conclusion that the reduced recidivism rates observed for the successful participants compared with those who were unsuccessful at completing the program were more likely due to the benefits of the RICC program rather than to differences in characteristics of the study segments. Details: Northfield Falls, VT: Vermont Center for Justice Research, 2013. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 2, 2013 at: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/chittricc_files/Chitt%20Rapid%20Referral%20Rpt2.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/chittricc_files/Chitt%20Rapid%20Referral%20Rpt2.pdf Shelf Number: 128188 Keywords: Community Courts Drug Offenders Mentally Ill Offenders Problem-Solving Courts (Vermont, U.S.) Recidivism

Author: Wicklund, Peter Title: Rutland County Treatment Court: Outcome Evaluation Summary: In 2002, under Act 128 the Vermont legislature established a pilot project to create drug court initiatives and begin implementing drug courts in three Vermont counties: Rutland, Chittenden, and Bennington. The Rutland County Treatment Court (hereafter, the “RTC”) was one of the drug courts established by Act 128, and began operating in January 2004. It was established as a pilot program for combating drug crimes, not just possession, but drug-related crimes such as retail theft, burglaries, grand larceny – both misdemeanors and felonies. Offenders identified as drug-addicted are referred to the court by law enforcement, probation officers, and attorneys and put into a treatment program that will reduce drug dependency and improve the quality of life for themselves and their families. In most cases, after their successful completion of drug court, the original charges are dismissed or charges are reduced. The benefits to society include reduced recidivism by the drug court participants, leading to increased public safety and reduced costs to taxpayers. An outcome evaluation attempts to determine the effects that a program has on participants. In the case of RTC, the objective of this outcome evaluation was to determine the extent to which the RTC reduced recidivism among program participants. An indicator of post-program criminal behavior that is commonly used in outcome evaluations of criminal justice programs is the number of participants who recidivate -- that is, are convicted of a crime after they complete the program. An analysis of the criminal history records of the 165 subjects who were referred to and accepted into the RTC from January 6, 2004 to February 7, 2012, was conducted using the Vermont criminal history record of participants as provided by the Vermont Criminal Information Center at the Department of Public Safety. The Vermont criminal history record on which the recidivism analysis was based included all charges and convictions prosecuted in a Vermont Superior Court – Criminal Division that were available as of April 24, 2012. The criminal records on which the study was based do not contain Federal prosecutions, out-of-state prosecutions, or traffic tickets. SUMMARY OF CONCLUSIONS 1. The RTC appears to be a promising approach for reducing recidivism among participants who completed the program. People who graduated from the RTC had a recidivism rate of 35.4% which is significantly less than the recidivism rate of 54.0% for participants who were terminated or withdrew from the RTC. 2. The research showed that significantly more graduates of the RTC (84.6%) remained conviction-free for the first year after leaving the program, compared to the subjects who were unsuccessful in completing the RTC (69%). 3. The RTC appears to be a promising approach for reducing the number and severity of post-RTC reconvictions for participants who complete the RTC. The reconviction rate for the successful RTC participants was almost half the rate for the participants that were unsuccessful (109 compared to 226 reconvictions per 100, respectively). RTC graduates also had significantly fewer felony reconvictions than did the subjects that did not complete the RTC. 4. The RTC recidivists tended to commit post-project crime in Rutland County. For the total study group, 84% of new convictions were prosecuted in Rutland County. 5. The reduced recidivism rates observed for the graduates of the RTC compared with the subjects who were unsuccessful in completing the program were most likely due to the benefits of the RTC rather than due to differences in demographic, criminal history, or base charge characteristics of the study segments. 6. An investigation into the demographic and criminal history characteristics of the RTC participants showed correlations between base docket sentencing severity and type, and tendency to recidivate. However, the correlations were not strong enough to result in a useful model that could be used as a predictor of recidivism. Details: Northfield Falls, VT: Vermont Center for Justice Research, 2013. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 2, 2013 at: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/RTCreport_files/RTC%20Outcome%20Eval%20Rpt.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vcjr.org/reports/reportscrimjust/reports/RTCreport_files/RTC%20Outcome%20Eval%20Rpt.pdf Shelf Number: 128189 Keywords: Drug Courts (Vermont, U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Light, Miriam Title: Gender differences in Substance Misuse and Mental Health Amongst Prisoners. Results from the Surveying Prisoner Crime Reduction (SPCR) longitudinal cohort study of prisoners Summary: This research explored substance misuse and mental health of male and female prisoners, using the Surveying Prisoner Crime Reduction (SPCR) longitudinal survey of 1,435 newly sentenced prisoners in England and Wales in 2005 and 2006. The sample consisted of 1,303 male and 132 female prisoners. Other surveys and management information were used as secondary sources. The research examined: drug and alcohol use; rates of self-harm and suicide; the presence of specific mental health disorders; and links to reconviction. The number of women was relatively small (132), reflecting the relative size of the female prison reception population. Results based on the female prisoners’ sample are less likely to be representative than those from the larger men’s sample. The women’s sample may be too small to allow some smaller gender differences to be detected. These limitations should be taken into account when interpreting the findings in this report. The main findings were:  Patterns of alcohol consumption did not differ substantially by gender. The rate of alcohol use overall amongst prisoners was slightly lower than in the general population, when comparing those who said they drank alcohol in the last year. However, amongst those prisoners who drank alcohol in the four weeks before custody, the amount of hazardous drinking was higher than in the general population and amongst offenders on community orders. Male and female prisoners both reported high levels of hazardous drinking (reporting drinking with similar frequency and consuming similar volumes of alcohol).  Alcohol use amongst prisoners was associated with reconviction on release, although to a lesser extent than drug use. Associations between daily drinking and reconviction were observed for both male and female prisoners, and, notably, there was a higher reconviction rate amongst female binge drinkers (compared to female prisoners who did not binge drink). This association was not found amongst male prisoners.  Rates of illegal drug use amongst both male and female SPCR prisoners were higher than for offenders on community orders, the general population, and an earlier prisoner survey (the 1997 Psychiatric Morbidity Survey (PsyMS)). There were no differences in the proportions of male and female SPCR prisoners reporting ever having used drugs, nor were there any gender differences detected in overall drug use in the four weeks before custody.  Female prisoners did however report more Class A drug use in the four weeks before custody than male prisoners, and were also more likely to report that their offending was to support someone else’s (as well as their own) drug use.  Drug use was strongly associated with reconviction on release from prison (this did not differ by gender).  Reports of first use of heroin in prison by heroin users were lower in SPCR (covering interviews from 2005/6) compared with the 1997 PsyMS (19% and 30% respectively). Male and female SPCR heroin users were equally likely to report having used heroin in a prison before (55%), and there was evidence that male prisoners were more likely than female prisoners to use heroin for the first time in a prison.  Female SPCR prisoners reported poorer mental health than both women in the general population and male SPCR prisoners. This was true in relation to self harm, suicide attempts, psychosis, and anxiety and depression.  Female prisoners suffering from the combination of anxiety and depression were significantly more likely to be reconvicted in the year after release from custody compared to female prisoners without such symptoms (this relationship was not found amongst male prisoners). Both male and female prisoners suffering from depression were however more likely to be reconvicted in the year after release from custody.  Male prisoners with symptoms of psychosis were more likely to be reconvicted in the year after custody. This relationship was not found amongst female prisoners, despite more female prisoners reporting symptoms indicative of psychosis. There were some important differences between male and female prisoners’ substance misuse and mental health, but also areas of similarity. The greatest differences were observed between the general population and the prisoner population rather than between male and female prisoners. Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2013. 36p., app. Source: Internet Resource: Ministry of Justice Analytical Series: Accessed April 2, 2013 at: http://www.justice.gov.uk/downloads/publications/research-and-analysis/moj-research/gender-substance-misuse-mental-health-prisoners.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justice.gov.uk/downloads/publications/research-and-analysis/moj-research/gender-substance-misuse-mental-health-prisoners.pdf Shelf Number: 128192 Keywords: Drug Offenders Gender Inmates (U.K.) Mentally Ill Offenders Prisoners Recidivism Reconviction

Author: Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Home Affairs Committee Title: Drugs: Breaking the Cycle. Ninth Report of Session 2012–13 Summary: Key facts • England and Wales has almost the lowest recorded level of drug use in the adult population since measurement began in 1996. Individuals reporting use of any drug in the last year fell significantly from 11.1% in 1996 to 8.9% in 2011–12. There was also a substantial fall in the use of cannabis from 9.5% in 1996 to 6.9% in 2011–12. • The prevalence of drug use among 11 to 15 year olds has also declined since 2001. In 2010, 18% of pupils reported that they had ever taken drugs and 12% said they had taken drugs in the last year, compared with 29% and 20% in 2001. • Around four in five adults (78%) who had taken any illicit drug in the last year thought it was very or fairly easy for them to personally get illegal drugs when they wanted them: around a third (34%) thought it was very easy and 44% thought it fairly easy. Adults who had not taken any illicit drug in the last year perceived a slightly lower level of ease of obtaining illegal drugs if they wanted them (75% perceived it to be very or fairly easy to obtain drugs compared with 78% of those that had taken drugs in the last year). • Around 50% of all organised crime groups are involved in drugs and 80% of the most harmful groups are involved in drugs predominantly in importation/supply of class A drugs. • Drugs account for some 20% of all crime proceeds, about half of transnational organized crime proceeds and between 0.6% and 0.9% of global GDP. Drug-related profits available for money-laundering through the financial system would be equivalent to between 0.4% and 0.6% of global GDP. Details: London: The Stationery Office Limited, 2012. 149p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2013 at: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/184/184.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmhaff/184/184.pdf Shelf Number: 128257 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Use and Abuse (U.K.) Organized Crime

Author: Stevens, Alex Title: Applying Harm Reduction Principles to the Policing of Retail Drug Markets Summary: The policing of drug markets is usually conceptualised primarily as a matter of law enforcement – drug dealers and people who use drugs (PWUDs) are breaking the law, and the role of the police is to reduce such law breaking. However, the wider purpose of policing is to ensure the safety of the community by reducing harms to its members. This report examines the interaction between law enforcement and harm reduction in the policing of retail level drug markets. Key Points: • The level of harm is more important than the size of the market. • Visible, open air drug markets tend to be more harmful per unit of use than hidden, closed drug markets • Policing tactics that are not experienced by the community as being fair, lawful and effective will harm police legitimacy and community relations. • Some enforcement-led approaches, including short-term crackdowns and large scale stop and search, are unlikely to produce sustainable reductions in drug sales. They may increase levels of violence and health harms and reduce police legitimacy. • It is rarely possible to eliminate retail drug markets, but well designed and implemented policing tactics can force the drug market to take less harmful forms. • Applying harm reduction principles to drug policing may boost police legitimacy as well as community safety. • Focused deterrence and ‘pulling levers’ may reduce both harm and crime, but this depends on the context and on careful implementation and evaluation. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2013. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Modernising Drug Law Enforcement Report 3: Accessed April 6, 2013 at: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/MDLE-report_3_applying-harm-reduction-to-policing-of-retail-markets.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/64663568/library/MDLE-report_3_applying-harm-reduction-to-policing-of-retail-markets.pdf Shelf Number: 128303 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Enforcement Drug Markets Drug Offenders Drug Policy

Author: University of Nebraska. Public Policy Center Title: Evaluation of Nebraska’s Problem-Solving Courts Summary: From March 2010 through December 2011, the University of Nebraska Public Policy Center conducted an evaluation of Nebraska’s problem solving courts. Main findings include the following:  Nebraska’s problem solving courts are effectively operated, following the ten key components for drug courts, thereby reducing crime and addiction and improving the lives of participants  Graduation rates for Nebraska drug courts match or exceed national drug court rates  Costs for Nebraska programs are comparable to costs for drug courts across the country  Nebraska drug court programs are cost efficient, saving between $2,609,235 and $9,722,920 in tax dollars per year  Problem solving courts in Nebraska are serving moderate to high need offenders, the type of offenders most appropriate for drug court services  Nebraska drug courts are serving a diversity of offenders, with few disparities based on race, ethnicity, and gender  Education and employment skills are emphasized in problem solving courts, which lead to successful outcomes for participants  Although the evaluation found Nebraska problem solving courts are operating effectively and efficiently, there are areas that can be improved:  Participants with higher criminal history risk could be accepted and effectively served in drug courts  Increased training in the 10 key drug court components and the Standardized Model for Delivery of Substance Abuse Services could benefit problem solving courts, particularly family drug courts  Review of admissions procedures for select courts could identify causes for racial/ethnic disparities; culturally competent approaches could improve services  Improvements could be made by ensuring full participation of county attorneys, defense attorneys, judges, law enforcement, and treatment provides in problem solving court teams  Drug court teams could benefit from additional training and team building  Additional funding would enhance key supports for drug courts including participant incentives, access to day reporting centers, and enhanced treatment  Programs could be improved through standardized procedures for reporting treatment progress and fidelity to evidence based practices  Time between arrest and drug court admission could be reduced, thereby improving outcomes for participants  The quality of problem solving courts could be improved through ongoing program evaluation. Details: Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska, Public Policy Center, 2012. 366p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2013 at: http://www.supremecourt.ne.gov/sites/supremecourt.ne.gov/files/reports/courts/drug-court-report-final-report.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.supremecourt.ne.gov/sites/supremecourt.ne.gov/files/reports/courts/drug-court-report-final-report.pdf Shelf Number: 128317 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts (Nebraska, U.S.)

Author: Van Wormer, Jacqueline G. Title: Understanding Operational Dynamnics of Drug Courts Summary: Drug courts seek to provide a coordinated and comprehensive approach to addressing the complex intersection of defendant addiction and crime that plagues our court system. Under the layers of activity and services that occurs in a drug court model exists a team that is charged with carrying out the goals and objectives of the designed program. This program should represent, in most courtrooms, a drastic departure from business as usual. History has shown, however, that proper implementation and maintenance of criminal justice reform and program efforts over time is difficult, and mission creep or program drift is not uncommon. This research analyzes the ability of drug court teams to follow recommended operational standards and explores whether drug courts are able to reach a strong state of collaboration. In addition, this research examines philosophical and ideological program change over time to assess if drug courts have drifted away from the balanced approach that should be applied within the model. This study found that survey respondents report strong adherence to the recommended drug court components and strategies, although juvenile drug court team members are embracing components built for adult drug courts. Training was significantly correlated across many scales and revealed that as training increases for team members, so to does perceptions of model adherence. As training increases, so to does perceptions of personal and system wide benefits associated with drug court operations. Findings also reveal that the prosecutor and probation officer express less overall systems and personal benefit with participation on the team and within the drug court. In terms of assessing program drift, those team members that have received varied types of training perceive more drift and mission creep of the program over time. These findings offer important new insights into the inner working of the drug court model. Policy implications and recommendations for standardization are discussed. Details: Pullman, WA: Washington State University, 2010. 235p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 9, 2013 at: https://research.wsulibs.wsu.edu:8443/xmlui/bitstream/handle/2376/2810/vanWormer_wsu_0251E_10046.pdf?sequence=1 Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://research.wsulibs.wsu.edu:8443/xmlui/bitstream/handle/2376/2810/vanWormer_wsu_0251E_10046.pdf?sequence=1 Shelf Number: 128318 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Hoffart, Irene Title: Calgary Drug Treatment Court: 2010 Evaluation Report Summary: The CDTC program seeks to accomplish several outcomes for its clients, for the service providers who are involved with the program and for the community as a whole. Service provider outcomes, including enhanced collaboration and communication as well as the enhanced knowledge of court processes and issues were measured and evaluated for this report. Also measured were pro-social lifestyle indicators as well as participant behavior, relapse and recidivism outcomes. This document represents a second evaluation report, summarizing information about CDTC activities from its inception up to July of 2010. The first evaluation report was produced in December of 2008 and covered the period between February 2007 and November 2008. Recommendations in the first report were directed at responding to clients’ treatment needs, defining roles and structures, clarifying screening policy and criteria, involving the community and seeking new funding. Nineteen program participants were interviewed and their perspectives were gathered regarding the functioning of the program and its effectiveness. Interviews with key program stakeholders helped reflect the perspective of those who work with CDTC on a regular basis. The interviews were used to help identify areas of strength and challenges with respect to program implementation and to gather opinions about the program’s effectiveness in achieving its goals. A total of 12 stakeholders were interviewed. The CDTC evaluation was based on multiple sources of data, was consistent with promising practices in drug court program evaluations and included both qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis methods. As all other evaluations, however, this study was subject to several limitations, such as a comparatively small sample of participants (n=31), limited follow-up information available and comparatively short follow-up period, missing client information, and dated information. In the period between January 2007 and July 13, 2010, CDTC Crown reviewed a total of 141 applications. Over the four years of program operations, the Crown has consistently accepted between 36% and 30% of the applicants, or a total of 44 out of 141 applications received. The reasons for refusing admission were grouped in 18 different categories and often there were more than one reason for Crown decision. Perceived risk to the community was the most frequently cited reasons for non-acceptance (documented in over 55% of the cases) followed by offences for commercial gains cited as the reason for refusal in 14% of the cases. At the time of this report, there were a total of 21 clients who either graduated or were still in the program (68%). Further review showed that seventeen clients (about 56%) remained in the program for a year or longer and an additional 16% were in the program for a period between 9 months and a year. Calgary’s graduation rate of 16% is on the higher end of the graduation rates elsewhere in Canada that range between 7% and 16%. One of CDTC’s objectives is efficient movement of offenders through the process as measured by reduced time from charge to treatment initiation. Presently, there is no system in place that allows CDTC to measure the time required for screening activities, and, particularly, the time between the initial charge and Crown referral to program. It is recommended that a measurement system be developed to accurately capture the time between original charge and Crown referral to the program. There are some trends indicating interaction between client retention and some client characteristics. These characteristics include client age, client gender and client ethno cultural background. Visible minority clients are the most likely group to be discharged early (57% as compared to 40% and 39% of the other groups). Caucasian clients are also more likely to graduate or remain in the program for a long period of time (62% as compared to 60% and 43% of the other ethno-cultural groups). Recommendations to increase retention and success in the program include ensuring programming reflects the needs of younger clients (i.e., more structure, physical activity and attention to relationship issues) and adding addiction treatment programs that specifically target Aboriginal or immigrant clients. The recidivism analysis demonstrated that CDTC program leads to a reduction in criminal behaviour associated with drug use such as theft, assault and trafficking. This result is particularly consistent for CDTC graduates, but is also true for some of the discharged clients, particularly those who appear to have been more engaged with the program, as demonstrated by length of time sober, but also longer program stays and positive attitudes towards program participation. Conclusive recidivism analysis is only possible with continued and long-term access to recidivism information. Information that is currently collected describing CDTC outcomes does not include treatment indicators such as knowledge about substance abuse and drug avoidance skills as well as well-being indicators such as enhanced self-esteem, mental and physical health and enhanced social skills. The specific definition of those outcomes and indicators as well as the relevant tools and measures would need to be developed collaboratively with the treatment providers. Details: Calgary, Alberta: Synergy Research Group, 2011. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2013 at: http://calgarydrugtreatmentcourt.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/FinalEvaluationReport-2010.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Canada URL: http://calgarydrugtreatmentcourt.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/FinalEvaluationReport-2010.pdf Shelf Number: 128327 Keywords: Drug Courts (Calgary, Canada) Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Hoffart, Irene Title: Calgary Drug Treatment Court: 2012 Evaluation Report Summary: Since the pilot start-up in May of 2007, the program was granted full Charity Status by Canada Revenue Agency, secured funding until March 2013 from Safe Communities and the City of Calgary and has expanded its roster of treatment agencies. The current CDTC Board of Directors includes representation from the City of Calgary, Calgary Police Services, Private-Corporate sector, Prosecution Branch of Canada, Court Manager and other Not for Profit sector organizations. This document represents a third evaluation report, summarizing information about CDTC activities from its inception up to March 2012. This document builds on the information collected in earlier evaluation reports. It describes and summarizes all evaluative information that has been collected since the inception of the program, including client documentation, client feedback, stakeholder feedback, and the Social Return on Investment Analysis (SROI). In addition to cumulative analysis, and to address specific requirements from the Safe Communities Innovation Fund (SCIF), the report also highlights 2011/2012 fiscal year program activities and results. The CDTC evaluation was based on multiple sources of data, was consistent with promising practices in drug court program evaluations and included both qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis methods. The research that was gathered on evaluation of drug courts provided the context for the development of the evaluation methodology and the analysis of the results. As all other evaluations, however, this study was subject to several limitations, such as a comparatively small sample of participants, limited follow-up information available, comparatively short follow-up period, and missing and/or dated client information. During the period between January 2007 and March 2012, CDTC Crown reviewed a total of 244 applications. Over the five years of program operation, the Crown has accepted 31% or 76 of the applications received. In the period between April 1st 2011 and March 31st 2012 the CDTC Crown reviewed 64 applications and accepted a substantially higher proportion of the applicants (n=25 or about 40%). Reasons for rejection have changed substantially in the 2011/2012 fiscal year. The applicants in that fiscal year were more likely to be rejected as a result of serious mental health issues (39% as compared to 17%), but much less likely to be rejected because they were judged to be risk to the community (36% as compared to 62% of the applicants overall). This shift in the last fiscal year is a reflection of some changes in Crown screening criteria, better clarity among referring sources as to the CDTC eligibility requirements, a larger emphasis in the program on mental health screening to ensure a good fit between participant’s needs and CDTC services, and, in general, the experience gained over time by the court team. Twenty-eight clients have been formally discharged since program start up (a rate of about 42%). The clients were generally discharged for a combination of reasons which often included multiple relapses, behaviour problems in the program, their own choice to withdraw from the program, and/or a team decision that the services did not represent a good match for the needs of the participant. Fourteen clients (21%) successfully graduated and, as of August 17 2012, 25 clients (37%) were still in the program. Of those 17 clients who were in the program after one month in the 2011/2012 fiscal year, to-date 2 have been discharged, 3 graduated, 1 remains in program in Stage I and 11 clients or almost two-thirds of all those admitted in 2011/2012 (65%) are transitioning into the community in Stage II of the program. Efforts were made to complete a comparative analysis of the CDTC retention rates to the retention rates of other Canadian Drug Courts. Unfortunately, this has proven to be a daunting task because of several significant differences among the drug courts. Specifically, the CDTC program may differ from other programs in its admission of higher risk clients and more stringent rules governing discharge and graduation. These differences could lead to lower graduation and higher discharge rates compared to other drug courts. In addition, as compared to most other programs in Canada, CDTC did not receive early Federal funding and this lack of resources may impact CDTC retention rate. Given the limitations above, it is difficult to determine precisely how CDTC retention rates compare to the retention rates in other Canadian courts. However, even with all these limitations, Calgary’s discharge rate of about 42% is lower than the rates in other courts, specifically Toronto (84%) and Vancouver (51%), but is comparable to or higher than the rates in Winnipeg (17%) and in Edmonton (39%). Most notably, Calgary’s graduation rate of 21% is on the higher end of the graduation rates compared to other drug treatment courts elsewhere in Canada that range between 7% and 16%. In general, the information presented in this report demonstrates that CDTC is valuable to the community and the clients that it serves. Some highlights are as follows: •The Social Return on Investment analysis showed that, for every dollar spent, $2.25 are created in savings to the community in the first year of program and $6.50 are created in the second year. •Over half of the program participants remained drug free and sober for a period of 6 months or longer; •Clients describe the program as life changing and the CDTC staff and court team as supportive, caring and helpful; •A comprehensive employment program is in place that provides the participants with crucial work experience as well as long-term employment opportunities. 65% of CDTC participants were employed at the time of graduation and all of these clients have been long-term unemployed at the time of their entry into the program; •The program helps clients develop long-term stability by linking them with multiple supports such as individual and family counseling, skill development programs, money management services, medical, vision and dental services and services needed to acquire necessary identification; •For the engaged participants, the length of time between relapses increases and the nature of the relapse incidents becomes less serious over time. The issue of Governance and sustainable program funding is a barrier to CDTC capacity building and ongoing progressive success in deliverables. Similar programs embedded within the criminal justice system receive better access to services and resources for their designated offender population, than CDTC does as a Not-for-Profit Organization. The evaluation shows that some challenges continue to exist for some client groups in CDTC. There is a shortage of treatment beds for women in Calgary, younger clients tend to leave the program earlier, and the program is less successful with visible minority or First Nations, Métis and Inuit (FNMI) clients than with clients of European backgrounds. Expansion to include day treatment will help address some of these concerns by providing an opportunity to have gender-specific groups, groups for FNMI participants and groups for younger clients. The Day Program will also integrate best practices from both justice and treatment paradigms in a curriculum that is trauma informed and grounded in culturally appropriate approaches. Day programming will also provide treatment opportunities designed to stop the cycle of addictions in families. Those supports may include parenting classes, helping parent participants reconnect with their children and providing programming for women with children. Details: Calgary, Alberta: Calgary Drug Treatment Corut Society, 2012. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2013 at: http://calgarydrugtreatmentcourt.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/CDTC2012_FinalEvaluationReportOctober2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Canada URL: http://calgarydrugtreatmentcourt.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/CDTC2012_FinalEvaluationReportOctober2012.pdf Shelf Number: 128328 Keywords: Drug Courts (Calgary, Canada) Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: FAMM (Families Against Mandatory Minimums) Title: Turning Off the Spigot. How Sentencing Safety Valves Can Help States Protect Public Safety and Save Money Summary: During the 1980s and 1990s, lawmakers with good intentions voted to enact many mandatory minimum sentences in an effort to reduce crime. Lawmakers across the country were led to believe that mandatory minimum prison sentences were necessary to remove drug dealers from the streets and stop the flow of illegal drugs into our communities. This national movement toward harsh punishment has had the opposite effect of its intentions as many states have seen an unprecedented increase in their inmate populations without a proportionate benefit to public safety. Mandatory minimums are a one-size-fits-all approach to sentencing that have taken away judges’ discretion and force the sentencing of offenders without consideration of the individual circumstances of a case. Mandatory sentences have been extended from applying to “big-time dealers” to many smaller fish who deal drugs to support their own addiction. At least two-thirds of our inmates have drug addiction issues. Mandatory minimums have been a driving force behind Pennsylvania’s inmate population increase from 8,000 in 1980 to 51,000 in 2011. FAMM’s work on fair sentencing issues is changing attitudes here in Pennsylvania and across the country as many states are now moving toward fairer sentencing practices. FAMM has provided valuable advice and insight to the Pennsylvania Senate Judiciary Committee and to me personally as we work toward prison reform. This report examines several states’ “safety valve” statutes — legislation that allows judges to bypass a mandatory sentence under certain circumstances. I support legislation that would provide a safety valve for cases where the mandatory minimum sentence would be unjust. A federal law providing for a safety valve was enacted in 1994. Since that time nearly 80,000 federal drug offenders facing mandatory minimum sentences have received the benefit of the safety valve, saving the federal government an estimated $25,000 per prisoner, per year for each year shaved off of the sentence. About one-third of states have enacted some type of safety valve statute, with considerable cost savings and without a reduction in public safety. The following report should serve as a guide to lawmakers and policy advisors across the country who are seeking to reduce their states’ inmate populations and save precious resources currently spent on incarceration. FAMM has demonstrated that we can be tough on crime as well as smart on crime. Details: Washington, DC: FAMM, 2013. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2013 at: http://www.famm.org/Repository/Files/Turning%20Off%20the%20Spigot%20web%20final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.famm.org/Repository/Files/Turning%20Off%20the%20Spigot%20web%20final.pdf Shelf Number: 128382 Keywords: Costs of Corrections Drug Offenders Mandatory Minimum Sentences (U.S.) Punishment Sentencing

Author: Virginia. Supreme Court Title: Evaluation of Virginia's Drug Treatment Court Programs (Phase 1) Summary: The Office of the Executive Secretary (OES) was awarded a U.S. Department of Justice Grant (# 2002-DC-BX-0034) to conduct comprehensive statewide evaluations of Virginia’s drug court programs. When the grant was awarded in 2002, there were fourteen drug treatment court programs in Virginia. Twelve additional drug treatment court programs have been implemented since that time. Of the current twenty-six operational drug treatment court programs, thirteen are Circuit Court (adult felony) programs, two adult misdemeanor (DUI and misdemeanor drug) drug courts, eight juvenile drug court programs, and three family drug court programs. This report presents the results of two evaluation efforts: (1) a process evaluation reporting myriad facts about program policies and procedures and descriptions of Virginia’s adult, juvenile, and family drug court participants, and (2) an outcome evaluation reporting drug court participant retention rates and graduate and non-graduate (terminated or withdrawn participants) recidivism rates. Also included in the outcome evaluation is an analysis of the severity and chronicity of offenses committed by participants prior to their drug court admittance. Severity and chronicity assessments were conducted to examine whether drug courts accept only “light weight” offenders or more serious and chronic offenders. In the coming year, five other evaluations are planned to give additional information about Virginia’s drug court programs: (1) a quasi-experimental impact study comparing drug court results with the outcomes of drug offenders in matched control groups; (2) qualitative staff and participant assessments of operational drug court programs; (3) a Delphi study of treatment components of Virginia’s drug court programs; (4) a cost assessment study; and (5) a summative analysis of participant variables related to successful drug court outcomes. Each type of drug addiction (alcoholism, crack addiction, narcotics addition, etc.) has different treatment protocols and different rates of success. In addition to differences in treatment needs, participant profiles vary between Virginia’s drug court programs. For example, a post-dispositional program may accept only probation violators who have exhausted other sentencing alternatives and are facing lengthy incarceration. A predispositional drug court may catch addicts earlier in their criminal history. Another drug court may accept homeless people or those with mental illness as well as addiction. Because of the wide variability in participant populations among Virginia’s drug courts, the reader is urged to resist comparing one drug court program with another. Rather than compare programs, it is important to ask the “big picture” questions: (1) do drug courts reduce subsequent drug-fueled crime overall?; (2) what is the longevity of program impact on sobriety and criminal offending?; (3) which program elements increase program success measures of increased retention and reduced recidivism?; and, (4) which participant profiles are most amenable to success in drug treatment courts? Virginia drug court programs require offenders to plead guilty prior to drug court admittance. Some drug court programs are primarily pre-dispositional (facts are found sufficient for conviction, adjudication is deferred pending program outcome, and, with program graduation, admitting charges may be reduced or dismissed) while other programs are primarily post-dispositional (participant is found guilty, sentenced, and drug court success may earn reduction or dismissal of sentence). Newer drug court programs tend to follow the post-dispositional model. Of the operational adult drug court programs, two are predispositional, six are post-dispositional, and seven are a combination of the pre-dispositional and post-dispositional models. Of the 3216 Virginians admitted to adult felony drug court programs between November 1995 and December 2004, a total of 2002 have graduated or are currently enrolled in the programs. The resulting retention rate is 62.25%. Juvenile drug courts have admitted 371 youths. Of this total, 217 have graduated or are currently enrolled resulting in a retention rate of 58.49%. An additional 66 addicted parents have been admitted to Virginia’s family drug treatment court programs. Twenty-seven have graduated or are currently enrolled for a retention rate of 40.9%. Retention is an important benefit of drug court programs. Lower recidivism rates correlate with longer periods of drug treatment. Drug court participants stay in treatment longer and have higher program completion rates than other criminal justiceinvolved addicts who voluntarily enter substance abuse treatment. Virginia drug court participants stay a minimum of twelve months in judicially-supervised treatment programs. Research indicates that addicts who stay in treatment over a year have twice the recovery rates as those who fail to stay in treatment at least a year. National studies indicate that recidivism rates of drug court graduates are half or less than half the recidivism rates of other addicted offenders not participating in drug courts. The 2004 Virginia drug court impact study included 2,056 adult drug court participants. Of these, 647 participants have graduated from a drug court program. Of the total number of graduates, 103 have been arrested for felony offenses after drug court graduation. This represents a statewide felony recidivism rate of 15.9% for adult drug court graduates. There were 59 drug court graduates who had misdemeanor arrests resulting in a misdemeanor recidivism rate of 9.1%. Recidivism rates of drug court non-graduates were also examined. Non-graduates include former drug court participants who withdrew or were involuntarily terminated from drug court programs. Of the total sample of 2,056, 918 former participants are drug court non-graduates. Of these, 303 were arrested for felony offenses after leaving drug court. This results in a felony recidivism rate for non-graduates of 33.0%. There were 72 non-graduates who were arrested for subsequent misdemeanor offenses. This represents a 7.8% misdemeanor recidivism rate for nongraduates. It is apparent that adult drug court graduates have significantly lower felony recidivism than non-graduates. Details: Richmond, VA: Supreme Court of Virginia, 2005(?). 128p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2013 at: http://leg2.state.va.us/dls/h&sdocs.nsf/fc86c2b17a1cf388852570f9006f1299/82c03793ce42b31785256ec500553b91/$FILE/RD40.pdf Year: 2005 Country: United States URL: http://leg2.state.va.us/dls/h&sdocs.nsf/fc86c2b17a1cf388852570f9006f1299/82c03793ce42b31785256ec500553b91/$FILE/RD40.pdf Shelf Number: 128395 Keywords: Drug Courts (Virginia, U.S.) Drug Offenders Problem Solving Courts

Author: Carey, Shannon M. Title: Colorado Statewide DWI and Drug Court Process Assessment and Outcome Evaluation. Final Report Summary: Drug courts are designed to guide offenders identified as drug-addicted into treatment that will reduce drug dependence and improve the quality of life for the offenders and their families. Benefits to society include substantial reductions in crime, resulting in reduced costs to taxpayers and increased public safety. In late 2011, NPC Research was contracted by the State of Colorado Judicial Department to conduct a statewide process assessment and outcome evaluation of Colorado’s adult drug courts (ADC) and DUI courts. The process study included an examination of Colorado’s drug court practices in relation to the 10 Key Components of drug court (NADCP, 1997) and research-based best practices for drug courts. Recommendations for enhancements to the programs were provided. The outcome evaluation included an examination of the characteristics of the participant population who entered Colorado’s adult drug courts and DUI courts as well as an examination of whether there were participant characteristics that would predict graduation or unsuccessful termination from the program. In addition, analyses were performed to determine the graduation rate for Colorado’s drug courts and whether programs were graduating their participants within the intended time frame. Finally, the outcome evaluation included a criminal justice recidivism study comparing arrest rates and charges for drug court participants before and after participation in the program. The main purpose of the overall evaluation was to answer four key policy and research questions. Specifically, 1. What are the components of the problem-solving courts (e.g., who is on the drug court team, what practices are Colorado’s drug courts engaging in, and how do they relate to program outcomes)? 2. What are the components of the probation program within the problem-solving court? 3. What are the significant characteristics of participants who have entered Colorado’s drug court programs? What are the demographics? How do adult drug court and DUI drug court populations differ? What are the characteristics of the drug court participants who successfully complete the program compared to those who terminate from the program? 4. How successful are the problem-solving courts? What are the graduation rates of Colora-do’s drug courts? Are the drug courts graduating participants within the intended time frame? What are the recidivism rates of Colorado’s drug courts? Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2012. 110p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2013 at: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/CO_Statewide_Process_Assessment_and_Outcome_Evaluation_0912.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.npcresearch.com/Files/CO_Statewide_Process_Assessment_and_Outcome_Evaluation_0912.pdf Shelf Number: 128399 Keywords: Drug Courts (Colorado, U.S.) Drug Offenders Problem Solving Courts

Author: Carey, Shannon M. Title: Marion County Fostering Attachment Treatment Court Process, Outcome and Cost Evaluation. Final Report Summary: For the past 20 years in the United States, there has been a trend toward guiding nonviolent drug offenders into treatment rather than incarceration. The original drug court model links the resources of the criminal system and substance treatment programs to inrease treatment participation and decrease criminal recidivism. Drug treatment courts are one of the fastest growing programs designed to reduce drug abuse and criminality in nonviolent of-fenders in the nation. The first drug court was implemented in Miami, Florida, in 1989. As of May 2009, there were 2,037 adult and juvenile drug courts active in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam, with another 214 being planned (National Association of Drug Court Professionals, 2009). Drug courts have been shown to be effective in reducing recidivism (GAO, 2005) and in reduc-ing taxpayer costs due to positive outcomes for drug court participants (including fewer re-arrests, less time in jail, and less time in prison) (Carey & Finigan, 2004; Carey, Finigan, Waller, Lucas, & Crumpton, 2005). Some drug courts have even been shown to cost less to operate than processing offenders through business-as-usual (Carey & Finigan, 2004; Carey et al., 2005). More recently, in approximately the last 10 years, the drug court model has been expanded to include other types of offenders (e.g., juveniles and parents with child welfare cases). Family Drug Courts (FDCs) work with substance-abusing parents with child welfare cases. There have been a modest number studies of these other types of courts including some recidivism and cost studies of juvenile courts (e.g., Carey, Marchand, & Waller, 2006) and a national study of family drug courts (Green, Furrer, Worcel, Burrus, & Finigan, 2007). Many of these studies show prom-ising outcomes for these newer applications of the drug court model. However, the number of family drug court studies in particular has been small, and to date, there have been no detailed cost studies of family drug courts. In late 2008, NPC Research was contracted by the Oregon State Police and the Criminal Justice Commission to conduct the third year evaluations of 11 drug courts funded by the Byrne Methamphetamine Reduction Grant Project. NPC conducted Drug Court Process Foundations evaluations of 11 Oregon adult and family drug court sites (examining the programs‟ adherence to best practices within the 10 Key Components, with adjustments for the special family drug court population of parents with child welfare cases). In addition, as a part of this project, NPC per-formed full process, outcome and cost-benefit evaluations of two family drug court sites, the Ma-rion and Jackson County Family Drug Court Programs. This evaluation was funded under the Edward Byrne Memorial State and Local Law Enforce-ment Assistance Grant Program: Byrne Methamphetamine Reduction Grant Project 07-001. This summary contains process, outcome and cost evaluation results for the Marion County Fostering Attachment Family Treatment Court (FATC). Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2010. 97p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2013 at: http://www1.spa.american.edu/justice/documents/3905.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www1.spa.american.edu/justice/documents/3905.pdf Shelf Number: 128401 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem Solving Courts

Author: Cheesman, Fred L. Title: Virginia Adult Drug Treatment Courts Impact Study Summary: To date, Virginia has formally implemented 16 adult drug treatment courts. Data from twelve of Virginia’s adult drug treatment courts are included in this report. The twelve adult drug court sites included in this study are: • Charlottesville/Albemarle Adult Drug Court • Chesterfield/Colonial Heights Adult Drug Court • Hampton Adult Drug Court • Henrico Adult Drug Court • Loudoun Adult Drug Court • Newport News Adult Drug Court • Norfolk Adult Drug Court • Portsmouth Adult Drug Court • Rappahannock Regional Adult Drug Court • Roanoke Adult Drug Court • Richmond Adult Drug Court • Staunton Adult Drug Court The other four operational adult drug treatment courts - Tazewell Adult Drug Court, Hopewell/Prince George Adult Drug Court, Bristol Adult Drug Court and Chesapeake Adult Drug Court – were excluded from the study due to limited available data. A total of 1,156 drug court participants were included in the primary analysis of demographics and service level information. For all of the remaining analysis, only the participants that were matched with the comparison group are included (n=972). This report summarizes evaluation findings with respect to several primary issues, such as post-program recidivism, within-program outcomes, and drug treatment court performance measures. Several interesting findings have emerged which are consistent with prevailing drug treatment court trends. Key findings are summarized below. • Virginia drug courts provide a variety of services, substance abuse and ancillary, to participants while at the same time holding them accountable by means of drug testing, sanctions and incentives, and frequent contacts with the court and court staff. • The profile of the typical drug court participant is a young male, unemployed, with limited education, and prior felony, misdemeanor, and drug convictions. This suggests that Virginia’s adult drug courts service high-risk, high-needs offenders. • Virginia drug court participants report cocaine, alcohol, and opiates as their primary drugs of choice. Frequent drug testing indicates that while most participants test positive for illicit drugs at some point in the program, drug use decreases dramatically over time. Lengthy periods of continuous sobriety are observed among drug court participants while enrolled in drug court. Results also indicate that participants are more likely to be employed when they exit their respective programs than when they entered their programs. • About 50 percent of dug court participants successfully graduate their program, very much in-line with national estimates. On average, graduates spend around 1.7 years in their respective programs before graduation, which is slightly higher than recommended best practices. Participants that do not graduate spend about a year in drug court before termination. It is recommended that Virginia drug court programs critically examine their termination policies and strive to reduce their rate of terminations. • Drug court graduates are significantly less likely than terminated clients to recidivate than drug court participants as a whole (combining graduates with non-graduates). • A carefully selected comparison group was used to allow for comparisons between the drug court group, as a whole, and a “business as usual” comparison group. Propensity score matching eliminated or reduced most of the differences between drug court participants and offenders convicted of drug court eligible offenses who did not go to drug court, enabling valid comparisons of program outcomes and impacts described in subsequent analyses. • Drug court participants (graduates and non-graduates combined) are significantly less likely than the propensity score matched comparison group to recidivate while participating in their respective programs. The latter result suggests that Virginia’s drug courts are doing a good job of protecting public safety. • Recidivism was measured using different indices, including arrests, convictions, felony convictions, misdemeanor convictions, and drug offense convictions. When the recidivism rates of drug court participants as a whole (i.e., including both graduates and terminations) are compared to those of the propensity score matched comparison group using all of these indices, drug court participants far out-perform the comparison group. A similar pattern was observed when post-exit recidivism was examined in isolation from in-program recidivism (with the exception of new drug convictions, where no significant difference was observed). These findings, combined with those of the Kaplan-Meier Survival functions, suggest a robust and sustained impact of drug court on recidivism compared to the business-as-usual alternative (probation, jail, and/or prison). These findings need to be confirmed by a multivariate analysis that will control for differences noted between the drug court participants and the comparison group that persisted after propensity score matching. Details: Williamsburg, VA: National Center for State Courts, 2012. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2013 at: http://ncsc.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/singleitem/collection/spcts/id/244/rec/55 Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://ncsc.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/singleitem/collection/spcts/id/244/rec/55 Shelf Number: 128406 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts (Virginia) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Cheesman, Fred L. Title: Virginia Adult Drug Treatment Courts: Cost Benefit Analysis Summary: To date, Virginia has formally implemented 16 adult drug treatment courts. In addition, there are eight planning courts that gained approval for implementation following the 2012 Virginia General Assembly as a result of changes to the 2012-2014 budget language and an additional adult drug court that was approved in October 2012 by the Virginia Drug Treatment Court Statewide Advisory Board. Data from 12 of Virginia’s adult drug treatment courts are included in this report. The 12 adult drug court sites included in this study are: • Charlottesville/Albemarle Adult Drug Court • Chesterfield/Colonial Heights Adult Drug Court • Hampton Adult Drug Court • Henrico Adult Drug Court • Loudoun Adult Drug Court • Newport News Adult Drug Court • Norfolk Adult Drug Court • Portsmouth Adult Drug Court • Rappahannock Regional Adult Drug Court • Roanoke Adult Drug Court • Richmond Adult Drug Court • Staunton Adult Drug Court The other four operational adult drug treatment courts – Tazewell Adult Drug Court, Hopewell/Prince George Adult Drug Court, Bristol Adult Drug Court and Chesapeake Adult Drug Court – were excluded from the study due to limited available data. The following report is the second produced as a result of the National Center for State Courts’ study of Virginia’s adult drug courts. The critical finding from the first report was that drug court participants in the sample were significantly less likely to recidivate than the carefully matched “business-as-usual” comparison group and that this reduction in recidivism was a robust and sustained effect. In this, the second report, the following research questions were answered: Key Question 1: What defendant characteristics and program characteristics are associated with the graduation rates and recidivism rates of drug court participants? Key Question 2: Controlling for differences in demographics and criminal history, do drug court participants demonstrate better recidivism outcomes than defendants processed through the traditional criminal justice system? Key Question 3: How much does an adult drug court in Virginia cost per participant? Key Question 4: What is the impact on the criminal justice system of processing defendants through a drug court compared to traditional case processing? Details: Williamsburg, VA: National Center for State Courts, 2012. 139p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 18, 2013 at: http://ncsc.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/singleitem/collection/spcts/id/245/rec/54 Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://ncsc.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/singleitem/collection/spcts/id/245/rec/54 Shelf Number: 128407 Keywords: Cost Benefit Analysis Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts (Virginia) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts (Virginia) Recidivism

Author: Brooker, Charlie Title: An Investigation into the Prevalence of Mental Health Disorder and Patterns of Health Service Access in a Probation Population Summary: This study was funded by an East Midlands Research for Patient Benefit grant. The research is divided into three stages, each of which is presented separately below. Stage 1 aimed to investigate the prevalence of mental health disorders, substance misuse, needs and patterns of service access amongst offenders under probation supervision in Lincolnshire, through one-toone clinical interviews with a stratified random sample of offenders. A sub-study was included in this stage which investigated the use of a brief screen for ‘likely caseness’ of Personality Disorder (PD) (SAPAS) with a probation population. This is reported here as ‘Stage 4’. Stage 2 investigated the extent to which probation staff were aware of, and recording, offenders’ mental health and substance misuse problems, and the nature of any action taken by the probation service to address these issues. In Stage 3, qualitative interviews were undertaken in order to investigate the experiences of probation staff when trying to facilitate access to health services for offenders, and the experiences of offenders trying to access health services. This stage of the study aimed to highlight models of good practice in service provision for offenders, and barriers to service access for this hard-to-reach group. This stage also includes recommendations on how access to services could be improved for offenders under probation supervision. The over-arching aim of the research is to pilot a methodology for assessing the prevalence of mental health disorder and substance misuse amongst offenders under probation supervision. In addition, the study aims to gather data which will be shared with a multi-agency steering group and used to inform both probation practice and health service provision for this hard-to-reach group. Details: Lincoln, UK: University of Lincoln, Criminal Justice and Health Research Group, 2011. 172p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2013 at: http://www.cepprobation.org/uploaded_files/RfPB-final-report-17-9-11.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.cepprobation.org/uploaded_files/RfPB-final-report-17-9-11.pdf Shelf Number: 128431 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Mental Health Services Mentally Ill Offenders Probation Probationers (U.K.)

Author: Pugh, Tracy Title: Blueprint for a Public Health and Safety Approach to Drug Policy Summary: Some of the problems with our current drug policies stem from the fact that these policies have been largely bifurcated between two different and often contradictory approaches. One treats drug use as a crime that cannot be tolerated and should be punished; the other views addiction as a chronic relapsing health or behavioral condition requiring ongoing treatment and support. Neither of these views is all encompassing—it should be recognized that there are patterns of drug use that do not result in significant harm or health problems and therefore require no intervention. The public health approach presented here takes the view that our focus should be on the harm caused by drug use and the harm caused by our policy responses to it. We have focused specifically on illicit drugs, not because they are by themselves more harmful (in fact, tobacco causes more morbidity and mortality than any illicit drug), but because it has become increasingly clear that our current policies to manage illicit drugs are failing. Drug policy in New York is further complicated by multiple actors that all play some role in preventing or responding to drug use. Without a unified framework and better coordination, they often work at cross-purposes. For instance, while New York has grown its network of innovative harm reduction, drug treatment, and alternative-to-incarceration programs, it has also been aggressive in policing and penalizing the same population that accesses these services for possession of drugs and syringes and for relapses. The result is a system that is not working well for anyone. Drug use and its associated harms continue, and our policy responses have resulted in the mass incarceration of New Yorkers, increased racial disparities, stigmatization of individuals and whole subpopulations, fragmented families, deep distrust between police and the communities they serve, and millions of dollars in costs during times of both economic prosperity and, more recently, fiscal crisis. In an era of limited resources, we simply can no longer afford to keep doing what we have been doing when our actions have shown to be largely ineffective and even detrimental: • Drug use affects New Yorkers. The New York State Office of Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Services (OASAS) estimates that one in 13 New York State residents suffers from a substance abuse condition. An estimated 447,000 people in New York State need treatment but do not get it.1 Statewide, over 1.8 million New Yorkers (1.77 million adults and 156,000 young people ages 12-17) have a substance abuse condition.2 Many more are affected by the drug use of a family member, friend, or colleague. • Incarceration has proven ineffective at reducing drug use. With one in every 100 U.S. adults now in prison and many more involved in the criminal justice system,3 incarceration is increasingly seen as an important public health issue and as a social determinant of health that exacerbates existing health disparities.4-5 In 2011, there were 104,897 adult drug arrests overall in New York City—21,149 were felony arrests and 83,748 were misdemeanors.6 That same year, the New York City Police Department made over 50,000 arrests for marijuana possession7 yet overall rates of drug use, including marijuana, have remained relatively stable.8 • Our drug policies are driving unacceptable racial disparities in our criminal justice system. Despite the relative consistency in the prevalence of drug use across races, the vast majority of those arrested and incarcerated for drug offenses are people of color. In New York City in 2011, more than 85 percent of those arrested for marijuana possession were Black and Latino, mostly young men,9 even though young white males use marijuana at comparable, if not higher, rates.10 • Illicit drug use and our current policy responses to it are costly and require a revised approach. The economic cost of illicit drug use to the U.S. is estimated to be more than $193 billion annually. 11 The average annual cost of incarceration to New York tax payers is estimated at $3.6 billion.12 As incarceration has increased substantially over the last 40 years, illicit drug use has not seen a substantial reduction. New York is poised for change. There is much momentum to move our drug policies toward a public health-based approach. At the local level, communities around the state are actively calling for a new approach. They are challenging criminal justice-dominated strategies for dealing with drug use—such as stop, question, and frisks leading to arrests for low-level marijuana possession—and mass incarceration. At the policy level, New York in 2009 became one of the first and biggest states in the country to move away from the harsh mandatory sentencing laws that characterized drug policy in the U.S. throughout much of the past four decades. The significant reform to the Rockefeller Drug Laws was advanced by a historic conference held at NYAM in January 2009. The conference, called New Directions New York: A Public Health Safety Approach to Drug Policy, helped to delineate a public health and safety approach as a clear alternative to existing policy. The conference made clear that a wide array of community, government, health, and other stakeholders agree that at the center of all our drug policies whether addressing legal or illicit drugs—should be the question, “What impact will our policies have on the public’s health and safety?” This Blueprint seeks to outline an approach that responds to this question using the best evidence available coupled with the input of hundreds of New Yorkers. Details: New York: New York Academy of Medicine, 2013. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 1, 2013 at: http://www.nyam.org/assets/3371_DPA_NYAM_Report_FINAL_for_WEB_v2.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.nyam.org/assets/3371_DPA_NYAM_Report_FINAL_for_WEB_v2.pdf Shelf Number: 128583 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Policy (New York State, U.S.)

Author: Scarbrough, Sarah Huggins Title: Reducing Recidivism in Returning Offenders with Alcohol and Drug Related Offenses: Contracts for the Delivery of Authentic Peer Based Recovery Support Services Summary: In collaboration with Sheriff C. T. Woody, the Deputies and other jail personnel, Kingdom Life Ministries (KLM) operates in the City of Richmond Jail. Aimed at serving individuals who suffer from alcoholism and other drug addictions, KLM’s programs offer peer-to-peer recovery support services; meaning people who are successful in their recovery deliver the recovery message. On any given day, rehabilitation and recovery services are provided to 120 men in what used to be the worst tier of the Richmond City Jail. A large portion of these men battle substance abuse disorders and have exhibited habitual criminal behavior over an extended period of time. Using a mixed methods approach, this study examined the effectiveness of KLM, during two stages — while the men are incarcerated and upon release. Beginning in February 2008, with the initial implementation of the KLM program, the examination spanned three and a half years, concluding in September 2011. The qualitative and quantitative findings of this study revealed the effectiveness of the KLM program. Secondary data examining other programs in and outside of Virginia was also reviewed to in order to develop best practices recommendations for substance abuse treatment organizations. Last, it was also discovered that private organizations provide more efficient services than public programs, and do in a much more cost effective manner. Details: Richmond VA: Virginia Commonwealth University, 2012. 223p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 13, 2013 at: http://sarahscarbrough.com/wp/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/scarbrough-dissertation.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://sarahscarbrough.com/wp/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/scarbrough-dissertation.pdf Shelf Number: 128714 Keywords: Alcohol Offenders Correctional Programs Drug Offenders Jail Inmates (Virginia) Peer-to-Peer Mentoring Prisoner Rehabilitation Recidivism

Author: Haisley, Stephane Jackson Title: The Drug Treatment Court Concept: The Jamaican Drug Courts Summary: The drug treatment court model (DTC) model was conceived out of the need to solve the numerous and intractable problems that drug-related cases create for court systems. A DTC is generally seen as a court that deals specifically with offenders who have committed offenses while under the influence of drugs and provides an alternative to incarceration. DTCs make use of a multidisciplinary team involving judges, prosecutors, defense attorneys, probation officers, treatment providers, police officers, and educational and vocational experts. The criminal justice and health service systems join to provide drug-dependent offenders with the mechanisms to recover from drug addiction and lead a productive and crime-free life. The purpose of this paper is to explore the concept of DTCs. After providing an overview of the origins of the DTC, looking at its roots in the United States and Canada, the paper examines the foundation and present-day experiences of DTCs in Jamaica. It also refers to some efforts among various countries in the Western Hemisphere to monitor DTCs and evaluate their effectiveness. The paper concludes with a return to the achievements of DTCs in Jamaica and a brief look at the future of the DTC program worldwide. Details: Washington, DC: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank, 2013. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Justice & Development Working Paper Series 20/2013: Accessed May 20, 2013 at: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2013/05/08/000445729_20130508115817/Rendered/PDF/774300NWP0J0D000Box377296B00PUBLIC0.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2013/05/08/000445729_20130508115817/Rendered/PDF/774300NWP0J0D000Box377296B00PUBLIC0.pdf Shelf Number: 128758 Keywords: Drug Courts (Jamaica) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Osler, Mark Title: Amoral Numbers and Narcotics Sentencing Summary: Americans are fascinated with lists and rankings. Magazines catch the eye with covers promising “92 Cute Summer Looks,” college football fans anxiously await the release of pre-season rankings, and law schools have reshaped themselves in reaction to the rankings released by U.S. News and World Report. With each of these, though, the lists often do more to create a reality than to reflect one, with distinct negative effects. The same problem plagues federal narcotics sentencing, where rankings of the relative seriousness of crimes are embedded in sentencing guidelines and minimum sentences required by statutes, though they are rooted neither in empirical evidence nor a consistent theory of problem-solving. Details: Minneapolis: University of St. Thomas School of Law, 2013. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: U of St. Thomas (Minnesota) Legal Studies Research Paper No. 13-21: Accessed June 3, 2013 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2271380 Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2271380 Shelf Number: 128920 Keywords: Drug Offenders Punishment Sentencing Guidelines War on Drugs

Author: Latessa, Edward J. Title: Final Report: Outcome and Process Evaluation of Juvenile Drug Courts Summary: This study adds to the existing juvenile drug court literature by providing a national multi-site outcome and process evaluation of nine juvenile drug courts from across the U.S. This study assesses the relative effect of each court, as well as their combined effectiveness in reaching the overall goal of reducing recidivism and improving youths' social functioning. It also identifies, where possible, the characteristics of youth and programs associated with successful outcomes. The goals of this research are consistent with those stated in the OJJDP-approved grant proposal. There were six original goals. One additional goal was added at the request of OJJDP. The goals of this research are: 1) To determine if there is a reduction in recidivism and substance abuse associated with participation in a juvenile drug court program, relative to comparison groups. 2) To determine if there are increases in social functioning related to participating in juvenile drug court programs relative to comparison groups. 3) To identify the characteristics of successful juvenile drug court participants. 4) To determine if juvenile drug courts are operating in a manner consistent with evidence-based approaches. 5) To identify the programmatic characteristics of effective juvenile drug courts. 6) To provide policymakers with information about the effectiveness of juvenile drug courts. 7) To determine if the 16 strategies for juvenile drug courts recommended by the National Drug Court Institute (NDCI) are effective practices (Bureau of Justice Assistance, 2003). The nine juvenile drug courts participating in this research study are located in: Ada County, Idaho; Clackamas County, Oregon; Jefferson County, Ohio; Lane County, Oregon; Lucas County, Ohio; Medina County, Ohio; Rhode Island (the state); San Diego County, California; and Santa Clara County, California. As discussed above, the study included both process and outcome evaluation components. Details: Cincinnati, OH: Center for Criminal Justice Research, University of Cincinnati, School of Criminal Justice, 2013. 421p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 4, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/241643.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/241643.pdf Shelf Number: 128931 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Juvenile Drug Courts Juvenile Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Reichert, Jessica Title: Community Reentry after Prison Drug Treatment: Learning from Sheridan Therapeutic Community Program participants Summary: The Sheridan Correctional Center National Model Drug Prison and Reentry Program is a drug treatment program providing in-prison substance abuse treatment as well as substance abuse treatment upon release. Prior research has shown reductions in recidivism among Sheridan participants compared to other prisoners. This study examined a group of 50 re-incarcerated men who successfully completed the in-prison phase of the Sheridan program and what led to their re-incarceration. Among this sample, positive findings about the Sheridan program and its participants include: • Sixty-two percent stated they were Very engaged in the Sheridan program. • Slightly more than half (60 percent) felt Sheridan prepared them for success after release. • Over three-fourths (76 percent) indicated they had a job at some point after graduating Sheridan and before their re-incarceration. • A majority (84 percent) reported having little difficulty in finding housing. • Most (86 percent) said Sheridan helped them more than a traditional prison. Other notable findings include: • On average, Sheridan graduates in this study spent 738 days (about two years) in the community before returning to IDOC. The range was 40 to 2,096 days (over five-and-a-half years). • A majority of the men in our sample (90 percent) relapsed into drug or alcohol use after their release from Sheridan. • Slightly more than half (56 percent) of the sample reported they had illegal sources of income. • Sixty-eight 68 percent stated drug dealing was common in the neighborhood they lived in after release. This study found many factors associated with length of time to relapse to drug or alcohol use and recidivism (self-reported criminal activity or re-incarceration) including: • Younger participants engaged in criminal activity and relapsed sooner than older participants. Younger participants also reported being less engaged in the Sheridan program than older participants. • After prison, those who returned to their original neighborhood relapsed sooner than those who did not return to their original neighborhood. • Unemployed participants engaged in criminal activity sooner than employed participants. • Those living in neighborhoods that were perceived as unsafe and/or where drug dealing was common relapsed sooner than those living in safer, lower-risk neighborhoods. • Those who reported spending time with persons who engage in risky activities—substance use and/or criminal activity—relapsed sooner than those who did not spend time with persons engaging in risky activities. • Those with gang involvement engaged in criminal activity and relapsed sooner. • Those who did not complete aftercare engaged in criminal activity and relapsed sooner than those who did complete aftercare. Details: Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority, 2013. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 4, 2013 at: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/researchreports/reentry_sheridan_report_012012.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.icjia.state.il.us/public/pdf/researchreports/reentry_sheridan_report_012012.pdf Shelf Number: 128958 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Prisoner Reentry (Illinois, U.S.) Recidivism Rehabilitation Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: King County Mental Health, Chemical Abuse and Dependency Services Division Title: 2011 King County Substance Use Disorder Prevention and Treatment Services Performance Indicator Report Summary: This report provides information on program and demographic data for people served in King County's substance abuse system. Details: Seattle, WA: King County Mental Health, Chemical Abuse and Dependency Services Division, 2012. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 6, 2013 at: http://www.kingcounty.gov/healthservices/MHSA.aspx Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.kingcounty.gov/healthservices/MHSA.aspx Shelf Number: 128977 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Substance Abuse Treatment (U.S.)

Author: Carns, Theresa White Title: Recidivism in Alaska’s Therapeutic Courts for Addictions and Department of Corrections Institutional Substance Abuse Programs Summary: The Judicial Council and ISER evaluated two programs for offenders with substance abuse problems: Alaska’s therapeutic courts and Department of Corrections institutional programs for incarcerated offenders. Based on the information available, the study found that the programs were promising, especially for those who completed them. This report also identifies ways to improve data collection. Suggestions for improved data collection and sharing • Agencies should improve their internal methods of data collection. Data should be entered electronically to the extent possible, in a consistent format. Agencies should collect additional data, such as information about substance abuse problems, mental health issues and socioeconomic status, all of which have been shown to be related to recidivism. • Agencies should work together to find efficient ways to reduce the burdens of collecting data, and to share data about offenders and programs. To match individuals so that agencies can share data accurately and efficiently, all agencies should begin to enter the APSIN ID number for each offender as soon as possible. • Agencies should work with treatment providers and others to assure that they meet the same high standards for data quality that the agencies set for in-house data collection. Agency staff responsible for contracted programs should assist management of the programs by providing clear descriptions of the data expected, and by frequent review of program reports. Findings about therapeutic court programs • Any participation by felons in a therapeutic court program appeared to be beneficial; all participants had lower rearrest and reconviction rates than comparison offenders. Graduates benefitted the most. The rearrest rate for felon graduates was about one-third lower than the comparison group, and the reconviction rate was about one-half that of the comparison offenders. • Misdemeanant success depended on graduation. The rearrest and reconviction rates for graduates were about one-third lower than those of the comparison offenders. Non-graduate misdemeanants had substantially higher rearrest and reconviction rates than comparison offenders, but the rearrest and reconviction rates for graduates and non-graduates combined were about the same as the rates for the comparison offenders. Findings about DOC institutional substance abuse programs • DOC institutional substance abuse treatment programs were most effective for those who completed them. Felons were 50% more likely to complete a program than misdemeanants, probably because it was less likely they would be transferred or released prior to completion. • Misdemeanor offenders who completed programs had the most success; their rearrest rate was about one-third lower than the comparison group and their reconviction rate was a little more than one-half that of the comparison group. Details: Anchorage: Alaska Judicial Council, 2012. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 18, 2013 at: http://www.ajc.state.ak.us/reports/2012programrecid.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.ajc.state.ak.us/reports/2012programrecid.pdf Shelf Number: 129019 Keywords: Correctional Treatment Programs Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Offender Treatment Substance Abuse Treatment Programs (Alaska)

Author: Carns, Teresa Title: Anchorage PACE Probation Accountability with Certain Enforcement A Preliminary Evaluation of the Anchorage Pilot PACE Project Summary: On July 12, 2010, Anchorage judges conducted the first warning hearings for the initial group of twenty-nine probationers assigned to the PACE – Probation Accountability with Certain Enforcement – pilot program. Modeled after Project HOPE in Hawaii, Anchorage’s PACE added another fifty-one probationers between November 2010 and February 2011.2 This report describes the progress of the program, and the data on outcomes collected between July 2010 and June 2011. Probationers assigned to PACE were required to comply with all probation conditions, including random drug testing and periodic meetings with their probation officers. A positive drug or alcohol test, failure to appear for a scheduled test, or failure to attend a meeting with the probation officer were the three conditions targeted in the PACE program. If offenders failed to comply with any one of these, they were immediately arrested or a warrant was issued for their arrest. A court hearing was scheduled, usually within 72 hours. At the hearing, the judge imposed a sanction of a short jail term, generally two to three days. If the offender violated again, the process was repeated, with another sanction. The essence of the program was that every single violation that was included in the PACE program was dealt with quickly, and a sanction was imposed each time. Details: Anchorage: Alaska Judicial Council, 2011. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 18, 2013 at: http://www.ajc.state.ak.us/reports/pace2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.ajc.state.ak.us/reports/pace2011.pdf Shelf Number: 129021 Keywords: Drug Offenders Probationers (Alaska)

Author: Rodgers, Dennis Title: Bismarckian Transformations in Contemporary Nicaragua? From Gang Member to Drug Dealer to Legal Entrepreneur Summary: Through a detailed life history of Bismarck, a Nicaraguan youth gang member turned illegal drug dealer turned legal entrepreneur, this paper explores the potential relationships between formal and informal economic activity. It focuses particularly on the various economic activities that he has been involved in at different stages in his life, tracing their origins and evolving dynamics in order to highlight not only how the ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ often mix, but also how they can in fact be extremely interdependent, to the extent that they often directly feed off each other. At the same time, however, Bismarck’s story also underlines how the systemic iteration of economic activity ultimately depends less on their form and more on the contingent articulation of the specific type of activity concerned, the particular trajectory of the individual social agents involved, as well as ultimately the nature of the broader contextual political economy. Details: Manchester, UK: University of Manchester, Brooks World Poverty Institute, 2009. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: BWPI Working Paper 82: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.bwpi.manchester.ac.uk/resources/Working-Papers/bwpi-wp-8209.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Nicaragua URL: http://www.bwpi.manchester.ac.uk/resources/Working-Papers/bwpi-wp-8209.pdf Shelf Number: 129143 Keywords: Drug Dealing Drug Offenders Gangs (Nicaragua)

Author: Waller, Mark S. Title: Testing the Cost Savings of Judicial Diversion. Final Report Summary: Adopted in 1973 and named after then-Governor Nelson Rockefeller, the Rockefeller drug laws required lengthy prison sentences for felony-level drug sale and possession offenses. When punitive drug enforcement strategies peaked in late 1980s and early 1990s, as many as 10,000 drug offenders in New York were sentenced to state prison each year (10,785 in 1990). Reform legislation, adopted in April 2009, included several “judicial diversion” provisions that went into effect six months later, giving judges the discretion to link offenders charged with drug- or property-related felonies to treatment, primarily through New York’s existing network of drug courts. Drug courts seek to halt the revolving door of addiction and arrest by linking addicted offenders to drug treatment and rigorous judicial monitoring. Drug courts bring together judges, prosecutors, defense attorneys, treatment providers and court staff in a collaborative effort to enforce compliance with court orders. Drug courts also use classic behavioral modifi cation strategies (swift and certain sanctions and incentives) that are designed to motivate substance abusers to maintain a drug-free and crime-free life. Key Findings Researchers at NPC Research and the Center for Court Innovation compared the change in treatment participation in the year before the reform took effect and the year after using publicly available case-level data in all 62 counties. For the cost-benefi t analysis, the researchers extrapolated to the entire state results obtained through an in-depth comparison of costs associated with court-ordered treatment and conventional case processing in 10 representative counties. Key fi ndings include: — Court-ordered treatment enrollment increased by 77 percent in the year after October 7, 2009, when the judicial diversion provisions of drug law reform went into effect. — Changes in treatment enrollment varied widely by region and county, indicating that the precise impact of Rockefeller drug law reform depends heavily on local culture and practice. For instance, enrollment increased by more than 200 percent in 13 of New York’s 62 counties and by 1 to 200 percent in 25 counties; enrollment remained the same in 6 and decreased in 18 counties. — The greatest increase in treatment enrollment took place in the suburbs of New York City, which saw a 728 percent increase—mostly stemming from a change from seven to 326 treatment participants in Nassau County and from 30 to 215 participants in Suffolk County. — Offenders sent to treatment consumed signifi cantly fewer criminal justice resources than similar offenders processed the year before judicial diversion went into effect. In particular, offenders sent to treatment spent signifi cantly fewer days than the comparison group on probation or jail sentences stemming from the initial criminal case and—due to reductions in re-offending over a three-year follow-up period—also spent fewer days serving prison sentences that stemmed from future criminal cases. — Those felony-level offenders who enrolled in treatment due to judicial diversion were a higher-risk/higher-need population (e.g., longer and more serious drug use history and more prior arrests and convictions) than the offenders who were enrolled in treatment previously. This trend puts New York State more closely in line with national research demonstrating that high-risk/high-need offenders are particularly suitable for intensive interventions such as drug courts. — Judicial diversion in New York will yield a projected net benefi t of $5,144 per offender over fi ve years, resulting in cost-benefi t ratio of 1 to 2. That is, for every taxpayer dollar invested in the program, there will be a $2 return in the form of criminal justice resources saved after 5 years. When victimization costs are included—representing the cost to crime victims whenever there is a property or violent crime—the net benefi t is $13,284 per offender, and the cost-benefi t ratio increases to a return of $3.56 per dollar spent. (Judicial diversion produces substantial victimization savings by reducing the quantity of new property crimes and crimes against persons.) As Testing the Cost Savings of Judicial Diversion documents, sending cases to treatment in lieu of incarceration or probation can free up signifi cant criminal justice resources. But only subsequent policymaker decisions can determine whether actual savings will be realized. Among other things, realizing cost savings depends on continuing to send a high volume of felony-level defendants to treatment. Details: New York: Center for Court Innovation; Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2013. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 25, 2013 at: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/NY_Judicial%20Diversion_Cost%20Study.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.courtinnovation.org/sites/default/files/documents/NY_Judicial%20Diversion_Cost%20Study.pdf Shelf Number: 129152 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Offender Treatment Programs Drug Offenders Judicial Diversion Rockefeller Drug Laws (New York, U.S.) Sentencing

Author: Van Stelle, Kit R. Title: Treatment Alternatives and Diversion (TAD) Program: Advancing Effective Diversion in Wisconsin. 2007-2010 Evaluation Report Summary: In 2005, Wisconsin Act 25 (SECTION 90m. 16.964) authorized “grants to counties to enable them to establish and operate programs, including suspended and deferred prosecution programs and programs based on principles of restorative justice, that provide alternatives to prosecution and incarceration for criminal offenders who abuse alcohol or other drugs.” These programs are designed to target non-violent offenders where a violent offender is defined as “a person to whom one of the following applies”: 1. The person has been charged with or convicted of an offense in a pending case and, during the course of the offense, the person carried, possessed, or used a dangerous weapon, the person used force against another person, or a person died or suffered serious bodily harm. 2. The person has one or more prior convictions for a felony involving the use or attempted use of force against another person with the intent to cause death or serious bodily harm. (Section 90m. 16.964 (12)). The goals of the TAD program are to “…promote public safety, reduce prison and jail populations, reduce prosecution and incarceration costs, reduce recidivism, and improve the welfare of participants’ families...”. This evaluation report documents the implementation of the TAD program in seven sites in Wisconsin and examines the individual outcomes of offenders who participated in the TAD projects between January 1, 2007 and December 31, 2010. 150p. Details: Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute, 2011. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2013 at: http://uwphi.pophealth.wisc.edu/about/staff/van-stelle-kit/tad-2011-evaluation-report-full-report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://uwphi.pophealth.wisc.edu/about/staff/van-stelle-kit/tad-2011-evaluation-report-full-report.pdf Shelf Number: 129185 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration (U.S.) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Courts Problem-Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Human Rights Foundation of Monland-Burma Title: Bitter Pills: Breaking the Silence Surrounding Drug Problems in the Mon Community Summary: In late 2012 the New Mon State Party (NMSP) initiated a vigorous anti-drugs campaign throughout various Mon communities in Burma. Arrests of numerous drug smugglers were made, drug-using youth were sent to NMSP rehabilitation centres, and signs were erected in villages calling on residents to resist and combat drug use. This wave of action brought an issue to the table that had thus far been surrounded by silence from relevant authorities. Prior to this, domestic and international discussions of Burma’s drug problems had largely been restricted to regions in Upper Burma, in particular Shan State. However, NMSP action highlighted that drugs were also prevalent in Mon communities and were being abused by Mon youth. With a new focus on this issue, various questions have been raised. Exactly how widespread is the problem? Where are these drugs coming from? What are authorities outside of the NMSP doing to tackle drug use and trading? So far, these and other queries have been met with few adequate responses. The main purpose of this report is to take on some of these questions and begin the process of providing concerned parties with satisfactory answers. Using testimony from a range of sources, HURFOM aims to offer a preliminary account of drug use and trading in Mon communities. The report also serves as a call to action to various authorities, whose co-operation is needed if decisive action is to be taken. Now that the matter has been brought to the table by the NMSP, HURFOM aims to ensure that authorities do not fall back into a pattern of silence and inactivity. We entreat all authorities, in particular the Burmese government and ethnic armed groups, to follow the lead taken by the NMSP and take up the challenge of tackling drug use in their domains of authority. Details: Kanchanaburi, Thailand: Human Rights Foundation of Monland-Burma (HURFOM), 2013. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2013 at: http://rehmonnya.org/upload/Bitterpills.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Burma URL: http://rehmonnya.org/upload/Bitterpills.pdf Shelf Number: 129204 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Burma) Drug Dealers Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking

Author: British Columbia Centre for Excellence in HIV/AIDS. Urban Health Research Initiative Title: Drug Situation in Vancouver. Second Edition. Summary: The Drug Situation in Vancouver report includes detailed information on drug use trends, drug availability, HIV rates, and behaviours among some of the city’s most vulnerable people who use illicit drugs. The analysis found: • Fewer people using injection drugs • Significant decrease in syringe sharing and related HIV and hepatitis C transmissions • Increase in drug cessation and access to addiction treatment • Unchanged ease of access to and affordability of illicit drugs Among people who use drugs in Vancouver, methadone maintenance treatment increased from 11.7 per cent in 1996 to 54.5 per cent in 2008, remaining stable since. In addition, reports of difficulty accessing addiction treatment dropped from 19.9 per cent in 1996 to as low as 3.2 per cent in 2006, and has remained below 1996 levels. There was a corresponding upward trend of injection drug use cessation during a similar period, with a rate of just 0.4 per cent in 1996 compared to 46.6 per cent in 2011. Conversely, researchers found between 2000 and 2011 illicit drugs remained easily accessible and prices were stable. Details: Vancouver, BC: Urban Health Research Initiative, 2013. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2013 at: http://uhri.cfenet.ubc.ca/images/Documents/dsiv2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Canada URL: http://uhri.cfenet.ubc.ca/images/Documents/dsiv2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129228 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Vancouver, Canada) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders HIV (Viruses)

Author: Bryan, Mark Title: Drug-related Crime Summary: We provide a critical discussion of the concept drug-related crime and review methods for estimating its volume, emphasising the importance of an appropriately defined counterfactual. We then construct new estimates for England and Wales in 2003-6, combining data from the Arrestee Survey and Offending Crime and Justice Survey to ensure adequate coverage of prolific offenders/drug users and non-household residents, who are under-represented in household surveys. We find, first, that the volume of drug-induced acquisitive crime linked to heroin use is high, but there is no significant evidence of violent crime linked directly to heroin use. Second, we find no evidence at all of any drug-induced crime committed by people who use cannabis (but not heroin or cocaine). Third, we find evidence that supplying cannabis leads to a small volume of crime. The mechanisms linking cannabis supply to criminal activity merit further investigation. Details: Colchester, UK: Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Essex, 2013. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: ISER Working Paper Series, No. 2013-08: Accessed July 11, 2013 at: https://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/publications/working-papers/iser/2013-08.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/publications/working-papers/iser/2013-08.pdf Shelf Number: 129367 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Illicit Drugs

Author: Barthe, Emmanuel P. Title: Reno, Nevada Smart Policing Initiative: Reducing Prescription Drug Abuse Summary: Prescription drugs are among the fastest growing form of drugs being abused in the United States, and Nevada ranks first among the 50 states in prevalence rates. The Reno Police Department and its research partner at the University of Nevada, Reno sought to reduce prescription drug abuse throughout the Reno community by achieving three goals: 1. Increase knowledge about the problem (Education/Prevention). 2. Reduce the number of prescription pills available for illicit use (Supply Reduction). 3. Aggressively investigate and prosecute offenders (Law Enforcement Suppression). The Bureau of Justice Assistance selected the Reno Police Department to receive funding through the Smart Policing Initiative (SPI) because their program reflected the core principles of SPI, most notably collaboration, comprehensive responses, and prevention. The foundation of the Reno SPI involves a collaborative partnership between the Reno Police Department, its research partner, and key stakeholders—including non-profit coalitions (e.g., a local substance abuse coalition called Join Together Northern Nevada), pharmacies, physicians, other healthcare professionals, school district personnel, and parents and their children. The Education/Prevention component of the Reno SPI included a school-based survey that captured prescription drug use patterns among students. Survey results helped to guide the development of an informational video that was shown to more than 1,100 students across six regional schools. The Reno SPI also included specialized training for police regarding the nature of prescription drug abuse; information on how to report prescription drug offenses more accurately; relevant criminal statutes and charging methods; and pill confiscation and identification. The SPI team also developed individualized training regarding various aspects of the prescription drug abuse problem for medical professionals (many of whom reported that they had not received such training previously), including physicians and nurses, pharmacists, and dentists. More than 530 medical professionals in the Reno area received the training. The centerpiece of the Supply Reduction component involved a series of prescription drug round-ups, in which more than 750,000 pills were collected and destroyed. The Reno SPI team also distributed 800 “MedSafe” locking medicine cabinets for home use, and distributed more than 100,000 educational stickers that pharmacies placed on prescription bags given to customers. The Law Enforcement Suppression component involved the assignment of a dedicated detective to handle all prescription drug abuse and fraud cases. The Reno SPI team also opened a phone line for the medical community to report suspicious or fraudulent behavior. Early results from the program evaluation suggest that progress has been made toward reducing the availability of prescription drugs in the Reno area. The Reno SPI highlights the importance of collaboration between law enforcement and other stakeholders to address this complex problem, most notably parents and their children, medical professionals, and the prosecutor’s office. The Reno Smart Policing Initiative has been recognized by the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, and by the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy. Details: Alexandria, VA: CNA Analysis & Solutions, 2013. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 24, 2013 at: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/research/Reno_Program_Profile.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/research/Reno_Program_Profile.pdf Shelf Number: 129502 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Prevention Drug Offenders Prescription Drug Abuse (U.S.) Problem-Oriented Policing

Author: Mosher, Clayton C. Title: Final Report on the Program Evaluation of the Pine Lodge Pre-release Residential Therapeutic Community for Women Offenders in Washington State Summary: This research report describes the purpose, methods, results, and implications of an evaluation of the Pine Lodge Pre-Release Therapeutic Community for Women Offenders in Washington State. Funded by the National Institute of Justice as part of its research initiative for local evaluations of prison-based residential substance abuse treatment programs, this evaluation focuses on: (1) factors that affect successful completion of the program; and (2) outcomes, i.e., recidivism, for Pine Lodge participants as compared with a matched control group. Our approach was to supplement primary, qualitative data derived from extensive on-site observations with secondary, quantitative data culled from periodic reports from the facility and the Washington State Department of Corrections. In that regard, this evaluation not only represents a departure from, but also is unique among, evaluations of therapeutic communities reported in the professional literature. We are able to describe (what we believe to be) important insights into the external pressures on the Pine Lodge therapeutic community, the internal dynamics and daily rhythms of the program, and the specific challenges faced by both inmates and staff in the program-insights that are not forthcoming from a reading of secondary program data alone. The operative word in our evaluation study is "change." Despite impressions from the extant literature that prison treatment programs in general, and therapeutic communities in particular, are static entities, our research indicates that they are highly dynamic and ever-changing. In ways both substantive and semantic, the Pine Lodge Pre-Release substance abuse treatment program was not the same entity from the beginning of our study in 1997 to its conclusion in the Summer of 2001. While the therapeutic community experienced "growing pains" in its first few years of operation that led to comparatively low completion rates, recent changes to the program are having a positive impact on completion. Further, women who participated in the Pine Lodge program, when compared with a matched control group, are less likely to be convicted of a new offense upon release. Most important, women who successfully completed the treatment program are the least likely to be convicted of a new offense after release. Overall, "New Horizons" is a prison-based residential substance abuse treatment program that is: Jadmitting, reaching, and servicing its targeted population; conforming to widely-accepted principles of chemical dependency therapy; being delivered by well-trained, highly dedicated professionals; operating at an .appropriate capacity with an effective client-staff ratio; exhibiting the essential characteristics of a therapeutic community; graduating reasonable numbers of participants; and exerting a long-term, positive influence on offenders who complete the program. Specific highlights of our findings, inferences, and recommendations regarding the Pine Lodge "New Horizons" program are itemized. Details: Pullman, WA: Washington State University, 2001. 132p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 31, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/196670.pdf Year: 2001 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/196670.pdf Shelf Number: 131822 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Female Offenders Offender Treatment Prisoners Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Young, Nancy K. Title: Needs Assessment Report Summary: The purpose of this Family Drug Court Needs Assessment (FDC-NA) is to identify the training and technical assistance (TTA) needs of Family Drug Courts (FDC). The Center for Children and Families Futures (CCFF) designed and developed methods to collect and analyze data from multiple sources to identify FDC TTA needs. Primary data collection and analyses were conducted in different formats: - FDC TTA online survey-which asked FDC practitioners to rate the extent they were experiencing barriers in implementing key FDC strategies and identify specific barriers and TTA needs of their FDC - In-depth stakeholder interview with State and Federal stakeholders-to gather their input on the TTA needs of FDCs and feedback on preliminary findings of the FDC-NA Secondary analysis was conducted from three data sources: 1) Technical Assistance (TA) Tracker-which is a web-based data system used by CCFF to manage and analyze the content of previously received TTA requests 2) Post-webinar online surveys-completed by attendees from the FDC Learning Academy regarding their feedback on priority content for future webinar presentations 3) FDC Self-Assessment Surveys-administered to 16 jurisdictions regarding their level of agreement in implementing key FDC recommendations. Through this design and process of the FDC-NA, CCFF was able to draw from its prior TTA work and garner input from FDC practitioners and stakeholders in determining the current TTA needs of FDCs. The findings showed widespread interest in and the need for TTA across a broad range of topics. A synthesis of the data revealed four priority content areas and specific topics for TTA: 1) Services to Parents-Respondents cited the challenges of meeting the complex and multiple needs of parents as a result of trauma, dual-diagnosis, domestic violence and the use of medication-assisted treatment (MAT). Specific content for TTA included engagement and retention strategies, recovery supports, and serving parents in MAT. 2) Funding and Sustainability-A lack of continued funding for staff positions, treatment and a broad service array were raised as barriers to sustaining FDCs. There is a need to engage sites in active sustainability planning by exploring barriers and working towards strategic activities including cost analyses, the use of baseline measures and outcome data, and exploring refinancing and redirection strategies. 3) Cross-Systems Knowledge-A need for ongoing cross-system training to bridge the divisions between professional disciplines, agency mandates, values and practice was cited frequently by respondents. These include training in gender-specific issues, trauma, co-occurring conditions, enhancing motivation and dynamics of addiction and recovery. Details: Lake Forest, CA: Center for Children and Family Futures, 2014. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2014 at: http://www.cffutures.com/files/publications/OJJDP_TTA_NAR_2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.cffutures.com/files/publications/OJJDP_TTA_NAR_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 131940 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Family Drug Courts Problem Solving Courts

Author: Perry, Amanda E. Title: Interventions for Drug-Using Offenders with Co-occurring Mental Illness (Review) Summary: Interventions for drug-using offenders with co-occurring mental illness Background A number of policy directives are aimed at enabling people with drug problems to live healthy, crime-free lives. Drug-using offenders with co-occurring mental health problems represent a group of people who access treatment for a variety of different reasons. The complexity of the two problems makes the treatment and rehabilitation of this group of people particularly challenging. Study characteristics The review authors searched scientific databases and internet resources to identify randomised controlled trials (where participants are allocated at random to one of two or more treatment groups) of interventions to reduce, eliminate, or prevent relapse or criminal activity of drug-using offenders with co-occurring mental illness. We included people of any gender, age or ethnicity. Key results We identified eight trials (three of which are awaiting classification) evaluating treatments for drug-using offenders with co-occurring mental illness. The interventions included case management via a mental health court, a therapeutic community and an evaluation of motivational interviewing techniques and cognitive skills (a person's ability to process thoughts) in comparison to relaxation training. Overall, the combined interventions were not found to reduce self report drug use, but did have some impact on re-incarceration rates, but not re-arrest. A specific analysis of therapeutic community interventions did subsequently reduce re-incarceration but proved to be less effective for re-arrest and self report drug use. Two single studies evaluating case management via a mental health drug court and motivational interviewing and cognitive skills did not show significant reductions in criminal activity and self report drug use respectively. Little information is provided on the costs and cost-effectiveness of such interventions and trial evaluations focusing specifically on the needs of drug misusing offenders with co-occurring mental health problems are required. Quality of the evidence This review was limited by the lack of information reported in this group of trials and the quality of the evidence is unclear. The evidence is current to March 2013. Details: Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, 2014, Issue 1. 90p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 19, 2014 at: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD010901/pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD010901/pdf Shelf Number: 131966 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Intervention Mentally Ill Offenders Treatment Programs

Author: Smith, Leslie A. Title: Therapeutic Communities for Substance Related Disorder (Review) Summary: Therapeutic communities (TCs) are a popular treatment for the rehabilitation of drug users. The results of this review show that there is little evidence that TCs offer significant benefits in comparison with other residential treatment, or that one type of TC is better than another. Prison TC may be better than prison on it's own or Mental Health Treatment Programmes to prevent re-offending postrelease for inmates. Details: Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, 2006, Issue 1. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 19, 2014 at: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD005338.pub2/pdf Year: 2006 Country: International URL: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD005338.pub2/pdf Shelf Number: 131973 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Substance Abuse

Author: Subramanian, Ram Title: Playbook for Change? States Reconsider Mandatory Sentences Summary: Since 2000, at least 29 states have taken steps to roll back mandatory sentences, with 32 bills passed in just the last five years. Most legislative activity has focused on adjusting penalties for nonviolent drug offenses through the use of one or a combination of the following reform approaches: 1) expanding judicial discretion through the creation of so-called "safety value" provisions, 2) limiting automatic sentence enhancements, and 3) repealing or revising mandatory minimum sentences. In this policy report, Vera's Center on Sentencing and Corrections summarizes state-level mandatory sentencing reforms since 2000, raises questions about their impact, and offers recommendations to jurisdictions considering similar efforts Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2014. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 19, 2014 at: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/mandatory-sentences-policy-report-v2b.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/mandatory-sentences-policy-report-v2b.pdf Shelf Number: 132066 Keywords: Drug Offenders Mandatory Minimum Sentences Punishment Sentencing Sentencing Reform

Author: Applied Research Services, Inc. Title: Georgia Drug Arrest Trends: The Supply-Side Model of Drug Interdiction in Georgia Summary: The present report serves as the preamble to a larger study of Georgia's Multi-jurisdictional Drug Task Forces (MJTF). In this quasi-experimental analysis of MJTF and non-MJTF jurisdictions, we examine arrest and conviction data from the state Computerized Criminal History (CCH) database as well as a number of other sources. One reason for pursuing this longitudinal study first is to ensure this particular period does not present any temporal issues that could confound the analysis. Specifically, Georgia has, along with the rest of the nation, seen significant decreases in crime over the past few years. As this study will report, Georgia's overall arrest rates have plummeted since the 2008 recession. While declining arrest rates are predictable given the drop in reported crime rates, the recession may have had a particular period effect that needs to be taken into consideration during the propensity matching phase of the MJTF study. In essence, this report accomplishes the following as a means of providing a context for the larger study and report: - Introduce the Supply-Side theory of drug interdiction; - Introduce our use of "Criminal Career" methods to study crime trends in Georgia; - Discuss and distinguish between Participation and Frequency as components of crime rates; - Discuss use of CCH data within the context of criminal career methods as a means of testing the effectiveness of Supply-Side approaches; - Discuss falling crime rates as a counterfactual; - Demonstrate the effectiveness of the supply-side approach and the differential effectiveness of the MJTFs by demonstrating: o Increased number of high-level drug arrests (larger quantities, trafficking offenses) in MJTF counties, as compared to non-MJTF counties o Larger decreases in smaller-level offenses (users), especially first-time offenses in MJTF counties, as compared to non-MJTF counties; - Discuss how drug prices have fluctuated in Georgia and the relationship of this fluctuation to drug interdiction methods. Details: Atlanta: Georgia Governor's Criminal Justice Coordinating Council, 2013. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 21, 2014 at: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/related_files/site_page/Georgia%20Drug%20Arrest%20Trends_9.30.13.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/related_files/site_page/Georgia%20Drug%20Arrest%20Trends_9.30.13.pdf Shelf Number: 132094 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Enforcement Drug Markets Drug Offenders

Author: Machin, Juliette R. Title: Marion County Fostering Attachment Treatment Court Follow-Up Process and Outcome Evaluation Report Summary: For the past 20 years in the United States, there has been a trend toward guiding nonviolent drug offenders into treatment rather than incarceration. The original drug court model links the resources of the criminal system and substance treatment programs to increase treatment participation and decrease criminal recidivism. As of June 30, 2012, there were 2,734 drug courts, including 1,896 adult and juvenile drug courts, 334 family courts, and 503 other types of drug courts active in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands (NDCRC, 2013). Over approximately the last 17 years, the drug court model, originally developed for adult criminal offenders, has been expanded to address the poor outcomes substance-abusing parents traditionally experienced in traditional family reunification programs (Marlowe & Carey, 2012). Family Drug Treatment Courts (FDCs) work with the child welfare system. There have been a modest number studies of FDCs (e.g., Burrus, Mackin, & Finigan, 2011; Green, Furrer, Worcel, Burrus, & Finigan, 2007; Carey, Sanders, Waller, Burrus, & Aborn, 2010a, 2010b). Many of these studies show promising outcomes for families in the child welfare system, including higher treatment completion rates, higher family reunification rates, less time in out-of-home placements for the children, and lower arrest rates (Marlowe & Carey, 2012). In late 2008, NPC Research was contracted by the Oregon State Police and the Criminal Justice Commission to conduct the third year evaluations of 11 drug courts funded by the Byrne Methamphetamine Reduction Grant Project. NPC conducted Drug Court Process Foundations evaluations of 11 Oregon adult and family drug court sites (examining the programs' adherence to best practices within the 10 Key Components, with adjustments for the special family drug court population of parents with child welfare cases). In addition, as a part of this project, NPC performed full process, outcome and cost-benefit evaluations of two family drug court sites, the Marion and Jackson County Family Drug Court Programs. This study is a follow-up to that evaluation of the Marion County program. This summary contains process and outcome evaluation results for the Marion County Fostering Attachment Family Treatment Court (FATC). Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2013. 98p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 22, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/244165.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/244165.pdf Shelf Number: 132121 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Pew Research Center Title: America's New Drug Policy Landscape: Two-Thirds Favor Treatment, Not Jail, for Use of Heroin, Cocaine Summary: The public appears ready for a truce in the long-running war on drugs. A national survey by the Pew Research Center finds that 67% of Americans say that the government should focus more on providing treatment for those who use illegal drugs such as heroin and cocaine. Just 26% think the government's focus should be on prosecuting users of such hard drugs. Support for a treatment-based approach to illegal drug use spans nearly all demographic groups. And while Republicans are less supportive of the treatment option than are Democrats or independents, about half of Republicans (51%) say the government should focus more on treatment than prosecution in dealing with illegal drug users. As a growing number of states ease penalties for drug possession, the public expresses increasingly positive views of the move away from mandatory sentences for non-violent drug crimes. By nearly two-to-one (63% to 32%), more say it is a good thing than a bad thing that some states have moved away from mandatory sentences for non-violent drug offenders. In 2001, Americans were evenly divided over the move by some states to abandon mandatory drug terms. The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 14-23 among 1,821 adults, finds that support for the legalization of marijuana use continues to increase. And fully 75% of the public - including majorities of those who favor and oppose the legal use of marijuana - think that the sale and use of marijuana will eventually be legal nationwide. Details: Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2014. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2014 at: http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/04-02-14%20Drug%20Policy%20Release.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/04-02-14%20Drug%20Policy%20Release.pdf Shelf Number: 132147 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy (U.S.) Drug Treatment Illegal Drugs Public Opinion

Author: Boles, Sharon Title: Sacramento County Dependency Drug Court Year Seven Outcome and Process Evaluation Findings Summary: The Sacramento County Dependency Drug Court (DDC) began in October 2001. The Sacramento DDC was developed as part of a system-wide reform effort to address the needs of families with substance use disorders in the child welfare system. The Sacramento DDC operates parallel to the dependency case proceedings, which are conducted on a regular family court docket. Compliance reviews and management of the recovery aspects of the case are heard by the DDC officer throughout the life of the parents' participation in the dependency drug court. Parents begin DDC services promptly to pre-empt the possibility of noncompliance of court orders regarding substance abuse treatment participation. The focus of this report includes: 1) a description of the program participants; 2) findings regarding treatment engagement, retention and completion; and 3) 12, 18, and 36 month findings regarding child safety and permanency. For this report, the 24 month findings are presented in Appendix A. For a complete description of the DDC model and programmatic components, please contact the authors for a report issued in April 2002. Details: Irvine, CA: Children and Family Futures, 2010. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 23, 2014 at: http://www.cffutures.org/files/publications/Year%207%20Summary%20Report%20Final.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.cffutures.org/files/publications/Year%207%20Summary%20Report%20Final.pdf Shelf Number: 132149 Keywords: Child Protection Child Welfare Drug Courts Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Problem Solving Courts

Author: Drummond, Anne Title: Study on the Prevalence of Drug Use, Including Intravenous Drug Use, and Blood-Borne Viruses among the Irish Prisoner Population Summary: Accurate up-to-date data on the extent of drug use and the prevalence of blood-borne viruses among the prisoner population are a necessary pre-requisite for health and social service planning and policy development. The most recent national study assessing the prevalence of blood-borne viruses, along with self-reported drug use within Irish prisons (Allwright et al., 1999), was carried out over a decade ago. This study was commissioned by the National Advisory Committee on Drugs (NACD) in 2010 with the following objectives: to describe the nature, extent and pattern of consumption for different drugs among the prisoner population; to describe methods of drug use, including intravenous drug use, among the prisoner population; to estimate the prevalence of blood-borne viruses among the prisoner population and to identify associated risk behaviours; and to measure the uptake of individual drug treatment and harm reduction interventions (including hepatitis B vaccination) in prison. Methods An observational cross-sectional study, targeting all prisons and prisoners in Ireland, was carried out in early 2011. Prisoners were selected at random in proportion to the population in each prison. A detailed, validated and piloted self-completion questionnaire was administered to prisoners under the supervision of the research team. Oral fluid samples were taken for assessment of drugs of abuse and blood-borne viruses. Overall 824 prisoners participated, with a final response rate of 49.5%. Results Results reveal lifetime, last year and last month prevalence rates for drug use that greatly exceed those of the general population but which are broadly consistent with findings from prison studies internationally. For example, lifetime cannabis use among all prisoners was 87%, last year use was 69% and last month use was 43%. Likewise, lifetime heroin use was 43%, last year use was 30% and last month use was 11%. Women were significantly more likely to use drugs, including injecting drugs. Despite there being a high prevalence (26%) of ever injecting drugs among prisoners, last month injecting prevalence was low (2%). Prevalence of HIV was 2%. Prevalence rates for hepatitis C (13%) and hepatitis B (0.3%) were lower than expected. By far the most important factors associated with blood-borne viruses in this prison population were ever having used drugs IV and ever having shared IV drug equipment. Older age and having had a tattoo done in prison were associated with hepatitis C. Female prisoners were at greater risk of having hepatitis C and HIV and male-to-male sexual contact was confirmed as a risk factor for HIV. The need for drug treatment and harm reduction services was identified in different prison categories, with a pattern of very high uptake of services when they are available. Summary This study confirms that drug use, including injecting drug use, is a significant problem among prisoners in Ireland and suggests that drug-related factors are important in the acquisition of blood-borne viruses. The findings also show that prisoners who need services, such as the range of addiction services and detoxification, are very willing to use them when they are available. 'In-prison' uptake of testing and vaccination services confirms that prisons are appropriate settings for the provision of preventive, diagnostic and treatment services for drug users. It is hoped that the evidence provided in this study will facilitate service and policy development in this important area. Details: Dublin: National Advisory Committee on Drugs and Alcohol, 2014. 126p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 3, 2014 at: http://www.nacd.ie/images/stories/docs/press/Full-Drug-use-among-Irish-prisoner-population.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.nacd.ie/images/stories/docs/press/Full-Drug-use-among-Irish-prisoner-population.pdf Shelf Number: 132207 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Health Care Prisoners (Ireland) Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Subramanian, Ram Title: Drug War Detente? A Review of State-level Drug Law Reform, 2009-2013 Summary: From 2009 through 2013, more than 30 states passed nearly 50 bills changing how their criminal justice systems define and enforce drug offenses. In reviewing this legislative activity, the Vera Institute of Justice's Center on Sentencing and Corrections found that most efforts have focused on making change in one or a combination of the following five areas: mandatory penalties, drug sentencing schemes, early release mechanisms, community-based sanctions, and collateral consequences. By providing concise summaries of representative legislation in each area, this review aims to be a practical guide for policymakers in other states and the federal government looking to enact similar reforms. Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2014. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 12, 2014 at: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/state-drug-law-reform-review-2009-2013.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/state-drug-law-reform-review-2009-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 132328 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Reform Illicit Drugs Sentencing War on Drugs

Author: Feilding, Amanda Title: Illicit Drugs Markets and Dimensions of Violence in Guatemala Summary: At this civil society meeting, Amanda Feilding presented the Beckley Foundation's latest report on the impact of the illegal drug trade in Guatemala. Titled 'Illicit Drug Markets and Dimensions of Violence in Guatemala', the report looks at socio-economic indicators while exploring Guatemala's illicit drugs market. It makes evidence-informed policy recommendations based on the Beckley Foundation Latin American Chapter's original research. The Beckley Foundation Latin American Chapter outlined reform and public engagement tactics that we hope will lead to public-health minded alternative approaches to the War on Drugs. Details: Oxford, UK: Beckley Foundation, 2013. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2014 at: http://www.beckleyfoundation.org/Illicit-Drug-Markets.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Guatemala URL: http://www.beckleyfoundation.org/Illicit-Drug-Markets.pdf Shelf Number: 132343 Keywords: Drug Markets (Guatemala) Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug-Related Violence Illegal Trade Illicit Drugs War on Drugs

Author: Hornby Zeller Associates, Inc. Title: Evaluation of Maine's Family Treatment Drug Courts: A Preliminary Analysis of Short and Long-term Outcomes Summary: The high correlation between child maltreatment and the abuse of drugs and alcohol among parents or other caregivers is well documented. Indeed, parental substance abuse is one of the major reasons why children are removed from their homes and placed into protective custody. Today, it is estimated that nearly eighty percent of all substantiated child abuse and neglect cases involve parental substance abuse. Many parents with substance abuse problems never regain custody of their children. This is due in large part to the fact that these caregivers are significantly less likely to enter into or complete court ordered treatment services. Pervasive among this population are other issues that hamper reunification efforts including inadequate or unstable housing, mental illness, transportation issues and unemployment, to name a few. Family drug courts were developed as a means to respond to the complex problems posed by substance abuse among parents involved in the child welfare system. Through a combination of intensive judicial oversight, case management supervision, drug testing and dedicated treatment and protective custody caseworker assignments, the family drug court represents a nexus between the court, child welfare and substance abuse treatment systems. The overarching goal of the family drug court is to protect the safety and welfare of the child while providing parents the opportunity to enter into treatment and learn the skills they need to become healthy, responsible caregivers. Nationally, there are approximately 200 family drug courts in operation in 43 states across the country. The first family drug court program in Maine became operational in October, 2002. Today, there are three family drug courts currently in operation with locations in Belfast, Augusta and Lewiston. As of January 1, 2007, thirteen parents have successfully completed these programs and graduated, forty-one have been expelled and twenty-three are currently active participants in Maine's family drug court programs. Preliminary findings from a recently released national study suggest several promising outcomes for family drug court programs. The current study contributes to the ongoing discussion about the effectiveness of these programs and how well they operate in Maine. Overall findings in this report are consistent with those reported elsewhere, indicating that Maine's family drug court programs are also generating important outcomes across a variety of key measures. Key findings of this report include the following: - Seven drug-free babies were born to mothers participating in the drug court program. - Family drug court participants are significantly more likely than other parents with substance abuse problems in having greater child welfare system and criminal justice system involvement. - Families in drug court are more likely to receive treatment and adjunctive services such as child care. - Family drug court participants are significantly more likely to enter into and subsequently complete treatment. - Children of family drug court participants have significantly fewer placement changes and spent less time in foster care. - Once returned to the home, children of family drug court participants are less likely to experience a subsequent removal from the home. - Significant predictors of successful parent-child reunification relate to caregiver mental health, relative foster care setting, treatment completion and days out-of-home placement. - Among cases involving a TPR, children of family drug court participants were more likely to be adopted. - Savings generated from the family drug court program result from differences in the types of foster care settings utilized as well as fewer days in foster care. - The likelihood of even greater cost-savings will result in more families being enrolled in the family drug court with expanded capacity. Details: Portland, ME: Hornby Zeller Associates, Inc., 2007. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2014 at: http://www.courts.state.me.us/maine_courts/drug/Statewide%20FTDC%20Evaluation%202007.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.courts.state.me.us/maine_courts/drug/Statewide%20FTDC%20Evaluation%202007.pdf Shelf Number: 102595 Keywords: Child Abuse and Neglect Drug Offenders Family Drug Courts (Maine) Problem Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Simms, Nicole Title: Collateral Costs: Racial Disparities and Injustice in Minnesota's Marijuana Laws Summary: Blacks in Minnesota are 6.4 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than whites, one of the nation's highest disparities, according to FBI statistics. Our latest report finds these disproportionate arrest rates further exacerbate equity gaps for individuals and neighborhoods in communities of color. The research set out to determine costs beyond fines and attorney fees to individuals arrested and/or convicted for marijuana possession, including lost economic opportunity, property forfeiture, being removed from social safety net programs, and emotional distress. Even a low-level marijuana conviction can cost someone up to $76,000 over a decade using fairly conservative estimates. As a result, Minnesota 2020 is joining a growing body of legal experts and community activists in calling for marijuana law reform. The report's recommendations range from fairer seizure laws and more accountable enforcement strategy to full legalization. The laws and strategy used to fight the war on drugs have had a devastating impact on communities of color. An honest discussion about marijuana law reform must include all options and acknowledge the reality that deterrents to marijuana use have been ineffective. A variety of factors contribute to the disparities in arrest rates. Over-policing in communities of color, cultural differences in where and how marijuana is used and purchased, and grants and seizure policies that incentivize volume over quality in drug arrests are major factors for the disparity. As a result, blacks in Ramsey County are 8.8 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than whites, the state's highest disparity for 2011. Hennepin and Steele counties follow, with blacks in both places 6.4 time more likely to be arrested. When state and federal policies strip wealth out of communities, it's time to reexamine our approach to social, economic, and criminal justice issues. By highlighting collateral costs individuals and communities suffer from marijuana enforcement disparities, we hope to reframe the debate about marijuana reform. Details: St. Paul, MN: Minnesota 2020, 2014. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 15, 2014 at: http://www.mn2020.org/assets/uploads/article/collateral_costs_web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.mn2020.org/assets/uploads/article/collateral_costs_web.pdf Shelf Number: 132361 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Policy (U.S.) Drug Policy Reform Marijuana Racial Disparities

Author: Lamb, Kathleen Title: Recovery Services Evaluation Report: An Assessment of Program Completion Rates, and the Relationship Between Program Completion Status and Recidivism. 2009-2012 Period Summary: Existing literature suggests there is a strong relationship between participation in prison-based substance abuse programming and reduced recidivism. One way in which Ohio's offender population participates in substance abuse treatment is through participation in the intensive outpatient treatment program, which is the focus of this evaluation. This is a three-phase program consisting of the Treatment Readiness Phase, the Intensive Outpatient Phase, and the Recovery Maintenance phase. All phases are grounded in cognitive-behavioral therapy, aiming to change inmate thinking patterns. Prior research has demonstrated that intensive outpatient programs are a cost-effective way to reduce recidivism upon release from prison, although they are most useful when accompanied by supplemental programming (community-based aftercare). The present study has two major goals. The first is to assess completion rates (both successful completers as well as unsuccessful discharges) of offenders participating in intensive outpatient substance abuse treatment programs in Ohio prisons during the period from 2009 to 2012. The second is to establish whether there is a significant relationship between program completion status and recidivism one year after release. This work builds on prior evaluations of Recovery Services substance abuse programs by evaluating a more recent time frame, during which data quality substantially improved over prior periods, and incorporating statistical analyses at both the bivariate level and multivariate level. The multivariate findings assess the relationship between completion and recidivism while holding numerous other inmate characteristics constant. Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction, 2013. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 17, 2014 at: http://www.drc.ohio.gov/web/Reports/RS_Evaluation_Dec2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.drc.ohio.gov/web/Reports/RS_Evaluation_Dec2013.pdf Shelf Number: 132394 Keywords: Community-Based Aftercare Correctional Programs Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Recidivism Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Hughes, Caitlin Title: Evaluating Australian Drug Trafficking Thresholds: Proportionate, Equitable and Just? Summary: Drug trafficking in Australia is deemed a very serious offence, one for which legislators and courts have ruled general deterrence is paramount and 'little mercy' should be shown (Clune [1989] VR 567, O'Bryan and Marks JJ, 576). A principal challenge has been how to effectively differentiate and sanction participants in the drug trade: particularly how to differentiate 'traffickers' from those who solely purchase or consume illicit drugs (people whom legislators and courts have determined ought be sanctioned more leniently). To assist in this endeavour all states and territories have adopted drug trafficking thresholds which specify quantities of drugs, for possession of more than which it is presumed an offender has committed an offence of drug trafficking (or of mid or high level trafficking, depending on the quantity). For numerous reasons the Australian system of drug trafficking thresholds is unique. First, Australia is one of the few countries that specifies quantities as threshold limits for distinguishing between drug offences with different penalty scales. These thresholds vary by drug type and by jurisdiction, and are largely set at 2 to 3 grams in most jurisdictions (see below). The quantity is not the sole factor considered in sentencing. The nature and circumstances of the alleged possession, such as the presence or absence of large sums of money or other indicia of supply often act as mitigating or aggravating circumstances. Yet particularly for thresholds that distinguish trafficking from use, the threshold is often the most important factor affecting prosecution and sentencing. Second, to assist in the successful prosecution of drug traffickers the Australian drug trafficking thresholds are attached to deemed supply laws which reverse the traditional burden of proof from prosecutors onto defendants. Such laws mean that possession of the trafficable threshold amount will constitute a presumption of trafficking placing the onus on the alleged offender to prove that the possessed amount was not for the purposes of trafficking ('deemed supply'). Details: Canberra: Criminology Research Advisory Council, 2014. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2014 at: http://www.criminologyresearchcouncil.gov.au/reports/1314/35-1112-FinalReport.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://www.criminologyresearchcouncil.gov.au/reports/1314/35-1112-FinalReport.pdf Shelf Number: 132488 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking

Author: United States Sentencing Commission Title: Recidivism Among Offenders Receiving Retroactive Sentence Reductions: The 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment Summary: In 2007, the United States Sentencing Commission amended the Drug Quantity Table in section 2D1. of the sentencing guidelines for offenses involving crack cocaine. The amendment, which became effective November 1, 2007, reduced by two levels the base offense levels assigned by the Drug Quantity Table for each quantity of crack cocaine (the "2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment"). Also in 2007, the Commission voted to give retroactive effect to the amendment, which allowed judges to consider motions for retroactive application of the amendment and reduce sentences for those incarcerated under the previous guidelines. The retroactive application of the 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment took effect on March 3, 2008. This publication reports on recidivism of crack cocaine offenders who were released immediately before and after implementation of the 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment, and followed in the community for five years. In order to study the impact of retroactive sentence reduction on recidivism rates, staff analyzed the recidivism rate for a group of crack cocaine offenders whose sentences were reduced pursuant to retroactive application of the 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment. Staff then compared that rate to the recidivism rate for a comparison group of offenders who would have been eligible to seek a reduced sentence under the 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment, but were released before the effective date of that amendment after serving their full prison terms less good time and other earned credits. The question addressed by this study is: "Were offenders who received a reduced sentence retroactively under the 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment more likely to recidivate than similarly situated offenders who did not receive a reduced sentence?" As discussed more fully below, there is no evidence that offenders whose sentence lengths were reduced pursuant to retroactive application of the 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment had higher recidivism rates than a comparison group of crack cocaine offenders who were released before the effective date of the 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment and who served their full prison terms less earned credits. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2014. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 26, 2014 at: http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-projects-and-surveys/miscellaneous/20140527_Recidivism_2007_Crack_Cocaine_Amendment.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-projects-and-surveys/miscellaneous/20140527_Recidivism_2007_Crack_Cocaine_Amendment.pdf Shelf Number: 132551 Keywords: Crack Cocaine Offenders Drug Offenders Recidivism Sentencing Guidelines

Author: Leiber, Michael J. Title: Race/Ethnicity, Juvenile Court Processing and Case Outcomes: Fluctuation or Stability? Summary: Sampson and Laub's (1993) perspective contends that community characteristics, especially underclass poverty and racial inequality, influence the social control of youth in juvenile justice proceedings. Structural factors are believed to enhance class and race stereotypes of the poor and Blacks as either criminals or drug offenders, but can also be characterized as sexual, aggressive, etc. In turn, these actual and/or perceived threats to middle class values result in the poor and Blacks being subjected to greater social control in communities evidencing impoverishment and racial inequality. An interpretation of the perspective is that the social control of youth, and especially minority youth, will fluctuate over time due to associations with and changes in the economic and racial/ethnic inequality of communities. The main objective of the present study was to use Sampson and Laub's structural theory of inequality to examine whether characteristics of communities explain the social control of youth in general but also focuses on potential racial/ethnic and drug offending disparities across White, Black, and Hispanic youth within juvenile justice proceedings. In anticipation of these possible relationships, an assessment was done to see to what extent these relationships vary or remain relatively stable over time, and if they are race and/or ethnic specific with drug offending. Data was provided by the National Juvenile Court Archive (NJCA) and represented county-level aggregated information for sixteen states involving 172 counties for over thirty years (1985, 1995, 2005, and 2009). Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression was used to predict the proportion of referrals petitioned, detained, received out-of-home placement, and change models to understand how changes in the independent variables over time influenced changes in the dependent variables over time. A second data set, also provided by NJCA, was used that represented individual-level data of all delinquent referrals in 67 counties in a Northeast state from January 2000 through December 2010. Legal variables (e.g. crime severity, prior record), extralegal considerations (e.g. gender, age), and decision-making at intake, adjudication, and judicial disposition were captured. Hierarchical generalized linear modeling (HGLM) was used to analyze the data for the purpose of simultaneously estimating the amount of variation of both the individual (level-1) and county (level-2) measures at three processing junctures. In addition to the estimation of main and interaction effects, cross-level interactions were also estimated to examine how youth from different racial/ethnic backgrounds are treated in the juvenile court depending on county of residence. In short, minimal to modest support was found for Sampson and Laub's (1993) perspective. Macro-level variables were at times found to be determinants of social control at each of the four time frames and to a somewhat greater extent in explaining case outcomes in the 67counties in a Northeast state. However, the effects were sporadic and not always in the predicted direction. In fact, underclass poverty and racial/ethnic inequality most often were not statistically significant determinants of social control. Limited evidence was also found for anticipated relationships between community characteristics and disadvantaged treatment of minorities and drug offenders. When community characteristics significantly impacted the treatment of Blacks, Hispanics, and/or drug offenders and decision-making, the effects at times resulted in leniency rather than greater social control. An examination of the results across thirty years showed, with a few exceptions, stability in the relationships rather than fluctuation or change. At the individual-level, Black drug offenders were subjected to greater social control at intake than other offenders. Hispanics and Hispanic drug offenders were also found to have a greater odds of being adjudicated compared to similarly situated Whites. At judicial disposition, Blacks and Hispanics had a greater likelihood of receiving the more severe outcome of out-home-placement compared to Whites. These effects were enhanced if a minority youth was charged with a drug offense. In addition, drug offenders and in particular, Black drug offenders and Hispanic drug offenders, were responded to differently throughout court proceedings than other types of offenders. The findings reported here indicate that underclass poverty and racial/ethnic inequality alone (or if at all) do not seem to account for these occurrences. Details: Final report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2014. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 30, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246229.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246229.pdf Shelf Number: 132571 Keywords: Drug Offenders Juvenile Case Processing Juvenile Courts Juvenile Offenders Minority Offenders Poverty Socioeconomic Conditions and Crime Youthful Offenders

Author: Aldridge, Judith Title: Not an 'Ebay for Drugs': The Cryptomarket 'Silk Road' as a Paradigm Shifting Criminal Innovation Summary: The online cryptomarket Silk Road has been oft-characterised as an 'eBay for drugs' with customers drug consumers making personal use-sized purchases. Our research demonstrates that this was not the case. Using a bespoke web crawler, we downloaded all drugs listings on Silk Road in September 2013. We found that a substantial proportion of transactions on Silk Road are best characterised as 'business-to-business', with sales in quantities and at prices typical of purchases made by drug dealers sourcing stock. High price-quantity sales generated between 31-45% of revenue, making sales to drug dealers the key Silk Road drugs business. As such, Silk Road was what we refer to as a transformative, as opposed to incremental, criminal innovation. With the key Silk Road customers actually drug dealers sourcing stock for local street operations, we were witnessing a new breed of retail drug dealer, equipped with a technological subcultural capital skill set for sourcing stock. Sales on Silk Road increased from an estimate of $14.4 million in mid 2012 to $89. million by our calculations. This is a more than 600% increase in just over a year, demonstrating the demand for this kind of illicit online marketplace. With Silk Road functioning to considerable degree at the wholesale/broker market level, its virtual location should reduce violence, intimidation and territorialism. Results are discussed in terms of the opportunities cryptomarkets provide for criminologists, who have thus far been reluctant to step outside of social surveys and administrative data to access the world of 'webometric' and 'big data'. Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2014 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2436643 Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2436643 Shelf Number: 132582 Keywords: Drug Dealers Drug Markets Drug Offenders Online Communications

Author: Cox, Jerry J. Title: Collateral Damage: America's Failure to Forgive or Forget in the War on Crime -- A Roadmap to Restore Rights and Status After Arrest or Conviction. Summary: Collateral damage occurs in any war, including America's "War on Crime." Ironically, our zealous efforts to keep communities safe may have actually destabilized and divided them. The vast expansion of the nation's criminal justice system over the past 40 years has produced a corresponding increase in the number of people with a criminal record. One recent study estimated that 65 million people - one in four adults in the United States - have a criminal record. At the same time, the collateral consequences of conviction - specific legal restrictions, generalized discrimination and social stigma � have become more severe, more public and more permanent. These consequences affect virtually every aspect of human endeavor, including employment and licensing, housing, education, public benefits, credit and loans, immigration status, parental rights, interstate travel, and even volunteer opportunities. Collateral consequences can be a criminal defendant's most serious punishment, permanently relegating a person to second-class status. The obsession with background checking in recent years has made it all but impossible for a person with a criminal record to leave the past behind. An arrest alone can lead to permanent loss of opportunity. The primary legal mechanisms historically relied on to restore rights and status -- executive pardon and judicial expungement - have atrophied or become less effective. It is time to reverse this course. It is time to recognize that America's infatuation with collateral consequences has produced unprecedented and unnecessary collateral damage to society and to the justice system. It is time to celebrate the magnificent human potential for growth and redemption. It is time to move from the era of collateral consequences to the era of restoration of rights and status. NACDL recommends a broad national initiative to construct a legal infrastructure that will provide individuals with a criminal record with a clear path to equal opportunity. The principle that individuals have paid their debt to society when they have completed their court-imposed sentence should guide this initiative. At its core, this initiative must recognize that individuals who pay their debt are entitled to have their legal and social status fully restored. Details: Washington, DC: National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (NACDL), 2014. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 11, 2014 at: http://www.nacdl.org/restoration/roadmapreport/ Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.nacdl.org/restoration/roadmapreport/ Shelf Number: 132660 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Reform War on Drugs (U.S.)

Author: Bradford, Spike Title: Virginia's Justice System: Expensive, Ineffective and Unfair Summary: With the 8th highest jail incarceration rate in the U.S., 1 of every 214 adult Virginians is behind bars in county jails across the state; African-American youth over-represented in the juvenile justice system; and the Commonwealth's overreliance on incarceration largely as a result of arresting Virginians for drug offenses - Virginia has an over-burdened correctional system unable to consistently provide services or safety. Virginia's Justice System: Expensive, Ineffective and Unfair points to reforms that, if implemented, would result in relief for Virginians directly impacted by the justice system and taxpayers alike. The policy brief -- the first in a series of publications being released by JPI as a group of justice advocates and concerned stakeholders have been meeting in the Commonwealth to discuss pushing for reforms -- is an overview of the Commonwealth's adult and youth justice system, which identifies areas of progress - like the recent effort to re-enfranchise formerly incarcerated residents with voting rights and other civil rights - and also identifies solutions to revise ineffective policies and practices of the past that remain in place. Details: Washington, DC: Justice Policy Institute, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2014 at: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/va_justice_system_expensive_ineffective_and_unfair_final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/va_justice_system_expensive_ineffective_and_unfair_final.pdf Shelf Number: 132686 Keywords: Costs of Criminal Justice Criminal Justice Reform Criminal Justice Systems Drug Law Policy Drug Offenders Juvenile Justice Minority Groups Prisoners Racial Disparities

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Drug Use, Impaired Driving and Traffic Accidents, Second Edition Summary: This literature review provides a comprehensive report on the relationship between drug use, impaired driving and traffic accidents. It describes methodological issues (Chapter 1), presents the results of prevalence surveys among drivers and provides an overview of findings from major international epidemiological surveys published since 2007 (Chapter 2) and gathers evidence from experimental and field studies of the relationship between drug use, driving impairment and traffic accidents (Chapter 3). The research methods can be broadly separated into experimental and epidemiological studies. Every approach has its inherent advantages and disadvantages. Experimental studies, in which the drug is administered in measured doses to volunteers, may be conducted in a laboratory or a driving simulator or on the public road. They allow the effects of a single factor to be measured, but can identify only potential risks, and in some cases the results can be of limited value because of the use of non-realistic doses for safety reasons or because of the drug use history of the volunteers or inter-individual differences. Epidemiological studies examine the prevalence of drug use in various populations. They include roadside surveys, studies assessing the prevalence of drugs in a subset of drivers, accident risk studies, responsibility analyses, surveys among the general population and pharmacoepidemiological studies. However, the study design means that it is not possible to completely eliminate all risk factors other than that under examination and which may be highly correlated with the risk factor of interest. The results of different studies may not be comparable if, for example, different populations or different kinds of samples are tested. The results of experimental studies have indicated that several illicit drugs could have an influence on driving performance; the effects of some, but not all, drugs are dose dependent. Cannabis can impair some cognitive and psychomotor skills that are necessary to drive. 3,4-Methylenedioxymethylamphetamine (MDMA) exerts both negative and positive effects on performance, and studies investigating the effects of a combination of alcohol and illicit drugs have found that some illicit drugs (e.g. cannabis) can act additively with alcohol to increase impairment, while others (e.g. cocaine) can partially reverse alcohol-induced impairment. MDMA can diminish some, but not all, deleterious effects of alcohol, while other negative effects of alcohol can be reinforced. The chronic use of all illicit drugs is associated with some cognitive and/or psychomotor impairment, and can lead to a decrease in driving performance even when the subject is no longer intoxicated. The results of experimental studies also show that some therapeutic drugs can cause obvious impairment. Benzodiazepines, for example, generally have impairing effects, but some types (whether long-, medium- or short-acting) cause severe impairment, whereas others are unlikely to have residual effects in the morning. First-generation antihistamines are generally more sedating than second-generation ones, though there are exceptions in both groups. Tricyclic antidepressants cause more impairment than the newer types, though the results of experimental tests after consumption of selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors are not always consistent. In every therapeutic class, however, some substances are associated with little or no impairment. These therapeutic drugs should preferably be prescribed to those wishing to drive. Epidemiological studies have confirmed many of the findings from experimental studies. The Driving under the Influence of Drugs, Alcohol and Medicines (DRUID) project has calculated that, on average, 3.48 % of drivers in the European Union drive with alcohol (> 0.1 g/l) in their blood, 1.9 % with illicit drugs, 1.4 % with (a limited list) of medicinal drugs, 0.37 % with a combination of alcohol and drugs and 0.39 % with different drug classes. Studies assessing the prevalence of drugs, medicines and/or alcohol in drivers who were involved in a traffic accident (fatal or otherwise) have found that alcohol is more prevalent than any other psychoactive substance, but drugs are also frequently found, and in a higher proportion of drivers than in the general driving population. Of the drugs analysed, cannabis is the most prevalent after alcohol, although benzodiazepines, when samples have been analysed for these, are sometimes even more prevalent than cannabis. Statistically, the use of amphetamines, cannabis, benzodiazepines, heroin and cocaine is associated with an increased risk of being involved in and/or responsibility for an accident, and in many cases this risk increases when the drug is combined with another psychoactive substance, such as alcohol. From the perspective of traffic safety - especially looking at prevalence rates and risks - the following conclusions can be made. Alcohol, especially in high concentrations, must remain the principal focus of prevention measures. The combination of alcohol and drugs or medicines seems to be a topic that should be addressed more intensively because it is associated with a very high risk of a traffic accident. The problems resulting from medicine use among drivers should be addressed by providing doctors and patients with appropriate information, not by defining thresholds. Based on experimental studies, D9-tetrahydrocannabinol and amphetamines would appear to represent a minor risk, but in case-control studies amphetamines use is associated with a much increased risk of accident. More research is needed to investigate the probable risks of amphetamines in real traffic and the mediating factors. From the perspective of risk, sleep deprivation should also be addressed as it is associated with a high risk of accidents. Details: Lisbon: EMCDDA, 2014. 156p. Source: Internet Resource: Insights, no. 16: Accessed July 16, 2014 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/insights/2014/drugs-and-driving Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/insights/2014/drugs-and-driving Shelf Number: 132694 Keywords: Driving Under the Influence Drug Offenders Drugged Driving (Europe) Illicit Drugs Traffic Accidents

Author: Martyn, Michelle Title: Drug and Alcohol Misuse Among Adult Offenders on Probation Supervision in Ireland. Findings from the Drugs and Alcohol Survey 2011 Summary: This report presents the findings from the Drugs and Alcohol Survey 2011 conducted by the Probation Service. The report and its findings are based on the first large-scale, nationwide survey conducted by the Service in Ireland on drug and alcohol misuse among the adult offender population on probation supervision. The overall report comprises four separate sub-reports which are detailed in section 3. The survey involved a representative sample of 2,963 adult offenders on Probation Officers' caseloads on the 1st April 2011. A questionnaire was developed specifically for the purpose of the study. The questionnaires were completed by the supervising Probation Officers based on their knowledge of the offenders on their caseloads. The main objectives of the study were as follows: - Ascertain the number of adult offenders on probation supervision who misused drugs and/or alcohol - Examine the nature and frequency of drug and alcohol misuse - Establish if there is a correlation between drug and/or alcohol misuse and offending and offending behaviour - Identify the level and nature of engagement with drug and alcohol treatment services The report provides the key findings of the survey. The sub-reports in chapters 3-6 present specific findings in detail. The report concludes with a discussion of issues arising in the study which merit particular attention and consideration in the management of drug and alcohol misuse policy and practice in the Probation Service. Key Findings - 89% of the adult offender population on probation supervision had misused drugs or alcohol either 'currently' (at the time of the survey) or in the 'past'. - Of the 89% of those who misused either alcohol/drugs, 27% misused drugs only, 20% misused alcohol only and 42% misused both drugs and alcohol. - While females comprised only 12% of the adult offender population both male and female adult offenders exhibit similar drug and alcohol misuse levels. - The Dublin probation regions exhibited the highest levels of overall misuse among their offender populations at 91%. - Almost 21% of offenders were currently misusing two or more substances and over 9% were misusing at least 3 substances. This includes misuse of alcohol. - This study identified a considerable link between drug misuse and the current index offence committed. Based on the Probation Officers' professional judgment, for 74% of drug-misusing offenders on supervision misuse was linked to their current offending. - In previous research carried out by the Probation Service in the Dublin Metropolitan Area in 1998, 55-60% of offenders were drug abusers. This research highlights that drug misuse is prevalent among more than 75% of offenders on supervision nationwide. - Almost 36% of offenders in the 35+ age group misused drugs only. - The majority of current opiate misusers were male and between the ages of 18-34 at 63.8%. � The majority of misusers of prescribed drugs were also males in the 18-34 age-group at 72.6%. However, notably 10% of the misusers were female in the 25-34 age-group. - The Dublin regions are proportionally highest for current opiate misuse, current prescription drugs and also current stimulant misuse. - Alcohol is the individual substance that is most commonly misused by offenders on probation supervision nationally. The misuse of 'alcohol only' is highest in the South West and the West, North West and Westmeath regions. - 33.5% of offenders identified as alcohol misusers were described as problematic at the time the survey was conducted. 79.7% were described as misusers in the past only. 27.1% were described as problematic misusers both currently and in the past. - 71% of alcohol-misusing offenders had their misuse linked to the current offence committed. - Drug-misuse linked to the offence is more pronounced in the younger age categories in this survey. Each of the age categories 18-24, 25-34 and 35-44 have in excess of 70% link to offending while the 45-54 and 55-64 age groups have a 50% or less link to offending. - The majority of drug-related offences were either for Drug Offences (31.8%) or acquisitive crimes such as Theft (32.8%). - The majority of alcohol related offences were crimes against the person and public order offences at almost 40%. - 41.7% of the total drug-misusing population was currently engaged in drug treatment services. - Half of the offenders within this survey had undergone drug treatment, in its various forms, in the past. - 72% of drug misusers were on methadone maintenance programmes Details: Meath: Irish Probation Service, 2012. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: Probation Service Research Report: Accessed August 14, 2014 at: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/18746/1/Drug%2Band%2BAlcohol%2BMisuse%2Bamong%2BAdult%2BOffenders%2Bon%2BProbation%2BSupervision%2Bin%2BIreland.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/18746/1/Drug%2Band%2BAlcohol%2BMisuse%2Bamong%2BAdult%2BOffenders%2Bon%2BProbation%2BSupervision%2Bin%2BIreland.pdf Shelf Number: 133054 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Abuse Drug Offenders Offender Supervision Probationers (Ireland)

Author: Horgan, John Title: Drug and Alcohol Misuse Among Young Offenders on Probation Supervision in Ireland: Findings from the Drugs and Alcohol Survey 2012 Summary: This research report presents the findings from a national survey on: "Drug and Alcohol Misuse among Young Offenders on Probation Supervision in Ireland". Undertaken by the Probation Service, the survey included all young offenders, aged 20 years or less who were subject to statutory supervision on the 3rd December 2012. For the purposes of the survey, the following interventions by the Probation Service were not included under the definition of supervision: - Offenders in custody - Offenders only subject to community service orders - Offenders only referred for an assessment report - Offenders aged 21 years and over (i.e. born on or after Dec. 5th 1991) From the Probation Service data base (Case Tracking System) it was expected that the total population meeting the criteria would be 808. Questionnaires were in fact returned on 721 offenders. This 88% rate of return is comparatively high for mailed questionnaires. Of the 721 offenders on whom questionnaires were returned, 628 were identified by the Probation Officer as having misused at least one substance. This report describes the key findings from the survey and consists of four main chapters, reflecting the key objectives which were, to: - Determine the number of young offenders under probation supervision who had misused drugs and/or alcohol (Chapter 3) - Investigate the nature and frequency of drug and alcohol misuse (Chapter 3) - To examine the context within which drug and alcohol misuse occurred (Chapter 4) - To ascertain whether a relationship exists between drug misuse and offending behaviour and alcohol misuse and offending behaviour (Chapter 5) - To identify the range and nature of engagement with drug and alcohol treatment services (Chapter 6) The report concludes with a discussion of the survey's findings. The discussion explores options for more effective engagement with young offenders to promote desistance and divert young people from the criminal justice system. Details: Dublin: Ireland Probation Service, 2013. Source: Internet Resource: Probation Service Research Report 3: Accessed August 14, 2014 at: http://www.probation.ie/website/probationservice/websitepublishingdec09.nsf/AttachmentsByTitle/Drug+and+alcohol+misuse+among+young+offenders++October+2013/$FILE/Drug+and+alcohol+misuse+among+young+offenders++October+2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.probation.ie/website/probationservice/websitepublishingdec09.nsf/AttachmentsByTitle/Drug+and+alcohol+misuse+among+young+offenders++October+2013/$FILE/Drug+and+alcohol+misuse+among+young+offenders++October+2013.pdf Shelf Number: 133060 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Offenders Juvenile Offender Supervision Juvenile Offenders Juvenile Probation (Ireland) Substance Abuse

Author: Mayfield, Jim Title: Drug Court Outcomes. Outcomes of Adult Defendants Admitted to Drug Courts Funded by the Washington State Criminal Justice Treatment Account Summary: This report describes chemical dependency treatment participation and crime outcomes of 1,671 adults charged with felonies who were admitted to formally established drug courts in Washington State from July 2007 through June 2009. Three-year treatment and crime outcomes are compared to a matched comparison group of 1,671 adults charged with similar felonies in the same jurisdictions and time period and who were in need of treatment but not admitted to a drug court. Arrests, incarceration rates, and treatment participation over a three-year follow-up period are examined, as are net benefits associated with the reductions in crime attributed to admission to drug court. This is part of a series of analyses for DSHS' Division of Behavioral Health and Recovery examining the experiences of recipients of treatment funded by the Criminal Justice Treatment Account, which pays for chemical dependency treatment for offenders who are chemically dependent or have a substance abuse problem that could, if untreated, lead to addiction. Details: Olympia, WA: Washington State Department of Social and Health Services, 2013. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 14, 2014 at: http://www.dshs.wa.gov/pdf/ms/rda/research/4/89.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.dshs.wa.gov/pdf/ms/rda/research/4/89.pdf Shelf Number: 133064 Keywords: Drug Courts (Washington State) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Hughes, Gordon Title: Australian threshold quantities for 'drug trafficking': Are they placing drug users at risk of unjustified sanction? Summary: Legal threshold quantities for drug trafficking, over which possession of an illicit drug is deemed 'trafficking' as opposed to 'personal use' are used in most Australian states and territories. Yet, in spite of known risks from adopting such thresholds, most notably of unjustified conviction of users as traffickers, the capacity of Australian legal thresholds to deliver proportional sanctioning has been subject to limited research. In this study, the authors use data on patterns of drug user consumption and purchasing to evaluate Australian legal threshold quantities to see whether Australian drug users are at risk of exceeding the thresholds for personal use alone. The results indicate that some, but not all users are at risk, with those most likely to exceed current thresholds being consumers of MDMA and residents of New South Wales and South Australia. The implication is that even if the current legal threshold system helps to convict and sanction drug traffickers, it may be placing Australian drug users at risk of unjustified charge or sanction. The authors highlight a number of reforms that ought mitigate the risks and increase capacity to capture Australian drug traffickers. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2014. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 467: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi/461-480/tandi467.html Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/current%20series/tandi/461-480/tandi467.html Shelf Number: 132038 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Trafficking (Australia)

Author: Caulkins, Jonathan P. Title: How Much Crime Is Drug-Related? History, Limitations, and Potential Improvements of Estimation Methods Summary: Drug-related crime imposes an enormous burden on society, but how big is enormous? And how do "we" as citizens, policy analysts, and policy makers develop sound intuitions for the scale of something that directly or indirectly affects hundreds of millions of people? This is the first in a series of articles (see "The Cost of Crime" by Caulkins and Kleiman, 2013, and "Drug Control and Reductions in Drug-Attributable Crime" by Caulkins, 2013) that attempt not so much to answer those questions in the sense of computing specific numerical estimates, but rather to provide guidance on how one should understand and interpret such estimates. After all, we do not lack for estimates of the annual costs of illicit drug use. The 2011 National Drug Intelligence Center report says the answer is $193 billion just for 2007 (NDIC, 2011); Henrick Harwood and his coauthors said that it was $97.7 billion just for 1992 (Harwood et al., 1998) - which would have been $135.5 billion in 2007 dollars. What is lacking is understanding of what such figures mean. Is one right, and the other wrong? Are either right? Is it possible to provide a single "right" number and, even if so, what response would the number imply, in terms of changing public policies? These figures dwarf everyday experience just as surely as do other "facts" that swirl around us. We measure computer memory in Gigabytes, where one Gigabyte is 1,073,741,824 bytes. No one can count that high. If we counted one number per second every second of every day � without pausing to sleep, eat, or go to the bathroom � it would take 34 years to count to Giga. And Giga is by no means the largest scale that informed citizens need to comprehend. After all, it is "only" a billion. Although Senator Everett Dirksen probably never said it takes several billions before one is even talking real money, it is true that the cost of drug-related crime is so enormous that no one can even hope to estimate it to the nearest billion. "A billion here, a billion there" really is just round off error when trying to grapple with the enormity of the costs of drug-related crime. Great mischief blossoms when common sense retreats in awe of such quantities. Buried behind the estimates of the National Drug Intelligence Center and Harwood and his coauthors and others like them are value judgments and crude approximations and tacit assumptions that need to be surfaced. That a calculation produces a big number, and takes two hundred pages to explain, does not imply that the resulting number is accurate. Indeed, depending on a variety of factors, the opposite may be true. To be clear, we mean no disrespect toward the authors of these enormous estimates. The analysis is daunting, having some estimates is clearly better than pure ignorance, and we could do no better. Rather, the goal in these articles is to make consumers of these figures better able to appreciate and use them effectively. Details: Pittsburgh, PA: Carnegie Mellon University; Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, 2014. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 22, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246404.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/246404.pdf Shelf Number: 133090 Keywords: Costs of Crime Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime (U.S.) Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders

Author: Cobb, Kimberly Title: Going Beyond Compliance Monitoring of Drug/Alcohol-Involved Tribal Probationers Summary: It is no secret that alcohol and substance abuse are common problems in Indian Country. While official data on crime in Indian Country is hard to come by, anecdotal data alludes to the fact that many tribal communities face overwhelming numbers of crimes either directly related to or associated with drugs/alcohol. Alcohol abuse has been associated with numerous negative consequences including crime, domestic violence, sexual assault and rape, suicide, morbidity, and ultimately mortality (Aguirre & Watts, 2010; Kovas, McFarland, Landen, Lopez, & May, 2008). However, alcohol is far from the only substance abused on tribal land. Marijuana, methamphetamine, cocaine, heroin, and various pharmaceutical drugs are also regularly abused (NDIC, 2008). Although there has been great emphasis lately on the building or renovation of detention facilities in Indian Country, many tribal communities hold fast to the belief that they do not want to imprison their members. In fact, alternatives to incarceration, which includes probation and community supervision programs, are professed as a more "culturally compatible approach to punishment for crime" in Indian Country (Luna-Firebaugh, 2003, p. 63). Therefore, unless something tragic has occurred, those charged with drug/alcohol-related offenses will more than likely be placed on community supervision. That is where you come in as the tribal probation officer. Working with probationers is more than just identifying and controlling their risk to re-offend. As a tribal probation officer, you are "charged with ensuring public safety; holding offenders accountable for their actions; and, facilitating behavioral change in offenders" (The Century Council, 2010, pg. 8). In order to fulfill this charge, you often have to take on many roles associated with law enforcement, social work, counselor and court servant - which, at times, can have conflicting goals (Cobb, Mowatt, Matz, & Mullins, 2011). To be effective, you have to blend your duties of being an officer of the court (focused on compliance) and a probationer motivator (focused on facilitating behavior change) - both of which are necessary to fulfill the mandate of protecting public safety. In order to be effective and protect public safety over the long-term, as a tribal probation officer, you must move beyond compliance monitoring of the probation conditions ordered by the court to working with individuals on your caseload to identifying the root cause of the issues behind their drug/alcohol-related problems and intervene as necessary to put them on a better path. Details: Lexington, KY: American Probation & Parole Association, 2014. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://www.appa-net.org/eweb/docs/APPA/pubs/GBAITP.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.appa-net.org/eweb/docs/APPA/pubs/GBCMDAITP.pdf Shelf Number: 133133 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Alternatives To Incarceration Community Based Corrections Community Supervision Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Indians of North America Probation Officers (U.S.) Probationers Risk Assessment Substance Abuse

Author: White, Michael D. Title: Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network: 2013 Maricopa County Public Defender Report: Examining the Potential for Violence in Arrests of Special and Vulnerable Populations Summary: The Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network (AARIN) is a monitoring system that provides ongoing descriptive information about drug use, crime, victimization, and other characteristics of interest among individuals arrested in Maricopa County, Arizona. Funded by the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors beginning in 2007, AARIN is modeled after the former National Institute of Justice (NIJ) national-level Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring Program (ADAM). In three facilities throughout the county, professionally trained interviewers conduct voluntary and confidential interviews with recently booked adult arrestees and juvenile detainees. Questions focus on a range of topics including education, employment and other demographics, patterns of drug use (lifetime and recent), substance abuse and dependence risk, criminal activity, gang affiliation, victimization, mental health, interactions with police, public health concerns, incarceration and probation, citizenship, and treatment experiences. Each interviewee also provides a urine specimen that is tested for the presence of alcohol and/or drugs. Arrestees who have been in custody longer than 48 hours are ineligible for participation in AARIN, due to the 72-hour time limitation for valid testing of urine specimen. The instruments used and the reporting mechanism underwent a substantial revision in 2011. While maintaining all of the data elements from the previous core set of questions, the baseline interview expanded by more than 60%. Additionally, with the change in the core questionnaire, the project shifted its reporting strategy to focus reports to each of six key Maricopa County criminal justice agencies: Maricopa County Manager's Office, Maricopa County Sheriff's Office, Maricopa County Attorney's Office, Office of the Public Defender, Adult Probation Department, and the Juvenile Probation Department. Overall, AARIN serves as a near-real time information source on the extent and nature of drug abuse and related activity in Maricopa County, AZ. This information helps to inform policy and practice among police, courts and correctional agencies to increase public safety and address the needs of individuals who find themselves in the criminal justice system. Details: Phoenix AZ: Center for Violence Prevention and Community Safety, Arizona State University, 2013. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/projects/AARIN%20Public%20Defender%202013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/projects/AARIN%20Public%20Defender%202013.pdf Shelf Number: 133137 Keywords: Adult Offenders (Arizona) Arrestees Drug Offenders Offender Profiling

Author: Choate, David E. Title: Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network: 2013 Maricopa County Juvenile Probation Department Report. Summary: The Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network (AARIN) is a monitoring system that provides ongoing descriptive information about drug use, crime, victimization and other characteristics of interest among individuals arrested in Maricopa County, Arizona. Funded by the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors beginning in 2007, AARIN is modeled after the former National Institute of Justice (NIJ) national-level Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring Program (ADAM). In three facilities throughout the county, professionally trained interviewers conduct voluntary and confidential interviews with recently booked adult arrestees and juvenile detainees. Questions focus on a range of topics including education, employment and other demographics, patterns of drug use (lifetime and recent), substance abuse and dependence risk, criminal activity, gang affiliation, victimization, mental health, interactions with police, public health concerns, incarceration and probation, citizenship and treatment experiences. Each interviewee also provides a urine specimen that is tested for the presence of alcohol and/or drugs. Arrestees who have been in custody longer than 48 hours are ineligible for participation in AARIN, due to the 72-hour time limitation for valid testing of urine specimen. The instruments used and the reporting mechanism underwent a substantial revision in 2011. While maintaining all of the data elements from the previous core set of questions, the baseline interview expanded by more than 60%. Additionally, with the change in the core questionnaire, the project shifted its reporting strategy to focus reports to each of six key Maricopa County criminal justice agencies: Maricopa County Manager's Office, Maricopa County Sheriff's Office, Maricopa County Attorney's Office, Office of the Public Defender, Adult Probation Department and the Juvenile Probation Department. Overall, AARIN serves as a near-real time information source on the extent and nature of drug abuse and related activity in Maricopa County, AZ. This information helps to inform policy and practice among police, courts and correctional agencies to increase public safety and address the needs of individuals who find themselves in the criminal justice system. Details: Phoenix, AZ: Center for Violence Prevention & Community Safety, Arizona State University, 2013. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/projects/AARIN%20Juvenile%20Probation%202013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/projects/AARIN%20Juvenile%20Probation%202013.pdf Shelf Number: 133138 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Juvenile Offenders Juvenile Probationers Offender Profiles (Arizona)

Author: Choate, David E. Title: Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network: 2013 Maricopa County Adult Probation Department Report Summary: The Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network (AARIN) is a monitoring system that provides ongoing descriptive information about drug use, crime, victimization, and other characteristics of interest among individuals arrested in Maricopa County, Arizona. Funded by the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors beginning in 2007, AARIN is modeled after the former National Institute of Justice (NIJ) national-level Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring Program (ADAM). In three facilities throughout the county, professionally trained interviewers conduct voluntary and confidential interviews with recently booked adult arrestees and juvenile detainees. Questions focus on a range of topics including education, employment and other demographics, patterns of drug use (lifetime and recent), substance abuse and dependence risk, criminal activity, gang affiliation, victimization, mental health, interactions with police, public health concerns, incarceration and probation, citizenship, and treatment experiences. Each interviewee also provides a urine specimen that is tested for the presence of alcohol and/or drugs. Arrestees who have been in custody longer than 48 hours are ineligible for participation in AARIN, due to the 72-hour time limitation for valid testing of urine specimen. The instruments used and the reporting mechanism underwent a substantial revision in 2011. While maintaining all of the data elements from the previous core set of questions, the baseline interview expanded by more than 60%. Additionally, with the change in the core questionnaire, the project shifted its reporting strategy to focus reports to each of six key Maricopa County criminal justice agencies: Maricopa County Manager's Office, Maricopa County Sheriff's Office, Maricopa County Attorney's Office, Office of the Public Defender, Adult Probation Department, and the Juvenile Probation Department. Overall, AARIN serves as a near-real time information source on the extent and nature of drug abuse and related activity in Maricopa County, AZ. This information helps to inform policy and practice among police, courts and correctional agencies to increase public safety and address the needs of individuals who find themselves in the criminal justice system. Details: Phoenix, AZ: Center for Violence Prevention & Community Safety, Arizona State University, 2013. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/projects/AARIN%20Adult%20Probation%202013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/projects/AARIN%20Adult%20Probation%202013.pdf Shelf Number: 133139 Keywords: Adult Probation (Arizona) Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Offender Profiling Probationers

Author: TNS Political and Social Title: Young People and Drugs Summary: Drug use and drug-related problems continue to be a major concern for EU citizens, as well as being a significant public health and public safety issue. Around one quarter of the adult population is estimated to have used illicit drugs at some point in their lifetime, with cannabis the most commonly used substance. Drug experimentation often starts in the school years, and it is estimated that one in four 15-16 year-olds have used an illicit drug. Although progress has been made in recent years, drug overdose remains one of the major causes of avoidable mortality in young citizens. In recent years, the use of 'legal-highs' - currently legal substances that mimic the effect of illicit drugs - has become increasingly popular, and the European Commission is working to strengthen the EU's ability to reduce their availability, as part of an overall drug control framework . This survey builds on the work of previous reports (Special Eurobarometer 172 in 2002, Flash Eurobarometer 158 in 2004, Flash Eurobarometer 233 in 2008, and Flash EB 330 in 2011) in exploring young people's perceptions of and attitudes towards drugs, including: - Self-reported use of cannabis and new substances that imitate the effects of illicit drugs. - Sources of information about drugs, including their effects and the associated risks. - Perceived ease of availability of drugs. ▪ The perceived health risks associated with occasional or regular use of various drugs, including alcohol and tobacco. - The appropriate legal status of a range of currently illegal drugs, as well as alcohol and tobacco. - Opinions about the best ways for authorities to tackle drug problems. Results are analysed at the overall EU28 level and (where sample sizes permit) at country level, and by a range of socio-demographic groups. Where possible, comparisons are made with the results from 2011. Details: Luxembourg: European Commission, 2014. 162p. Source: Internet Resource: Flash Eurobarometer 401: Accessed September 4, 2014 at: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/flash/fl_401_en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/flash/fl_401_en.pdf Shelf Number: 133173 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Europe) Drug Offenders Illicit Drugs Substance Abuse

Author: Ternes, Marguerite Title: An Examination of the Effectiveness of the National Substance Abuse Program Moderate Intensity (NSAP-M) on Institutional Adjustment and Post-Release Outcomes Summary: What it means The findings suggest that the National Substance Abuse Program - Moderate Intensity (NSAP-M) reduced the risks associated with substance use and criminality. The offenders with partial exposure to the program showed the poorest outcomes with respect to return to custody. The results also demonstrate the value of participating in community maintenance even with limited exposure to NSAP-M. Unfortunately, only a small percentage of offenders participated in community aftercare. What we found The occurrence of institutional misconduct was not significantly reduced by NSAP-M participation. Offenders who fully completed NSAP-M were as likely to engage in serious institutional misconduct as offenders who failed to complete all sessions of the program or offenders who had been assigned to NSAP-M but who had not enrolled in the program. Offenders who completed NSAP-M were less likely to be readmitted to prison during the 24-month follow-up period. In fact, offenders who partially completed were 25% more likely to return to prison compared to those who completed NSAP-M. The Not Enrolled group did not differ from program completers in likelihood of returning to custody. At the end of the 2 year follow-up period, 52% of both the Complete and Not Enrolled groups remained in the community, compared to 39% of the Incomplete group. When participation in the National Maintenance Substance Abuse Program delivered in the community and release type were considered, the association between NSAP-M and return to custody was no longer significant, suggesting that release type and community aftercare may be key variables in the pathway between program exposure and returning to custody. Overall, offenders who did not participate in community aftercare were 41% more likely to return to custody than those who had some exposure to the program; offenders who were released on a non-discretionary basis were 53% more likely to return to custody. Why we did this study Ensuring the safety and security of staff and offenders within the institution environment and the safe reintegration offenders into the community are key priorities of Correctional Service Canada (CSC). Correctional interventions can help address offender behavior associated with criminal activity. Given that 80% of the federal offender population has a substance use problem, it is imperative that effective substance abuse interventions are available to these offenders. The current study examined the effectiveness of NSAP-M in addressing the needs of federally incarcerated male offenders who have an identified substance abuse problem. What we did The study examined the effect of NSAP-M on institutional misconduct and return to custody. The study sample consisted of 8,121 male offenders who had accessed NSAP-M between June 2004 and December 2009. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2014. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report R-291: Accessed September 12, 2014 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/research/005008-0291-eng.shtml Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/research/005008-0291-eng.shtml Shelf Number: 133297 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Inmates Prisoner Aftercare Prisoner Misconduct Substance Abuse Treatment (Canada) Treatment Programs

Author: Beckett, Katherine Title: Seattle's Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion Program: Lessons Learned from the First Two Years Summary: Seattle's Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion (LEAD) program is the first known pre-booking diversion program for people arrested on narcotics and prostitution charges in the United States. Launched in October 2011, LEAD is the product of a multi-year collaboration involving a wide range of organizations, including The Defender Association's Racial Disparity Project, the Seattle Police Department, the ACLU of Washington, the King County Prosecuting Attorney's Office, the Seattle City Attorney's office, the King County Sheriff's Office, Evergreen Treatment Services, the King County Executive, the Washington State Department of Corrections, and others. This report draws on a number of data sources to provide an overview of LEAD's principles and operations, and to distill important lessons about what has - and has not - worked well in the first two years of LEAD's operations. The hope is that identification of these lessons will be useful to those interested in replicating LEAD in other jurisdictions or in enhancing its operations in Seattle. After briefly describing LEAD's principles and operations, the report identifies key "lessons learned." These are presented in four different categories: getting started; training; communication; and the transformation of institutional relationships. Each of these lessons is briefly described. Details: Seattle: University of Washington, Law, Societies & Justice Program, 2014. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 25, 2014 at: http://www.seattle.gov/council/Harrell/attachments/process%20evaluation%20final%203-31-14.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.seattle.gov/council/Harrell/attachments/process%20evaluation%20final%203-31-14.pdf Shelf Number: 133419 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Offenders Offender Diversion Program Prostitutes Treatment Programs

Author: Wedd, Alan Title: Ohio Multijurisdictional Task Force Trend Analysis: 2010-2013 Summary: This report presents data from Ohio multijurisdictional task forces funded by the Office of Criminal Justice Services (OCJS) through the JAG/Byrne grant program. As a requirement of the JAG grants, task forces submitted two semi-annual performance reports to OCJS highlighting their activities and accomplishments for calendar years 2010 �V 2013. The data from these performance reports was analyzed in this multi-year report. To provide a clear account of the data while accounting for the different number of task forces funded each year, data are typically presented as both averages and totals. Summary - The total number of task forces funded by the JAG/Byrne grant program increased from 32 in 2010 to 38 in 2013. - Task forces increased their average number of felony indictments while decreasing the average number of new cases worked. This indicates that task forces became more efficient from 2010 to 2013. - Task forces obtained more indictments for street drugs between 2010 and 2013, primarily due to large increases in indictments for heroin trafficking and possession. They also recorded more seizures for nearly every type of street drug collected in this study during the same time period. - Indictments for pharmaceutical drugs increased during the reporting period. Oxycodone, hydrocodone, and alprazolam were the most frequently seized/diverted drugs by the task forces. Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio Office of Criminal Justice Services, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 1, 2014 at: http://publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/2010-2013_DTF_Report.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/2010-2013_DTF_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 133526 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addition (Ohio) Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Opioids Prescription Drug Abuse

Author: Gilhuly, Kim Title: Rehabilitating Corrections in California: The Health Impacts of Proposition 47 Summary: California's sentences for low-level crimes would alleviate prison and jail overcrowding, make communities safer, and strengthen families, and shift resources from imprisoning people to treating them for the addictions and mental health problems at the root of many crimes. A Health Impact Assessment of reforms proposed by a state ballot initiative predicts the changes would reduce crime, recidivism, racial inequities in sentencing, and save the state and its counties $600 million to $900 million a year - but only if treatment and rehabilitation programs are fully funded and implemented properly. Human Impact Partners conducted an in-depth assessment of the public health and equity impacts of reclassifying six non-serious offenses - crimes of drug possession and petty theft - to misdemeanors. The Safe Neighborhoods and Schools Act, Proposition 47 on the November 2014 state ballot, would also allow people currently in prison for those crimes to apply for lower sentences, release, and to have their records cleared of the crime, and redirect savings from the reduction in the prison population to mental health and substance abuse programs, truancy and dropout prevention, and services for victims of violent crime. Fundamentally, prison is not a healthy environment. Every day, conditions in California's dangerously overcrowded prisons and jails causes physical and mental harm - disease, depression, violence, rape, suicide, and more - on thousands of incarcerated men and women. Many of these people were convicted of crimes that pose no serious threat to others, but can be traced to their own substance abuse and mental health problems. They need treatment, not punishment. And treatment is much less costly than punishment, returning $3.77 in benefits for every dollar spent. A shift in how we charge and sentence people who have committed non-serious, non-violent, and non-sexual crimes has far-reaching implications for the health and well-being not only of those who commit these offenses, but of their families, their communities, and the public. This Health Impact Assessment predicts that full implementation of the Safe Neighborhoods and Schools Act would: - Decrease state corrections spending by $200 million to $300 million a year, and county corrections spending by $400 million to $600 million a year, according to estimates by the state Legislative Analyst's Office. - Increase state funding for mental health and substance abuse programs, school truancy prevention and victim services by $200 million to $300 million a year. - Reduce the number of people convicted of felonies by more than 40,000 a year, and the number sentenced to prison by more than 3,000 a year. - Allow more than 9,000 people now in prison for felonies for low-level crimes to apply for reduced sentence and release. This includes about 1,500 people who are serving extended sentences for a second strike for one of these low-level offenses. - Reduce violent and property crime by reducing the number of people who re-offend by at least 10% a year among people who participate in treatment programs. - Reduce the rates of incarceration of African- Americans and Hispanics, who are more likely to be sentenced to prison, county jail, or probation as whites for the same low-level crimes. African- Americans are only 7% of California's population but they represent almost one-fourth of prison admissions. Hispanics are arrested and imprisoned at a slightly higher rate than their share of the population, and are 60% more likely to be jailed. Details: Oakland, CA: Human Impact Partners, 2014. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 2, 2014 at: http://www.prop47impacts.org/docs/HIA_Full_Report_92314.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.prop47impacts.org/docs/HIA_Full_Report_92314.pdf Shelf Number: 133539 Keywords: Criminal Justice Reform Drug Offenders Mental Health Servivces Misdemeanors Offender Rehabilitation Petty Theft Sentencing Reform (California)

Author: Giacomello, Corina Title: Proposals for alternatives to criminal prosecution and incarceration for drug-related offenses in Latin America Summary: Latin America is immersed in a prison epidemic. The so-called "war on drugs" and harsher criminal penalties underlie the increase in the prison population. "One-size-fits-all" policies and severe sanctions have left the region's countries in a prison crisis that threatens future generations. Instead of proposing a single model, therefore, multiple pathways should be explored. This briefing by the International Drug Policy Consortium focuses on the judicial and prison systems, seeking to offer a variety of experiences that demonstrate how various situations can be addressed: occasional and recreational use, dependent or problem use of substances, small-scale drug dealing by vulnerable members of the trafficking chain (dependent users who sell for survival), and differences among the different levels of leadership in dealing and international trafficking. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: IDPC Briefing Paper: Accessed October 6, 2014 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/IDPC-briefing-paper_Alternatives-to-incarceration-in-LA_ENGLISH.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Latin America URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/IDPC-briefing-paper_Alternatives-to-incarceration-in-LA_ENGLISH.pdf Shelf Number: 133565 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Policy (Latin America) Drug Reform Drug Trafficking War on Drugs

Author: Centre for Social Justice Title: Ambitious for Recovery: Tackling drug and alcohol addiction in the UK Summary: Addiction to drugs and alcohol takes a heavy toll on society. In 17 years running BAC O'Connor I have seen the impact, from crime, worklessness and strains on the NHS, to the price paid by individuals and their families. I have witnessed, however, people overcome their addiction and progress to lead full lives as contributing members of society. Provided with a little support to become drug and alcohol free, I have watched people transform their lives and become productive members of society. Recent falls in drug and alcohol use in the wider population conceal a rising cost of addiction: more alcohol-related admissions and readmissions, more prescription drugs issued, and, a surge in use of 'legal highs'. This is a social justice issue. Addiction can strike anyone but the harm of this situation is felt most keenly in poorer communities. Our interim report, No Quick Fix, laid bare the costs, extent and changing nature of drug and alcohol addiction in the UK. We outlined how the Government's 2010 Drug Strategy marked a welcome shift from a policy of maintaining addicts on substitute drugs to an ambition to help people lead drug-free lives. We have seen a rise in the use of mutual aid and the rhetoric of recovery now pervades strategy. Yet while some of the rhetoric has been good, action has been poor. Abstinence from drugs and alcohol, which is key to achieving lasting recovery but is still not the marker by which we measure our success. Equally, rehabs are the most effective route to abstinence for many yet are still the preserve of the wealthy or the lucky few. Making the situation worse, we now have 'legal highs', often more dangerous and addictive than the drugs they seek to imitate, available to buy on high streets across the UK. Our report lays out a programme for whoever next enters government, to tackle addiction and reduce its costs to society. We argue that priorities for the next Parliament should include: a small treatment tax of a penny on a unit is introduced by the end of the next Parliament to provide proper rehabilitation; reform to the welfare, criminal justice and health services to address the addiction problems which drain resources; and, a proper response to 'legal highs'. Details: London: Centre for Social Justice, 2014. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Breakthrough Britain II: Accessed October 9, 2014 at: http://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/UserStorage/pdf/Pdf%20reports/CSJJ2073_Addiction_15.08.14_2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/UserStorage/pdf/Pdf%20reports/CSJJ2073_Addiction_15.08.14_2.pdf Shelf Number: 133925 Keywords: Alcoholism Drug Abuse and Addiction (U.K.) Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Rehabilitation Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Keaton, Sandy Title: Enhancing Treatment in a Drug Court Setting: An Evaluation of San Diego County's Pilot Vivitrol Project Summary: In 2012, the North County Drug Court began a pilot project administering Vivitrol to drug court clients with a primary opiate addiction. Vivitrol is an extended-release injectable formulation of naltrexone that was approved in 2006 by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (USFDA) for the treatment of alcohol dependence and in 2010 for the treatment of opiate dependence (USFDA, 2010). The County of San Diego Health and Human Services Agency (HHSA) contracted with the San Diego Association of Governments' (SANDAG) Criminal Justice Research Division to conduct a two-year evaluation of the Vivitrol Pilot Project to determine if the program was implemented as planned and if the expected outcomes were achieved. This is the fourth and final evaluation report and provides the findings from data collected between August 2012 and June 2014. Key Findings of Vivitrol Pilot Project This report constitutes a two-year evaluation of the North County Vivitrol Pilot Project. It is one of the first studies to look at the longer term impacts of Vivitrol among opioid dependents. While the evaluation was limited by small sample size and available comparison group, the findings support further exploration of intramuscular injections of Vivitrol to support engagement and retention in drug treatment among individuals involved in the criminal justice system. Some key findings included: Regardless of the number of shots received, program clients generally reported that Vivitrol helped to control their cravings and supported their recovery. Program clients who completed the prescribed six or more doses of Vivitrol experienced decreased desire to use, did not relapse, and did not reoffend during the study period (a total of 18 months). While positive outcomes were realized for those clients who received the full dosage amount, only around one quarter (26%) received six or more shots. Older clients (36 years old on average) whose primary method of heroin administration was injection were more likely to receive six or more doses than those who were younger and reported other primary modes of use. Program stakeholders surveyed recommended that the Vivitrol project continue because of the success of the clients they witnessed during the pilot project including decreased cravings and greater focus on treatment. Details: San Francisco: Criminal Justice Research Division, SANDAG, 2014. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: CJ Bulletin: Accessed October 9, 2014 at: http://www.sandag.org/uploads/publicationid/publicationid_1873_17990.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.sandag.org/uploads/publicationid/publicationid_1873_17990.pdf Shelf Number: 133626 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (California) Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Doherty, Sherri Title: An Examination of the Effectiveness of the National Substance Abuse Program Moderate Intensity (NSAP-M) on Institutional Adjustment and Post-Release Outcomes Summary: What it means The findings suggest that the National Substance Abuse Program - Moderate Intensity (NSAP-M) reduced the risks associated with substance use and criminality. The offenders with partial exposure to the program showed the poorest outcomes with respect to return to custody. The results also demonstrate the value of participating in community maintenance even with limited exposure to NSAP-M. Unfortunately, only a small percentage of offenders participated in community aftercare. What we found The occurrence of institutional misconduct was not significantly reduced by NSAP-M participation. Offenders who fully completed NSAP-M were as likely to engage in serious institutional misconduct as offenders who failed to complete all sessions of the program or offenders who had been assigned to NSAP-M but who had not enrolled in the program. Offenders who completed NSAP-M were less likely to be readmitted to prison during the 24-month follow-up period. In fact, offenders who partially completed were 25% more likely to return to prison compared to those who completed NSAP-M. The Not Enrolled group did not differ from program completers in likelihood of returning to custody. At the end of the 2 year follow-up period, 52% of both the Complete and Not Enrolled groups remained in the community, compared to 39% of the Incomplete group. When participation in the National Maintenance Substance Abuse Program delivered in the community and release type were considered, the association between NSAP-M and return to custody was no longer significant, suggesting that release type and community aftercare may be key variables in the pathway between program exposure and returning to custody. Overall, offenders who did not participate in community aftercare were 41% more likely to return to custody than those who had some exposure to the program; offenders who were released on a non-discretionary basis were 53% more likely to return to custody. Why we did this study Ensuring the safety and security of staff and offenders within the institution environment and the safe reintegration offenders into the community are key priorities of Correctional Service Canada (CSC). Correctional interventions can help address offender behavior associated with criminal activity. Given that 80% of the federal offender population has a substance use problem, it is imperative that effective substance abuse interventions are available to these offenders. The current study examined the effectiveness of NSAP-M in addressing the needs of federally incarcerated male offenders who have an identified substance abuse problem. What we did The study examined the effect of NSAP-M on institutional misconduct and return to custody. The study sample consisted of 8,121 male offenders who had accessed NSAP-M between June 2004 and December 2009. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2014. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report No. R-290: Accessed October 9, 2014 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/research/005008-0291-eng.shtml Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/research/005008-0291-eng.shtml Shelf Number: 133639 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Abuse and Addiction (Canada) Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment (Canada) Drug Offenders Prisoner Aftercare Prisoner Misconduct Prisoner Reentry Prisons Recidivism Rehabilitation

Author: MacSwain, Mary-Ann Title: Characteristics of women participants in the Methadone Maintenance Treatment Program (MMTP), . Summary: Why we did this study Ensuring that offenders have access to interventions that address their substance abuse issues allows the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) to support the safe reintegration of offenders into society. The treatment needs of federal offenders with opioid dependence are facilitated through the provision of CSC's Methadone Maintenance Treatment Program (MMTP). Some of the objectives of CSC's MMTP include reducing relapse to opioid drug use and the incidence of drug-related criminal activity; improving the offender's general health and quality of life; and assisting and motivating offenders to gradually desist from all illicit drug use. Understanding the characteristics of women MMTP participants will assist CSC in developing its MMTP delivery to more effectively address the challenges of opioid addicted offenders, a group with high levels of criminogenic needs and long criminal histories. What we did The study included women federal offenders who were initiated into CSC's MMTP between January, 2003 and December, 2008 (N = 209). The comparison group consisted of the remaining women institutional population (N = 1879). The demographic characteristics, criminogenic risk and need factors and criminal histories of MMTP participants and the institutional population were compared. The drug use and mental health histories of MMTP participants were also examined. What we found Results indicate that, compared to the institutional population, female MMTP participants had higher static (risk) and dynamic (need) factor ratings. In addition, they had lower reintegration potential and motivation level, and a longer criminal history. MMTP participants were also more likely to currently be serving sentences for offences related to the acquisition of money or personal belongings such as robbery, theft or break and enter, and forgery/fraud, along with other non violent offences. They were also less likely to have current homicide or drug related offences. Most women MMTP participants report the use of pharmaceutical opioids, rather than heroin or a combination of heroin and pharmaceutical opioids. However, in the Pacific and Quebec regions, heroin use was more prevalent. Almost two thirds of women MMTP participants report problematic poly drug use in addition to their opioid use, with cocaine being the most commonly used non-opioid drug. Almost all (97%) of MMTP participants reported a history of injection drug use, and many also reported a history of overdose, and other risk behaviours related to their drug use such as needle sharing. Many women also present for MMT with other mental health issues such as depression (63%), anxiety (62%), and panic disorder (32%), as well as trauma such as physical (81%), mental (74%), and sexual abuse (67%). What it means The current study indicates that women MMTP participants have long criminal histories and represent major challenges for reintegration. However, successful treatment of their addiction and other criminogenic factors may lead to reductions in criminal activity after release. In addition, this research highlights a need to focus attention on the abuse of other drugs, trauma and mental health issues for this group of women. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2014. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report No R-307 Accessed October 9, 2014 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/005/008/092/005008-0307-eng.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/005/008/092/005008-0307-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 133630 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Female Inmates (Canada) Female Offenders Methadone Maintenance Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: International Labor Rights Forum Title: Vietnam's Forced Labor Centers Summary: The victims are alleged drug addicts who are held for periods of two to four years without ever receiving a hearing or a trial in a court of law. Drug center detainees are forced to work under harsh conditions for little or no pay doing a range of repetitive tasks, like sewing t-shirts or mosquito bed nets, painting stone trinkets, and processing cashews, often for private companies. As punishment for refusing to work, violating center rules, or simply not filling a daily quota, detainees report being beaten with wooden truncheons, shocked with electrical batons, or placed in solitary confinement. Vietnam's use of forced labor as drug treatment clearly violates international law, including ILO Convention 29, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The detention centers are also an ineffective form of drug treatment: it is estimated that over 90 percent of former detainees return to using drugs shortly after release. In 2012, twelve UN agencies, including the ILO, World Health Organization (WHO), and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), issued a joint public statement calling for the closure of compulsory drug detention centers, citing the use of forced labor and the lack of evidence-based drug treatment. Goods made by detainees' forced labor have made their way into global supply chains: in 2011, Columbia Sportswear acknowledged that one of its Vietnamese contractors had subcontracted the production of jacket liners to a detention center near Ho Chi Minh City. Vietnam is the top supplier of cashew nuts to the United States and there is little doubt that some portion of the cashews sold to U.S. consumers are processed by forced labor in the detention centers. Details: Washington, DC: ILRF, 2014. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 24, 2014 at: http://www.laborrights.org/sites/default/files/publications/VN_Forced_Labor_Centers_wr.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Vietnam URL: http://www.laborrights.org/sites/default/files/publications/VN_Forced_Labor_Centers_wr.pdf Shelf Number: 133809 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Forced Labor (Vietnam) Human Rights Abuses

Author: Great Britain. Home Office Title: Drugs: international comparators Summary: Covers approaches to drugs misuse and drug addiction in other countries: - detailing drug consumption rooms; - heroin-assisted treatment; - dissuasion commissions; - drug courts; - prison-based treatment; - prison-based harm-reduction; - new psychoactive substances; - supply-side regulation of cannabis; - decriminalising the possession of drugs for personal use Details: London: Home Office, 2014. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2014 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/368489/DrugsInternationalComparators.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/368489/DrugsInternationalComparators.pdf Shelf Number: 133934 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Sacco, Lisa N. Title: Drug Enforcement in the United States: History, Policy, and Trends Summary: The federal government prohibits the manufacturing, distribution, and possession of many intoxicating substances that are solely intended for recreational use (notable exceptions are alcohol and tobacco); however, the federal government also allows for and controls the medical use of many intoxicants. Federal authority to control these substances primarily resides with the Attorney General of the United States. Over the last decade, the United States has shifted its stated drug control policy toward a comprehensive approach; one that focuses on prevention, treatment, and enforcement. In order to restrict and reduce availability of illicit drugs in the United States, a practice referred to as "supply reduction," the federal government continues to place emphasis on domestic drug enforcement. According to the most recent drug control budget (FY2015) released by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), approximately 60% of all federal drug control spending is dedicated to supply reduction, with approximately 37% of the total budget dedicated to domestic law enforcement. Federal agencies, primarily the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), enforce federal controlled substances laws in all states and territories, but the majority of drug crimes known to U.S. law enforcement are dealt with at the state level. In the United States in 2012, the DEA arrested 30,476 suspects for federal drug offenses while state and local law enforcement arrested 1,328,457 suspects for drug offenses. In many cases, federal agencies assist state and local agencies with drug arrests, and suspects are referred for state prosecution, and vice-versa. Most drug arrests are made by state and local law enforcement, and most of these arrests are for possession rather than sale or manufacture. In contrast, most federal drug arrests are for trafficking offenses rather than possession. Over the last 25 years the majority of DEA's arrests have been for cocaine-related offenses. Trends in federal drug enforcement may reflect the nation's changing drug problems and changes in the federal response to these problems. They also may reflect the federal government's priorities. Drug cases represent the second highest category of criminal cases filed by U.S. Attorneys; however, federal drug cases have steadily declined over the last decade. This report focuses on domestic drug enforcement. It outlines historic development and major changes in U.S. drug enforcement to help provide an understanding of how and why certain laws and policies were implemented and how these developments and changes shaped current drug enforcement policy. In the 19th century federal, state, and local governments were generally not involved in restricting or regulating drug distribution and use, but this changed substantially in the 20th century as domestic law enforcement became the primary means of controlling the nation's substance abuse problems. Details: Washington, DC: Congressional Research Services, 2014. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: CRS R43749: Accessed November 12, 2014 at: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43749.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43749.pdf Shelf Number: 134066 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Enforcement (U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Regulations Drug Trafficking Illegal Drugs

Author: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration Title: Adult Drug Courts and Medication-Assisted Treatment for Opioid Dependence Summary: More than 2,700 drug courts are in operation today in the United States. About half of these are adult drug treatment courts. Developed to decrease recidivism among substance-involved offenders, adult drug courts oversee substance use disorder treatment for criminal offenders accepted into these programs. Many drug court participants need treatment for opioid dependence. Medications can be an important part of effective treatment for offenders dependent on opioids, decreasing craving and withdrawal symptoms, blocking euphoria if relapse occurs, augmenting the effect of counseling, and reducing recidivism and reincarceration. Many national and international professional bodies consider medication-assisted treatment (MAT) with methadone, buprenorphine, or extended-release injectable naltrexone an evidence-based best practice for treating opioid dependence. However, many drug courts do not recommend (or even allow) the use of MAT for opioid dependence. For example, a 2010 survey of 103 drug courts found that, whereas 98 percent reported that at least some of their drug court participants were opioid dependent, only 56 percent of the courts offered any form of MAT to participants. This In Brief is for the drug court team: the judge, coordinator, public defender or defense attorney, prosecutor, evaluator, treatment provider, law enforcement officer, and probation officer. Its objective is to encourage drug court personnel to increase their knowledge about the effectiveness of MAT and increase its use in drug courts Details: Rockville, MD: SAMHSA, 2014. 8 p. Source: Internet Resource: In Brief, vol. 8, no. 1: Accessed November 13, 2014 at: http://store.samhsa.gov/shin/content//SMA14-4852/SMA14-4852.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://store.samhsa.gov/shin/content//SMA14-4852/SMA14-4852.pdf Shelf Number: 134079 Keywords: Drug Courts (U.S.) Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Opioid Dependence Problem Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Zajac, Gary Title: Evaluation of Mifflin County Adult Treatment Court Summary: The Mifflin County Adult Treatment Court (MCATC) is a drug court program that began development in 2010 under a Bureau of Justice Assistance grant received by Mifflin County. The first participants were enrolled in February of 2011. Program participants are under the supervision of the Mifflin County Adult Probation Department while enrolled in MCATC. As is typical for a drug court, drug and alcohol treatment is the primary service offered by MCATC, although educational, vocational and other miscellaneous services are also offered. The drug and alcohol treatment services are delivered by a local private provider - Clear Concepts Counseling (http://www.clearconceptscounseling.com/). The primary drug and alcohol treatment modality offered as part of MCATC is an intensive outpatient program (IOP), which meets 3 times per week, 3 hours each session, for a total of 4 weeks. Follow-up outpatient and recovery groups are also offered. MCATC is a small program. At the time of the CPC assessment there were 10 offenders currently enrolled. Another 5 had graduated, with 14 others having already been removed from the program. Thus, the MCATC has enrolled fewer than 30 offenders as of the date of this assessment. Note: we were not permitted to observe an IOP group treatment session, which would normally be part of the CPC assessment process. This limits to some extent the conclusions we can draw about the structure and content of the MCATC. Primary Program Strengths - - Program leadership and staff possess the requisite credentials and experience needed to work within a program like the Mifflin County Adult Treatment Court (MCATC). - Program leadership is integrally involved in the operation of the MCATC. - There appears to be good support for the program among program staff and the local criminal justice community. - The program undertakes formal, objective assessment of offender risk and need, and most importantly accepts only high risk clients into the program. - The MCATC primarily targets criminogenic needs and the ratio of criminogenic to noncriminogenic targets appears to be sufficient. - Appropriate rewards and punishers are used. - Specific to the drug court setting, the Judge appears to conduct court in an atmosphere of respect and fairness to clients, is knowledgeable about clients' cases and provides appropriate positive and redirective feedback to clients during the bi-weekly hearings. Primary Recommendations Program Improvement Following are the three most critical things that the MCATC can do to improve its likelihood of reducing the recidivism potential of its clients: - Perhaps the most important recommendation is that the scope of treatment services delivered as part of the MCATC should be expanded to include an evidence-based program(s) that specifically and directly targets core criminogenic needs including antisocial attitudes/values, anti-social peers, and decision making/problem solving skills. On a related point, the MCATC should also consider expanding its offender assessment regimen to include dynamic criminal attitudes tools that will allow staff to triage clients into any new criminal thinking programs adopted, as well as to monitor their progress through these program(s). - The MCATC should also employ a more consistent and structured approach to the substance abuse services offered. The current approach is eclectic, offering a mix of models. Some of these models have a relatively strong evidence-base (e.g. MI, CBT), but for others the evidence of effectiveness is less clear (12 Step, psycho-educational). All substance abuse services should be based upon an evidence-based approach, such as CBT. The advantage of a CBT approach is that it is fairly transferable, capable of being applied to many different problem domains, such as substance abuse, criminal thinking, peers, decision making, etc., and indeed can also provide the underlayment for an integrated treatment curriculum that addresses all necessary targets for a given client. - Finally, program facilitators should incorporate skill modeling, training and practice into the program whereby facilitators model and clients practice new skills. Staff should demonstrate new skills/pro-social alternatives using modeling/vicarious learning techniques that routinely teach participants to identify and anticipate problem situations. Offenders should spend at least as much time in group practicing new skills as they spend being formally taught those skills. Details: University Park, PA: Justice Center for Research, The Pennsylvania State University, 2013. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 25, 2014 at: http://justicecenter.psu.edu/research/projects/mcatc/MCATCFinalReportSeptember2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://justicecenter.psu.edu/research/projects/mcatc/MCATCFinalReportSeptember2013.pdf Shelf Number: 134253 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem Solving Courts

Author: Wan, Wai-Yin Title: Supply-Side Reduction Policy and Drug-Related Harm Summary: The three pillars of Australia's drug policy are: supply reduction; demand reduction; and harm reduction. Supply reduction policy focuses on reducing the supply, or increasing the cost of, illegal drugs through such actions as crop eradication, drug seizures, arresting drug importers and distributors etc. While there is much evidence to support the effectiveness of demand and harm reduction measures, there is less evidence supporting the effectiveness of supply reduction policy. The purpose of this study was to improve on, and further contribute to this area of knowledge and examine the impact of seizures and supplier arrest on the use and associated harms of three drugs: heroin, cocaine, and amphetamine type substances (ATS). The investigation had two parts. The first sought to determine whether there was an inverse relationship between the intensity of supply reduction efforts (as measured by seizure weights and frequencies and by supply arrests) and: 1.The number of emergency department (ED) admissions or drug use/possession (UP) arrests which were attributed to heroin, cocaine, or ATS use; or 2.The reported incidence of certain drug related offences known or thought to be committed by users of heroin, cocaine, or ATS (such as theft, robbery, and assault). The investigation was limited to the top 20 per cent of seizures by weight. The time lag between the supply reduction efforts and the outcomes examined in this part of the study was four months. This part of the study covered the 10 year period from July 2001 until June 2011. The second part involved an examination of the impact of three specific operations (Operation Balmoral Athens, Operation Tempest and Operation Collage) identified by the NSW Crime Commission as having the potential to have affected the market for cocaine. Because the three operations occurred is close succession they were treated as one single intervention. Details: Canberra: National Drug Law Enforcement Research Fund, 2014. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Monograph 53: Accessed December 8, 2014 at: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/monographs/monograph53.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ndlerf.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/monographs/monograph53.pdf Shelf Number: 134277 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Australia) Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Harm reduction

Author: Taylor, Liana R. Title: General Responsivity and Evidence-Based Treatment: Individual and Program Predictors of Treatment Outcomes During Adolescent Outpatient Substance Abuse Treatment Summary: Since it was first articulated, the Risk-Need-Responsivity model (RNR; Andrews, Bonta, & Hoge, 1990) has been extensively researched and is regarded as an empirically supported model for providing effective correctional treatment. It is comprised of three core principles: the risk principle, which provides direction for who should receive treatment; the need principle, which identifies intermediate treatment targets; and the responsivity principle, which states how treatment programs should be structured. The RNR model is purported to be relevant for all offender populations, including female offenders (Dowden & Andrews, 1999a), juvenile offenders (Dowden & Andrews, 1999b), violent offenders (Dowden & Andrews, 2000), and sexual offenders (Hanson, Bourgon, Helmus, & Hogdson, 2009). Yet, the majority of RNR research has examined the risk and need principles, and the responsivity principle remains understudied. The responsivity principle includes two sub-principles: general and specific (Andrews, & Bonta, 2010). The current research explored the general responsivity principle, which states that programs should use theoretically relevant models for individual change, specifically cognitive-behavioral and cognitive-social learning models (Andrews & Bonta, 2010). The following techniques are consistent with these models: "role-playing, modeling, repeated practice of alternative behaviors, cognitive restructuring to modify thoughts/emotions, skills building, or reinforcement" (Andrews & Bonta, 2010, p. 50). Despite empirical support, the RNR model has received minimal application to juveniles, and it has not been widely tested in the substance abuse treatment context. Additionally, it is not clear whether adherence to the RNR model is relevant for reducing substance use outcomes in youth. Adolescent substance abuse treatment programs were designed to address substance use among juveniles, and have been widely researched to determine their effectiveness; yet their effectiveness remains understudied among juvenile offenders. These studies include examinations of specific treatment interventions used, such as Multisystemic Therapy. Many of these interventions are considered to be "evidence-based treatment" (EBT), but there is a wide variety of repositories that classify interventions as "evidence-based" with varying criteria used to classify them. The juvenile drug treatment court model (JDTC) was specifically developed to address substance use and crime among juvenile offenders; however, findings from empirical studies have not demonstrated a strong treatment effect. To address these gaps in the literature, secondary analyses were conducted on data collected from 132 adolescent outpatient substance abuse treatment programs (AOPs) and 10 juvenile drug treatment courts nationwide. This research was an application of the general responsivity principle in the AOP and JDTC context to determine the impact of responsivity adherence on the odds of rearrest and substance use severity. The analyses also included an examination of evidence-based treatment (EBT) in both samples to determine the influence of EBT use scores on the odds of rearrests and substance use severity scores. To examine the AOP sample, multilevel models were used to examine the individual- and program-level impact of responsivity adherence and EBT use. To examine the JDTC sample, multivariate analyses were used to examine the individual-level impact of responsivity adherence and EBT use. Overall, responsivity adherence was not significantly associated with rearrests among AOP participants, nor was it significantly associated with substance use severity scores. Additionally, the odds of rearrest were significantly greater among individuals who received interventions with a higher EBT use score; though, there was no association between the average EBT use scores across programs and the odds of rearrest. There was no significant association between individual- and program-level EBT use scores and substance use severity. Among JDTC participants, an increase in responsivity adherence was associated with an increase in the odds of rearrest and substance use severity. A similar association emerged between EBT use scores and both outcomes, wherein increases in EBT use scores were significantly associated with an increase in the odds of rearrest and substance use severity. The results of the analyses suggest the need for further specification of both general responsivity adherence and "evidence-based" treatment for use in future research and theory; specifically, further elaboration of the general responsivity-adherent techniques and clear criteria for classifying interventions as "evidence-based treatment." The findings also imply that certain types of treatment interventions are more compatible with the JDTC model than other interventions. Additional analyses suggest the possibility that general responsivity adherence and evidence-based treatment may not be unique constructs. Future research may benefit through exploring evidence-based treatment as a criterion for adherence to the general responsivity principle. Details: Philadelphia: Temple University, 2014. 252p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 1, 2015 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/248590.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/248590.pdf Shelf Number: 135116 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Courts Drug Offenders Evidence-Based Treatment Juvenile Drug Offenders Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Vazquez Gonzalez, Pedro O. Title: An Overview of the Rochester Drug Free Streets Initiative: A Developing Strategy that Addresses the Open-Air Marijuana Market Located in the Conkey & Clifford Neighborhood Summary: Because low-level marijuana possession is not illegal in New York State, the police have difficulty intervening and eliminating the open-air marijuana markets in the City of Rochester. Project HOPE, a non-profit organization, is trying to find another way to intervene in the Conkey and Clifford neighborhood, and bring to an end the open-air marijuana market in that neighborhood. The object of this research is to identify the problems that are caused by the open- air marijuana market in the Conkey and Clifford neighborhood. I will also examine the process of project HOPE's new initiative that addresses the issues of the open-air marijuana market in the Conkey and Clifford neighborhood. To conduct this study I used multiple methods to examine the context of the Conkey and Clifford neighborhood and its response. These efforts included a dashboard camera used to gauge the overall outdoor in the neighborhood. Surveys of residents captured perceptions of their neighborhood its residents and activities in a park on Conkey and Clifford. Additionally, I examined official police data in the form of calls for service in the area the number of marijuana arrests. These data sources yielded comparisons to other areas in Rochester that did not have persistent open air marijuana markets and allowed for an exploration of the consequences that resulted from its presence. Project HOPE is coordinating an initiative that is targeted at resolving the issues associated with the open-air market, as well as rebuilding the Conkey and Clifford neighborhood. I conducted interviews with the key participants of the project throughout my research and participated in meetings, outreach, and focus groups organized by project HOPE. This portion of the research was conducted to examine the strategic development of the initiative and suggest ideas for its future evaluation. Details: Rochester, NY: Rochester Institute of Technology, 2014. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed April 6, 2015 at: http://scholarworks.rit.edu/theses/8537/ Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://scholarworks.rit.edu/theses/8537/ Shelf Number: 135159 Keywords: Drug Markets Drug Offenders Drug Selling Neighborhoods and Crime

Author: KPMG Title: Evaluation of the Drug Court of Victoria: Final Report Summary: The Drug Court of Victoria (DCV, 'the Court') was established in May 2002 to further improve the safety of the community by focusing on the rehabilitation of offenders with a drug and/or alcohol dependency, and by providing assistance in reintegrating them into the community. It was designed using international best practice principles on the basis of the 10 key principles defined by the National Association of Drug Court Professionals and U.S. Department of Justice in 1997. Since 2005, the DCV has received ongoing funding, including additional national drug strategy funding, and has had an operating budget of approximately $1.6 million per annum. The Court has not been evaluated since 2005, however in 2010, the Victorian Auditor General released a report finding that problem solving approaches to justice in Victoria had reduced recidivism. In response to this, the government at the time confirmed that problem solving courts would remain in operation, and the then Attorney-General stated 'we are looking to identify successful elements which can be taken up and implemented more widely'. To this end, it is understood that the Magistrates' Court of Victoria (MCV) is considering how the DCV may deliver its services to the wider community, including a proposal for expansion to additional locations. KPMG has been engaged by the MCV to undertake an evaluation of the DCV over the period 1 July 2010 to 30 June 2013. The objectives of the evaluation are to: - assess the performance of the DCV against its specified activities and anticipated outcomes; - document key lessons learnt from the Court; and - provide an evidence base to inform government decision-making. Key evaluation questions have been drawn from the Department of Treasury and Finance (DTF) evaluation policy and standards for evaluating lapsing programs, to facilitate the use of the evaluation in any potential future funding bid. These include consideration of: - What is the evidence of a continued need for the DCV and the role for government in delivering it? - Has the DCV been effective, considering progress made towards its stated objectives and outcomes and the alignment between the Court, its outputs, MCV's objectives and government priorities? - Has the DCV been delivered within its scope, budget, expected timeframes and in line with appropriate governance and risk management practices? - Has MCV demonstrated efficiency and economy in delivering the DCV? The evaluation has sought to collect both quantitative and qualitative evidence to support key findings and recommendations, and this has included analysis of DCV participant related data, finance data, a recidivism study undertaken by the Department of Justice (DoJ) for the purposes of this evaluation, a review of publicly available literature and data, and widespread consultation with key stakeholders, including program participants. Details: Melbourne: Magistrates' Court of Victoria, 2015. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 8, 2015 at: http://www.magistratescourt.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/141218%20Evaluation%20of%20the%20Drug%20Court%20of%20Victoria.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://www.magistratescourt.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/141218%20Evaluation%20of%20the%20Drug%20Court%20of%20Victoria.pdf Shelf Number: 135191 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Courts (Australia) Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: O'Neill, Emma Title: Major drug offences: current sentencing practices Summary: This report examines current sentencing practices for the three reference offences: - cultivating a commercial quantity of narcotic plants; - trafficking in a drug of dependence in a commercial quantity; and - trafficking in a drug of dependence in a large commercial quantity. The report covers the five-year reference period from 2008-09 to 2012-13. In total, over 600 cases have been analysed in order to present the following information for each of the reference offences: - a profile of sentencing factors (for example, plea entered, prospects of rehabilitation); - high-level sentencing outcomes for the offence as a whole; and - profiles of particular sub-groups of cases and their sentencing outcomes. This report is the Council's third on current sentencing practices. The Council is also examining current sentencing practices for major driving offences in an upcoming report. Details: Melbourne: Victorian Sentencing Advisory Council, 2015. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2015 at: https://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/Major%20Drug%20Offences%20Current%20Sentencing%20Practices.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: https://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/Major%20Drug%20Offences%20Current%20Sentencing%20Practices.pdf Shelf Number: 135241 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Sentencing (Australia)

Author: Bear, Daniel Title: Adapting, acting out, or standing firm: understanding the place of drugs in the policing of a London borough Summary: The number of police recorded incidents in England and Wales involving cannabis more than doubled between 2004 and 2009 even though use of the drug was in decline and official policy was geared towards tackling drugs 'that cause most harm' (Home Office 2008). Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in a single London borough during the 12 months leading up to the 2011 riots, this research examines the place of drugs within everyday policing, focusing on the working lives of street-level police officers who are not attached to specialist drug squads. The concept of bifurcation (Garland 1996, 2001) is used to make sense of, "a series of policies that appear deeply conflicted, even schizoid, in their relation to one another" (Garland 2001, pg. 110). Analysis of the ethnographic data shows how the 'structured ambivalence' of state responses is evident in relation to front-line policing, including the policing of drugs. We find that the backbone of modern policing, Response Teams, are being pulled towards a 'classic' style of policing where officers 'act out' and impose order through the visible exercise of their powers, reasserting the authority of the state. This is a far cry from officers in Safer Neighbourhood Teams who work predominantly on Community Policing efforts, adapting their working styles, engaging with community partners, and focusing on 'damage limitation' efforts. The thesis charts these different orientations in relation to officers' general activities, before going onto show how they are visible in the way each team approaches drugs policing. From here it will be argued that the increase in recorded incidents involving drugs reflects the influence of New Public Managerialism and the focus on output-based targets. These performance targets were easily fulfilled by targeting low-level drugs offences, and once met, officers were free to police as they saw fit. Instead of officers evolving their practices as the organisation evolved, NPM allowed officers to stand firm and maintain their culture, policing practice, and sense of mission. The author accompanied both Response Teams and Safer Neighbourhood Teams of the Metropolitan Police Service during their shifts, and also conducted 23 interviews with officers. This research also developed new digital ethnography methods that might be utilised by ethnographers in other disciplines. Details: London: London School of Economics and Political Science, 2013. 335p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 16, 2015 at: http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/894/1/Bear_Adapting-acting-out-or-standing-firm_understanding-the-place-of-drugs-in-the-policing-of-a-London-borough.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/894/1/Bear_Adapting-acting-out-or-standing-firm_understanding-the-place-of-drugs-in-the-policing-of-a-London-borough.pdf Shelf Number: 135246 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Markets (U.K.) Drug Offenders Neighborhood Policing

Author: Centre for Social Justice Title: Drugs in Prison Summary: Prisons in England and Wales have a serious drug problem - they have done for decades. There is every reason to tackle it. Prisons are straining under the violence it causes. Drug-using prisoners are suffering from physical and mental health conditions and their chances rehabilitation are slim. Society is suffering through addicted prisoners committing crime to fund their habits on release. One of the chief purposes of prison is to reduce crime. In this regard they are clearly failing. It does not have to be this way. It is very possible to change this situation and ensure prisons are a place where people battling addiction recover. Success requires a three-pronged approach: Drugs must be kept out of prisons; Demand for drugs must be reduced; Drug addicted prisoners must receive effective support into recovery. These three requirements are interdependent and failure in just one area will ultimately lead to a failure to tackle the prison drug problem. This paper sets out the Details: London: Centre for Social Justice, 2015. 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 21, 2015 at: http://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/UserStorage/pdf/Pdf%20reports/CSJJ3090_Drugs_in_Prison.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/UserStorage/pdf/Pdf%20reports/CSJJ3090_Drugs_in_Prison.pdf Shelf Number: 135325 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drugs in Prison Prison Contraband (U.K.)

Author: Vazquez, Pedro Title: Residents' Feelings and Interpretation of the Open-Air Drug Market in Conkey and Clifford Neighborhood of Rochester, New York Summary: Low-level drug dealers thrive where they do not conflict with legitimate businesses, but rather support and are supported by certain elements of their environment (Thomas J. Charron, Debra Whitcomb, & George Ross, 2004, pg. 3). According to T. Charron, D. Whitcomb, & G. Ross (2004), dimly lit parking lots, alleys, abandoned buildings, bars, and roads that allow drivers to slow down or stop are some of the elements of the environment that support low-level drug dealers. Low-level drug dealing in open-air markets generates or contributes to a wide range of social disorder and drug-related crime in the surrounding neighborhood that can also have an effect on the residents' quality of life (Alex Harocopos & Mike Hough, 2005). The purpose of this paper is to gain an understanding of how residents in the Conkey and Clifford neighborhood in Rochester, New York have been affected by the open-air marijuana market, as well as their view of their neighborhood. The Rochester Drug Free Street Initiative (RDFSI) coalition has been working with residents in the Conkey and Clifford neighborhood to bring to an end the marketing of low-level drugs in their neighborhood. The RDFSI is implementing two approaches, which is led by Ibero-American Development Corporation (IADC), the H.O.P.E project and other committed local partners. The intervention, which is known as INSPIRE (Invested, Neighbors, Seeking, Progress, Inspiration, Restoration, & Empowerment), is being run by RDFSI staff and community members. The RDFSI is applying the two civil approaches to a two- tiered strategy. First is the Restorative Practices Strategy: working with PiRI (Partners in Restorative Initiatives,) neighborhood residents, and other community providers. RDFSI created what is being known as "Restorative Community Circles"; here people who are currently selling marijuana on the street can meet with other community members who want to help them transition into productive community members. This process creates a safe space for those who inform dealers how drug sales are affecting them and their families. The second strategy involves a stay-away order. RDFSI staff knows that not all dealers will be receptive to the restorative community circle process, but residents still need to be protected from those who continue to sell marijuana in their neighborhoods. The order will assist in interrupting the sale of marijuana by extricating the dealers from their geographical market. Residents have asked, "Why haven't the police done anything about drug dealers?" Police officers have a hard task when it comes to arresting low-level drug dealers. Marijuana has been decriminalized in New York State, which means that any individual found with less than an ounce of marijuana will not be arrested, charged, or face any jail time. These individual will only face a violation, which is punishable by a fine of $25.00 or less. Parking on the wrong side of the street is a much more serious violation than that of a violation for marijuana possession of less than an ounce, as alternate parking fines are $50.00 in the City. This is why police officers have limited power in handling the issues of open-air drug markets. This paper will highlight the answers to the survey conducted by RDFSI during the Rochester T.I.P.S event. Project T.I.P.S stand for Trust, Information, Programs & Services, the projects includes community agencies and law enforcement personnel working together in a selected neighborhood to rebuild trust amongst residents and share information. The answers to the "Your Voice" survey, which was construed by CPSI (Center for Public Safety Imitative) student researcher. This survey was giving to residents who are involved with RDFSI, and the information from the resident's focus group conducted by the RDFSI. Details: Rochester, NY: Center for Public Safety Initiatives Rochester Institute of Technology, 2014. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 21, 2015 at: https://www.rit.edu/cla/criminaljustice/sites/rit.edu.cla.criminaljustice/files/docs/WorkingPapers/2014/Conkey%20and%20Clifford%20Resident%20Surveys%20-%20MJ%20Market%20-%20WEBSITE%20VERSION.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.rit.edu/cla/criminaljustice/sites/rit.edu.cla.criminaljustice/files/docs/WorkingPapers/2014/Conkey%20and%20Clifford%20Resident%20Surveys%20-%20MJ%20Market%20-%20WEBSITE%20VERSION.pdf Shelf Number: 135328 Keywords: Drug Dealers Drug Dealing Drug Markets Drug Offenders Drugs and Crime

Author: Davis Y. Ja Associates Title: Peers Reaching Out Supporting Peers to Embrace Recovery (PROPSPER): A Final Evaluation Report Summary: The Peers Reaching Out Supporting Peers to Embrace Recovery (PROSPER) program, a 4-year federal demonstration project funded through the Recovery Community Services Program (RCSP) initiative of the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT)/Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), was a unique strength-based peer-to-peer recovery community for people who face the dual challenge of recovery and reentry into society from prison, and their family/significant others, in Los Angeles County. Governed and operated by peers, the program offered stage-appropriate holistic social support through a strategic mix of services comprised of a resource facility, support groups, peer-coaching, workshop/seminars, social and recreational activities, and community events. Featuring Recovery Support, Health & Wellness, and Skills to Prosper components, PROSPER enrolled and served at least 125 new Peers annually, for a total of over 500 Peers served during its four year duration. The project aimed to: - Provide a compelling alternative community to counteract negative forces in peers' lives - Build positive self concept and achievement motivation - Reinforce family/significant others' relationships and support - Amplify the treatment/recovery continuum for the target population. The goals of PROSPER's local evaluation were to: 1) assess the program's effectiveness, 2) identify best practices within the program, and 3) indicate possibilities for expanding and replicating PROSPER elsewhere in California. In addition, PROSPER's strength-based, peer-driven recovery community and the array of social supports (emotional, informational, instrumental, and associational) were designed to test the evidence that social support in the form of a peer support recovery community is a critical construct in providing the transitional resources necessary to reduce relapse and recidivism with this population. Details: San Francisco: Davis Y. Ja and Associates, 2009. 100p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 24, 2015 at: http://www.dyja.com/sites/default/files/u24/PROSPER%20Final%20Evaluation%20Report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.dyja.com/sites/default/files/u24/PROSPER%20Final%20Evaluation%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 135384 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (U.S.) Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Peers Prisoner Reentry Substance Abuse

Author: Guidry, Sarah R. Title: A Blueprint for Criminal Justice Policy Solutions in Harris County Summary: On any given day, Texas county jails house approximately 65,000 people. More than half of these individuals are typically awaiting trial, not yet having been convicted. Many others are misdemeanants or serving terms for nonviolent offenses. And sadly, some individuals have repeatedly returned to jail, trapped in a continuous cycle of recidivism, unprepared for a life outside of the criminal justice system without access to post-release treatment and programming. As more and more individuals are incarcerated or otherwise involved in the criminal justice system, the fiscal and human costs increase: Individuals with criminal records have difficulty finding stable employment and housing, leading to re-offending; the expenses associated with managing bloated jail populations can be extensive; and public safety and health are likewise compromised when crowded jails fail to meet the needs of incoming and exiting individuals. Despite being home to the largest jail in Texas (and third largest in the United States), Harris County has nonetheless struggled with jail overcrowding for the past four decades. In 1974, a group of inmates filed a lawsuit against the Sheriff and County Commissioners that challenged the conditions of their confinement; it culminated in a federal court order condemning the overcrowded conditions in the Harris County jail, and it provided jurisdiction to the federal court to ensure steps were taken to bring the conditions of the jail within constitutionally protected standards. For nearly two decades, that court wielded its oversight power heavily, frequently intervening to prevent conditions at the Harris County jail from deteriorating further. And yet, following the termination of the court's oversight in the mid-1990's, the Harris County jail population once again swelled. By the late 2000's, Harris County's jail population was exceeding the design capacity of the jail facilities by almost 2,000 inmates and exceeding the target figure for safe operation of the jail by more than 2,400 inmates. The large number of inmates forced the County to outsource approximately 1,000 inmates each month to jail facilities in Louisiana; additionally, the County housed approximately 2,100 inmates in jail facilities in other Texas counties. Unsafe and unsanitary crowding conditions prompted new federal oversight in the form of a 2008 investigation by the United States Department of Justice (DOJ). Facing a county budget burdened by the fiscal costs associated with such a large number of jail inmates, the Harris County Commissioners Court contracted with the Justice Management Institute (JMI) to conduct a study on improving the County's criminal justice system and addressing the County's jail crowding problem. The release of the JMI report in 2009 and the ongoing DOJ investigation inspired the formation of the Harris County Criminal Justice Coordinating Council (HCCJCC), a panel of county officials and stakeholders, as the first step in a concerted effort to solve the County's jail population issues. Since then, various strategies have been implemented to address specialized populations, including those with substance abuse and mental health problems who too frequently end up behind bars. The County has implemented emergency response teams that provide assistance to those in mental health crisis, and District Attorney Devon Anderson has implemented a policy in regard to nonviolent individuals charged with a low-level drug offense who have a history of drug or alcohol dependency; rather than sentencing the person under 12.44(a), the defendant is offered intensive rehabilitation with community supervision to address the addiction issue. Additionally, in October 2014, District Attorney Anderson's office initiated the First Chance Intervention Program, a pilot diversion program offered to first-time offenders who would otherwise be charged with Class B possession of marijuana (2 ounces or less). Harris County Probation Director Teresa May has worked ardently with judges to drastically reduce technical violations among those being supervised, and Harris County Sheriff Adrian Garcia has expanded the use of legally permitted "good time" credit for eligible jail inmates who exhibit positive behavior. We are now seeing a reduction in Harris County's jail population, which has been below its operating capacity since October 2011. Sustaining that initial success would prove difficult, however, and an influx of inmates in the fall of 2013 nearly drove the jail population over its operating capacity. Similar influxes have, at times, necessitated Harris County to make requests to the Texas Commission on Jail Standards for additional jail beds through temporary variances (See Appendix 1). Absent further jail population reduction strategies, more variances may become necessary in the future, and further county resources may be expended on confinement. Those costs are not insubstantial. In fiscal year 2013, following a rise in the County's jail population, taxpayers spent nearly a half-million dollars per day operating the jail. Harris County stakeholders - including law enforcement, judges, prosecutors, jailers, County Commissioners, county budget staff, and treatment providers - must collaborate to deliver cost-savings to county taxpayers through jail population management strategies and through a more public health response to drug use and mental illness. Ultimately, where possible, low-risk, nonviolent individuals should be diverted and handled outside of already overburdened court and jail systems, rather than forcing taxpayers to foot the bill for their pretrial detention and later confinement; meanwhile, those who are exiting jail should have access to post-release assistance to stay on the right path. Smart-on-crime strategies can ensure that funds needed for social services and programs are not unnecessarily diverted to criminal justice oversight. Details: Austin, TX: Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, 2015. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 14, 2015 at: http://www.texascjc.org/sites/default/files/publications/Blueprint%20for%20Criminal%20Justice%20Policy%20Solutions%202015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.texascjc.org/sites/default/files/publications/Blueprint%20for%20Criminal%20Justice%20Policy%20Solutions%202015.pdf Shelf Number: 135637 Keywords: Costs of Corrections Costs of Criminal Justice Criminal Justice Systems Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Good Time Credits Inmates Jail Overcrowding Jails Pretrial Detention

Author: Applied Research Services, Inc. Title: Georgia Multi-Jurisdictional Task Force Process and Outcome Evaluation 2014 Summary: Applied Research Services, Inc. (ARS) was retained by the Criminal Justice Coordinating Council (CJCC) to conduct a comprehensive evaluation of the Multijurisdictional Drug Task Forces (MJTFs) in the state of Georgia. In addition to a review of relevant literature and extant studies of MJTFs, considerable process and outcome data were collected and analyzed. We examined both qualitative data (from surveys, interviews and reports) and quantitative data (from state computerized criminal history data and official crime and arrest reports). The research literature can unfortunately be characterized by inconsistent findings as to the degree to which MJTFs, when compared to non-MJTFs, meet their key objectives. These reports describe trends but lack scientific rigor necessary to be considered empirical evaluations of the effectiveness of MJTFs. The fundamental questions often remain unanswered. Do jurisdictions participating in drug task forces outperform jurisdictions that do not participate? Even if task forces appear to outperform non-task force sites in law enforcement collaboration and productivity, do their efforts have any measurable impact on the local, illicit drug market? Are MJTFs cost effective when compared to other strategies? Previous research has also been characterized as employing weak study designs, often failing to compare "similarly situated jurisdictions" with and without task forces. Thus differences in drug arrest activity across jurisdictions can be due to a whole host of reasons, of which having a task force is only one. The present study sought to address such study design issues through the application of advanced statistical procedures (propensity score matching) in an effort to approximate the scientific benefits of random assignment to treatment and control groups (MJTF and non-MJTF jurisdictions). Key evaluation findings include the following: - Crime and arrest data indicate that as the total number of Georgia arrests have fallen, the percentage of arrests involving drugs (whether as the most serious charge or not) has declined as well. - Interview and survey findings indicate that stakeholders participating in MJTFs report experiencing high levels of communication, coordination, and collaboration regarding drug interdiction efforts. The majority of survey respondents also indicated that MJTFs are effective at reducing the availability of drugs in the community and agreed that the task force is an effective way to address the problems of illegal drug activity. Most also agreed that their task force has allowed law enforcement partners to move beyond low-level deals to focus on more highly organized drug activity, a key goal of MJTFs. - Both the survey findings and personal interviews reveal Georgia��s drug task forces in a very positive light. Respondents report that the task forces meet their goals, build strong cases, reduce the amount of drugs in the community, communicate well between partners, provide positive feedback about task force Commanders and receive high levels of task force agent training. The Wilder Collaboration Factors Inventory indicates strong collaborative efforts and effectiveness. The main area of concern expressed throughout the surveys and interviews was funding. - A comprehensive analysis of quantitative data revealed few differences between MJTF and non-MJTF counties on key outcome variables of interest, such as arrest rates and overall characteristics of arrestees. Our analysis of statewide computerized arrest data did however reveal a significant finding regarding the age and chronicity of arrestees across MJTF and non-MJTF sites. In particular, MJTF sites were more likely to arrest serious young drug distribution offenders. Findings strongly suggest that the efforts of MJTF jurisdictions were more focused on, and successful in, apprehending young drug offenders who had already accumulated a large number of distribution charges. - It does not appear that the specific efforts undertaken in MJTF jurisdictions are sufficient enough to impact aggregate crime and drug arrest trends. Despite a lack of demonstrated differences in outcomes, it is possible that the drug task forces are actually meeting their stated goals but that current measures remain insensitive to this activity. It is also possible that counties included in the comparison sample may in fact participate in drug task force activities, just not the federally-funded MJTFs included in the present study. Given the existence of county or otherwise funded drug task forces in Georgia, it is not unreasonable to assume that at least some of the comparison counties were in fact part of non-federally funded task forces. As such, they would ostensibly benefit from the collaborative and coordinated efforts noted in the surveys and interviews of MJTF members, thus potentially confounding the matching process. Finally, it is recommended that future evaluations of MJTFs take the maturity level and sophistication level of each unique task force into account, as these factors likely impact directly the level of drug trafficking each MJTF can effectively target. Longitudinal or case study designs are recommended as a means of addressing this critical factor. Details: Atlanta: George Criminal Justice Coordinating Council, 2014. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2015 at: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/GA%20MJTF%20Process%20Outcome%20Evaluation%202014_FINAL1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://cjcc.georgia.gov/sites/cjcc.georgia.gov/files/GA%20MJTF%20Process%20Outcome%20Evaluation%202014_FINAL1.pdf Shelf Number: 135684 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking

Author: Jules-Macquet, Regan Title: Exploring Substance Use Among South African Adult And Young Offenders (2015) Summary: Substance use and abuse is associated with crime and offending behaviour, as well as with generally at risk behaviour. Substance use is also associated with fatal injuries resulting from violence, road accidents, victimisation and poor societal outcomes in general. This paper reviews data extracted from the 2012 - 2013 service statistics from the National Institute for Crime Prevention and the Reintegration of Offenders (NICRO). The dataset is comprised of adults and children in conflict with the law who were referred for offender social reintegrating services. The dataset contains entries for 19 509 offenders, of which 7 190 (36.85%) indicated substance use either through self-reporting or a drug test. This paper explores the various dynamics that are presented in this group regarding, nature and frequency of substance use, types of offences committed, as well as general demographic information such as age, race and sex. The paper concludes with several recommendations regarding the implications of the data for offender social reintegration and crime prevention practice in South Africa. Details: Cape Town: National Institute for Crime Prevention and the Reintegration of Offenders (NICRO), 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 20, 2015 at: http://www.nicro.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Exploring-substance-use-among-adult-and-young-offenders-Revised-Nov-2014.pdf Year: 2015 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.nicro.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Exploring-substance-use-among-adult-and-young-offenders-Revised-Nov-2014.pdf Shelf Number: 135727 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Addiction Drug Offenders Substance Abuse

Author: Vander Hart, Scott J. Title: Does Prison Substance Abuse Treatment Reduce Recidivism? Summary: The Iowa Department of Corrections faces a growing prison population expected to quickly exceed current capacities. Additionally, nine out of every ten offenders have a history of alcohol or drug problems - often both. Research suggests that alcohol and drugs lead to criminal behavior, which lead offenders right back to prison creating a vicious circle and placing a financial and societal burden on the state. However, research also shows that substance abuse treatment can minimize criminal behavior, and offers a way to shut the revolving prison door. Substance abuse programming attempts to change offender thinking patterns and behavior in order to facilitate re-entry back into the community, lessen substance abuse relapse and reduce recidivism. Yet nearly 60% of offenders with identified needs are not treated, and many lacking treatment are high risk. Additionally, the percentage of offenders returning to prison varies significantly from program to program and some programs can not show they have reduced recidivism when compared to offender groups with substance abuse problems and receiving no treatment at all. All of which minimize the effect substance abuse programming has in curbing prison population growth and reducing crime. The Department of Corrections intends to reduce recidivism through evaluation of program fidelity and implementation of evidence-based practices. Many of the programs are already structured to accommodate continuous improvement centered on desired outcomes. Population characteristics and the type and level of community support can also significantly influence recidivism. All of which call for the department to: - Enhance community support and other re-entry initiatives to reinforce desired behaviors in the community where offenders face situations that can lead to relapse and criminal behavior; and - Develop planning, evaluation and service delivery approaches that support integrated substance abuse programming across the prison and correctional system, and enable internal benchmarking of "best practices." Details: Des Moines: Iowa Department of Management, Performance Audit Program, 2007. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 4, 2015 at: http://publications.iowa.gov/5092/1/DOC_Substance_Abuse_Report.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://publications.iowa.gov/5092/1/DOC_Substance_Abuse_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 135895 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Offenders Recidivism Rehabilitation Substance Abuse Treatment Treatment Programs

Author: Zhang, Sheldon X. Title: A People's War: China's Struggle to Contain its Illicit Drug Problem Summary: Key Findings - China faces a growing problem of illicit drug use. Drug addiction is considered personal failure and addicts are highly stigmatized. Drug addiction does not receive much public sympathy or priority in government funding. - The number of officially registered drug addicts totals about 2.5 million, having increased every year since the government's first annual drug enforcement report in 1998. - In recent years, synthetic drugs such as crystal methamphetamine and ketamine, have become more popular than heroin which was previously dominant. - Illegal opium cultivation no longer exist in China because of strong state control of land use and extensive domestic surveillance. - Myanmar is believed to be the single largest supplier of China's drug market. In 2013, 92.2 percent of the heroin and 95.2 percent of methamphetamine seized in China were traced to Myanmar. - Intravenous drug use significantly contributes to the spread of Hepatitis and HIV. - Drug treatment is mostly administered by the criminal justice system through enrollment in compulsory detoxification centers for first-timers and imprisonment in "education-through-labor" camps for repeat offenders. - More humane approaches are emerging. Methadone maintenance therapy (MMT) clinics have been increasing rapidly across the country and needle exchange programs are being used to prevent the spread of HIV. - The cost of delivering treatment is a key factor in developing effective substance abuse treatment. - Penalties for drug distribution and trafficking remain harsh, and include a frequent use of the death penalty. - Using an extensive network of informants, interdiction efforts focus on major drug trafficking organizations. Policy Recommendations - China should accelerate its experiment with the decriminalization of substance abuse and apply a public health approach to the treatment of addicts. - China needs to promote evidence-based treatment programs based on scientific research and rigorous evaluation. - China needs to establish a reliable drug market forecast system, which combines chemical composition analysis, reports and urine tests of arrested drug abusing offenders, and community informants on illicit drug use trends and pricing information. - China should increase the efficiency of its international collaboration and insulate its counter-narcotic programs from global politics Details: Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 2015. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 8, 2015 at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Research/Files/Papers/2015/04/global-drug-policy/A-Peoples-War-final.pdf?la=en Year: 2015 Country: China URL: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Research/Files/Papers/2015/04/global-drug-policy/A-Peoples-War-final.pdf?la=en Shelf Number: 135959 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Policy Illicit Drugs Opium

Author: de Oliveira Carlos, Juliana Title: Drug policy and incarceration in Sao Paulo, Brazil Summary: This briefing paper analyses the impact of drug policy on incarceration in Sao Paulo (Brazil), based on information collected among 1,040 people caught for having committed a drug-related offence (i.e. arrested in "flagrante delicto") between 1st April and 30st June 2011. The objective of the research was to use empirical data on those caught in the criminal justice system for drug traffic to demonstrate the fragile distinctions between drug users and traffickers, provide information on how police officers deal with drug-related offences, and analyse how the judiciary effectively responds to these crimes (at least in the initial phases of the criminal justice process). Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2015. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper: Accessed July 8, 2015 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/IDPC-briefing-paper_Drug-policy-in-Brazil-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Brazil URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/IDPC-briefing-paper_Drug-policy-in-Brazil-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 135960 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Trafficking Prisoners

Author: Great Britain. Home Office Title: Injunctions to Prevent Gang-Related Violence and Gang-Related Drug Dealing: Statutory Guidance Summary: This revised statutory guidance on injunctions to prevent gang-related violence and gang-related drug dealing draws on the experience and knowledge of the police service, local authorities and a wide range of local partners involved in dealing with violent gangs. It has been developed and approved by partners across the Criminal Justice System, as well as local practitioners. It has been produced after consultation with the Lord Chief Justice, and has been laid before Parliament by the Home Secretary. The Policing and Crime Act 2009 ('the 2009 Act') contains provisions for injunctions to prevent gang-related violence and gang-related drug dealing activity to be sought against an individual; these were commenced in January 2011. The Crime and Security Act 2010 contains provisions for breach of an injunction to be enforced against 14 to 17 year olds; the Crime and Courts Act 2013 moved jurisdiction for these proceedings from the County Court to the Youth Court. The Serious Crime Act 2015 contains provisions that amend the statutory definition of what comprises a "gang", as defined in section 34(5) of Part IV of the Policing and Crime Act 2009, and expands the scope of the activity a person must have engaged in, encouraged or assisted, or needs to be protected from, before a gang injunction can be imposed to include drug dealing activity. This statutory guidance is a practical tool intended to help local partners apply for and manage gang injunctions effectively and appropriately in accordance with the statutory framework. It is for: - local authorities and police forces who are seeking to apply for an injunction to prevent gang-related violence or gang-related drug dealing activity; and - local partners who may be consulted by the applicant as part of the process. These may include, but are not limited to, registered social landlords, housing associations, transport agencies, probation and youth offending teams (where the respondent is aged 14 to 17 or has recently turned 18). Details: London: Home Office, 2015. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2015 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/432805/Injunctions_to_Prevent_Gang-Related_Violence_web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/432805/Injunctions_to_Prevent_Gang-Related_Violence_web.pdf Shelf Number: 136060 Keywords: Civil Injunctions Drug Offences Drug Offenders Drug-Related Violence Gang-Related Violence

Author: Prince, Kort Title: 2013 Outcome Evaluation of Salt Lake County's Felony Drug Court Program Summary: Background Salt Lake County's Adult Felony Drug Court (FDC) program began in 1996. Three previous evaluations of the efficacy of the Salt Lake County FDC were conducted in 2000, 2001, and 2005. These studies generally showed a positive effect of drug court participation with lower recidivism rates for drug court participants compared to other offenders (Harrison & Parsons, 2000; Utah Commission on Criminal and Juvenile Justice (CCJJ), 2001). However, the 2005 study (Van Vleet, Hickert, & Becker) indicated that the lower recidivism rates associated with drug court participation were not significant when other covariates were included. Pre-intervention arrests were the only significant predictor of rearrest. Purpose The purpose of the present study is to provide a current outcome evaluation of the Salt Lake County FDC program. FDC participants who exited in the years 2009-2011 (referred to as participants for the remainder of the report) were selected in order to allow for a sufficient post-exit follow-up period (approximately two years) for the majority of the cohort. Because the identification of a comparison group was outside the scope of this study, the analyses focus on pre- to post-exit changes in recidivism (new charges and convictions), examining the influence of length of program participation, exit status (positive, negative, neutral) and demographic factors. Participant Characteristics The 2009-2011 cohort of participants was primarily White (85%) and male (59%), with an average age of 30 years. The graduation rate for this group was 82% (positive exits; compared to 5% neutral exits and 13% negative exits). Average length of participation was 18-21 months (Mn = 84 weeks; Md = 71 weeks). Recidivism Regardless of exit status, participants had fewer new charge arrests, including drug and property crime charges, in the 18 months after program completion when compared to the 18 months before. This decline cannot be confidently attributed to FDC participation, however, because successful program completion and program duration were not associated with significant reductions in recidivism for any crime except person crimes (though other marginally significant results were found). When comparing pre- and post-program recidivism for person offenses, participants who spent comparatively more time in drug court had fewer new charge arrests in the 18-month post-program follow-up period. Similarly, participants with positive and neutral exits showed significant pre-post decline in person offenses, and participants with negative exits did not. Regardless of exit status, participants had fewer new convictions for any crime, including drug crimes, in the 24 months after program completion when compared to the 24 months before. Longer time in the program was a marginally significant predictor of reductions in convictions for any crime from pre- to post-program. Client Factors Related to Outcomes After controlling for pre-program convictions, there were no differences between males and females or whites and minorities in terms of the number of post-program convictions for either drugs or any crime. When compared to younger clients, clients who were older at the time of intake had less post-program recidivism. An increase in client age of one year was associated with a 1% decrease in the likelihood of post-program convictions. Similarly, neither sex nor minority status was a significant predictor of successful program exit (graduating), but age was. Each one-year increase in age increased the likelihood of successful program completion by 1%. Discussion The most consistent finding of this report is the considerable reduction in criminal recidivism for all FDC groups (positive, neutral or negative exit statuses) from pre- to post-program. It is important to note that pre-program new charge arrests and convictions include the episode that led to their placement in the FDC program if the timing of the offense(s) fell within the time window (e.g., 12 months, 18 months). Longer program duration was occasionally (though often only marginally) associated with less recidivism. This outcome suggests that the FDC program, with respect to some criminal behavior, may (with respect to some criminal behavior) reduce recidivism as a function of exposure to the program and its procedures (e.g., treatment, continual monitoring). Regardless of exit status, the program may have some positive benefits on participants simply as a result of their length of program participation (i.e., whether the participant graduates or not). This interpretation should be regarded with caution, however, as the finding was not robust across all variables and timeframes, and program duration was not associated with lower drug related recidivism (which one might assume would be the area most affected by the FDC program and its procedures). Although all recidivism variables showed remarkable pre to post-program reductions, results should be interpreted with caution until a comparison group can be included in a research design. If a statistically matched comparison group were included in a future analysis (even with retrospective data), and the FDC group showed greater reductions in recidivism compared to the comparison group, it could be more confidently asserted that the FDC program was the cause of the differential improvement. Details: Salt Lake City, UK: Utah Criminal Justice Center, University of Utah, 2013. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 20, 2015 at: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/FDC-Outcome-Evaluation-Final-2013-Report.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/FDC-Outcome-Evaluation-Final-2013-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 136115 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Felony Offenders Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Scott, Nick Title: How patterns of injecting drug use evolve in a cohort of people who inject drugs Summary: This paper investigates the frequency of intravenous drug use in a cohort of people who inject drugs, and the decline in use over time. It provides an important indication of the effectiveness of current interventions at reducing the consumption of illicit drugs. Comparisons are made between the injection frequency of participants on or off Opioids Substitution Therapy (OST), and according to the settings in which drugs are most frequently purchased and used (eg street, house). This research found an overall movement away from street based drug purchasing and drug use, towards more activity in private settings. This has important implications for the harms experienced by people who inject drugs. Intravenous drug use was persistent, with only slow declines observed in the frequency of the cohort's overall use. Lower injection frequency was associated with use in private rather than public locations as well as the uptake of OST. Additional work is needed to understand how this change in setting is affected by and also affects current interventions, and whether it can be used to help further reduce injecting drug use Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2015. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 502: Accessed July 29, 2015 at: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi502.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi502.pdf Shelf Number: 136231 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Alternatives to punishment for drug-using offenders Summary: Based on the options provided by the international drug control legal framework, this paper considers the rehabilitative measures of treating, educating or reintegrating drug users as alternatives or additions to conviction or punishment that are established in the laws of many countries in Europe today. Distinguishing them from 'alternatives to prison', it outlines the variety of rehabilitative measures in use and sets out the main issues in their design, implementation and evaluation. The paper finds that alternatives to punishment are available across Europe to varying degrees and with inconclusive evaluations suggesting positive results. The success of these measures depends partly on the degree to which they are accurately targeted to specific objectives and specific users. The policy arguments in favour of them seem to have developed along two lines: reducing harms to the individual and society by problem drug users, and addressing structural burdens on the justice system by non-problem users. Yet the paper finds that this distinction, or prioritisation, is not always clear in the design or implementation of the different measures, which can in turn affect the few evaluations carried out. Compromises between the two different aims of the laws (to treat or to punish these offenders) can also have unintended effects on the outcomes. Clarity on these issues should assist development and implementation of more successful measures in the future. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2015. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: EMCDDA Papers: Accessed July 29, 2015 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_240836_EN_TDAU14007ENN.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_240836_EN_TDAU14007ENN.pdf Shelf Number: 136234 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Decriminalization Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders

Author: Youngers, Coletta A. Title: Building on progress: Bolivia consolidates achievements in reducing coca and looks to reform decades-old drug law Summary: Bolivia's program relies on close monitoring to ensure individual cultivators do not exceed their cato, or measured plot of land for permitted coca cultivation. Farmers participate in a biometric registry to facilitate identification and monitoring of production, transport, and sales, effectively ensuring crops are only used for licit products - not cocaine or its derivatives. At 20,400 hectares of coca under cultivation, Bolivia has nearly reached its goal of 20,000 hectares, the amount considered to be sufficient to supply the traditional and expanding legal markets. Yet while Bolivia's coca policy is worthy of recognition, this report by WOLA/AIN concludes that the country's outdated drug law remains unjust and continues to rely on disproportionate punishment for low-level, non-violent drug offenses. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America, 2015. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2015 at: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/WOLA-bolivia-consolidates-achievements-in-reducing-coca-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Bolivia URL: https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/64663568/library/WOLA-bolivia-consolidates-achievements-in-reducing-coca-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 136610 Keywords: Cocaine Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Reform

Author: Virginia Department of Criminal Justice Services Title: Jail-Based Substance Abuse Programs Summary: The Virginia Compensation Board conducts a survey of jails each year to gather information on inmates with mental illness. Some information on inmates with substance abuse disorders is also gathered, and included in the annual report. The most common treatment provided for inmates with substance abuse disorders is group substance abuse treatment, which the Compensation Board's 2013 Mental Illness in Jails Report defines as: "Meeting of a group of individuals with a substance abuse clinician for the purpose of providing psycho education about various substance abuse topics and/or to provide group feedback and support with regard to substance abuse issues. Examples could include AA meeting, NA meeting, or relapse prevention groups." In July 2013, for the 58 (out of 64) local and regional jails that responded to the Compensation Board's survey, 30.7% of the jail population had a known or suspected substance abuse disorder, almost of half of whom had a co-occurring mental illness. Unfortunately, according to the Compensation Board survey results, only about 20% of inmates with a substance abuse disorder receive group substance abuse treatment. It may be that others are receiving other services not counted in this survey; group substance abuse treatment is the only substance abuse service included in the Compensation Board survey. To provide additional data on jail substance abuse programs, DCJS is currently surveying jails regarding their substance abuse populations and treatment services. Data from this survey are not ready at this time, but the results will be published when the study is complete. Details: Richmond: Virginia Department of Criminal Justice Services, 2014. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 5, 2015 at: https://www.dcjs.virginia.gov/research/documents/Kingdom%20Life%20Report_FINAL.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.dcjs.virginia.gov/research/documents/Kingdom%20Life%20Report_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 136677 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drugs and Crime Jail Inmates Mental Illness Mentally Ill Offenders Substance Abuse Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Coghlan, Sarah Title: Drug use monitoring in Australia: 2013-14 report on drug use among police detainees Summary: Delivered by the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC), the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program supports the National Drug Strategy through its timely provision of data on changes in alcohol and other drug consumption habits among Australian police detainees and through its monitoring and reporting of fluctuations in the illicit drug market. Since 1999, 51,748 detainees have been interviewed, of whom 37,398 also provided a urine sample that was analysed to identify licit and illicit drug use. The data gathered through DUMA has informed government policy and research, and contributed to the National Drug Strategy aims of improving health, social and economic outcomes by reducing supply, demand and harm. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2015. 132p. Source: Internet Resource: AIC Monitoring Reports 27: Accessed September 5, 2015 at: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/mr/mr27/mr27.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/mr/mr27/mr27.pdf Shelf Number: 136692 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Illicit Drugs Substance Abuse

Author: Pew Charitable Trusts Title: Federal Drug Sentencing Laws Bring High Cost, Low Return. Penalty increases enacted in 1980s and 1990s have not reduced drug use or recidivism Summary: More than 95,000 federal prisoners are serving time for drug-related offenses - up from fewer than 5,000 in 1980. Changes in drug crime patterns and law enforcement practices played a role in this growth, but federal sentencing laws enacted during the 1980s and 1990s also have required more drug offenders to go to prison- and stay there much longer - than three decades ago. These policies have contributed to ballooning costs: The federal prison system now consumes more than $6.7 billion a year, or roughly 1 in 4 dollars spent by the U.S. Justice Department. Despite substantial expenditures on longer prison terms for drug offenders, taxpayers have not realized a strong public safety return. The self-reported use of illegal drugs has increased over the long term as drug prices have fallen and purity has risen. Federal sentencing laws that were designed with serious traffickers in mind have resulted in lengthy imprisonment of offenders who played relatively minor roles. These laws also have failed to reduce recidivism. Nearly a third of the drug offenders who leave federal prison and are placed on community supervision commit new crimes or violate the conditions of their release - a rate that has not changed substantially in decades. Details: Philadelphia: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2015. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Issue Brief: Accessed September 14, 2015 at: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/Assets/2015/08/PSPP_FedDrug_brief.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/Assets/2015/08/PSPP_FedDrug_brief.pdf Shelf Number: 136745 Keywords: Costs of Corrections Costs of Criminal Justice Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Recidivism Sentencing

Author: Zamudio Angles, Carlos Alberto Title: First Survey of Illegal Drug Users in Mexico City Summary: The principal motivation for implementing this survey was the lack of existing information regarding the relationship between drug users and their social networks. There is a lack of quality indicators that provide detailed information regarding the consumption of drugs, particularly when faced with the traditional dichotomy of user-addict. This dichotomy fails to see the complexity of the consumption of illegal drugs and reiterates the notion that the drug using population will inevitably move into addiction, thus ignoring the diversity of existing patterns of consumption When the socio-economic demographic of drug users was explored, it was found that more than half of all users had some university education, whether that be unfinished or graduated (54%) and more than a quarter indicated that they had some high school education (27.9). This is higher than the general Mexican population. Two out of 3 users surveyed, are engaged in full-time work (69.9%), a little less than half study (43.7%) and 1 out of 5 surveyed both work and study (22%). Only 1 out of 10 users surveyed indicated that they are currently unemployed or working without pay (9.9%). Considering almost all of those surveyed have some sort of work or daily activity (91.6%), it is recommended that society do a better job of integrating users into the formation of the public policies which affect them. The survey, which focused on the adult population of Mexico City, consisted of 350 questions and was implemented in February and March 2011. The sample size was 429 people with 310 males and 119 women and with an average age of 28.7. Details: Ciudad de Mexico, D.F., Mexico: Colectivo por una Politica Integral hacia las Drogas (CUPIDH), 2012. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2015 at: http://www.cupihd.org/portal/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/first-survey-of-illegal-drug-users.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.cupihd.org/portal/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/first-survey-of-illegal-drug-users.pdf Shelf Number: 136800 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment

Author: Glasheen, Cristie Title: Past Year Arrest among Adults in the United States: Characteristics of and Association with Mental Illness and Substance Use Summary: Objectives. The objectives of this study are to (1) examine the characteristics of adults with a past year arrest by their mental illness and substance use status and (2) investigate the prevalence and correlates of arrests among adults with mental illness in the general U.S. population. Previous studies suggesting that the prevalence of arrest may be higher among individuals with mental illness have typically been conducted among persons in the criminal justice setting or among individuals receiving mental health treatment and may not be representative of all adults with mental illness. Also, little is known about the prevalence and correlates of arrest among adults with mental illness in the general U.S. population. Information on this link in the general population is critical for targeting programs to those most at risk for arrest. Methods. Data are from the 2008 and 2009 National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (NSDUHs). Past year arrest was defined as being arrested and booked in the past 12 months, not counting arrests for minor traffic violations. It should be noted that being arrested and booked does not necessarily translate to convictions or incarcerations. In addition to mental illness (none, low/mild, moderate, or a serious mental illness [SMI]), other hypothesized correlates of arrest included past year substance use and demographic characteristics. Descriptive statistics were used to estimate the prevalence of arrest and examine the characteristics of adults with a past year arrest. Logistic regression was used to examine the association between mental illness and arrests after controlling for substance use and demographics among all adults and among adults with any mental illness (AMI). Results. Descriptive analyses indicated that the prevalence of past year arrests was higher among adults with AMI than among adults without AMI (5.4 vs. 1.8 percent). The prevalence of past year arrest was also higher among adults with a substance use disorder (SUD) than among adults without an SUD (13.0 vs 1.5 percent). The demographic characteristics of arrestees were similar between those with and without AMI; the majority of adults who had been arrested in the past year were younger than the age of 35, male, non-Hispanic white, never married, living at or above the Federal poverty level, and had no further education beyond high school. Adult arrestees with AMI, compared with adult arrestees without AMI, were less likely to be female or non-Hispanic black and more likely to be out of the labor force. Among all adults, logistic regression models indicated that having mental illness - particularly SMI (adjusted odds ratio [OR] = 2.36) - was significantly associated with the odds of arrest, even when models controlled for demographic factors and substance use status. Among adults with AMI, the odds of arrest were higher among adults with SMI (adjusted OR = 1.48) than among adults with low/mild mental illness, but the odds of arrests among adults with moderate mental illness were not significantly different from the odds for those with low/mild mental illness. Among all adults, having an SUD was the strongest correlate of arrest (adjusted OR = 6.44), followed by not completing high school (adjusted OR = 3.53), past year illicit drug use without an SUD (adjusted OR = 2.81), and male gender (adjusted OR = 2.70). No characteristics were associated with arrest among adults with AMI that were not also associated with arrest among all adults. Conclusions. The presence of mental illness was a significant predictor of past year arrests in the U.S. general population, even in models that controlled for substance use and other correlates. However, the presence of an SUD was the strongest correlate of past year arrest among all adults and among adults with AMI or SMI. This suggests that programs may reduce arrest and recidivism by focusing on addressing the needs of people with co-occurring mental illness and SUDs. Diversion programs and mental health and drug courts may be one way to address the needs of people with mental illness and SUDs who come into contact with the criminal justice system. Introduction Studies have consistently documented high rates of mental illness among persons involved with the criminal justice system, including jail1,2,3,4,5,6 and prison populations,2,6,7,8 suggesting that the risk of arrest may be higher for individuals with a mental illness. Some research has pointed to the "criminalization of mentally disordered behavior," whereby the limited availability of mental health services has often resulted in jails becoming the placement of last resort for persons with mental illness.9,10,11,12,13 Multiple local studies have found high rates of criminal justice contact among people receiving mental health treatment in the public mental health system.14,15 In one large study linking Los Angeles County mental health treatment records to court records, 24 percent of those who received public- or Medicaid-funded mental health treatment had at least one arrest in the 10-year period covered by the study.16 The majority of these arrests (62 percent) were for nonviolent crimes, and less than half led to convictions. Similarly, a recent study found that individuals receiving mental health treatment in the Massachusetts public mental health system had 60 percent greater odds of being arrested over the 9.5 years of follow-up than did age-matched individuals in the general population.17 The rate of arrest was greater in the treatment sample than in the general population sample (32.8 vs. 23.2 percent). Studies comparing the odds of arrest among adults with a mental illness (regardless of treatment status) and adults without a mental illness in a nationally representative household sample are lacking at this time. Additionally, few nationally representative studies have looked at the sociodemographic characteristics associated with arrest among adults with mental illness. In the aforementioned studies of arrest among persons receiving mental health treatment, the factors associated with criminal justice contact included homelessness,14 younger age,16,18 male gender,16,19 African American race,16 higher levels of impairment,14,18 and type of mental illness.16 However, these studies all focused on criminal justice contact among people receiving mental health treatment in the public mental health system. This subgroup does not represent the overall population of people with mental illness because not everyone with a mental illness receives treatment,20,21,22,23 or receives it in the public sector. To our knowledge, no study has examined the characteristics associated with arrest among those with mental illness in a national, population-based sample. One of the most consistently identified risk factors for arrest in people with mental illness is having co-occurring substance use disorders (SUDs).14,15,16 Some studies have found that the overlap between mental illness and contacts with the criminal justice system is largely due to the high co-occurrence of SUDs among those with mental illness.5,24,25,26 Thus, it is important to consider the risk of arrest associated with mental illness independent of the risk associated with SUDs. Studies using data from nationally representative samples to examine these issues are lacking. This report uses data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), a nationally representative sample of persons in the civilian, noninstitutionalized U.S. population, to examine the prevalence and characteristics of past year arrest among adults with mental illness as a benchmark for evaluating future change. Thus, this report helps fill the previously described gaps in the literature on arrests among persons with mental illness in the general population. This report works toward meeting a goal within the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration's (SAMHSA's) Trauma and Justice Strategic Initiative for 2011 to 2014 to "address the needs of people with mental and substance use disorders and with histories of trauma within the criminal and juvenile justice systems." Details: Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2012. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: CBHSQ State Review: Accessed September 17, 2015 at: http://archive.samhsa.gov/data/2k12/DataReview/DR008/CBHSQ-datareview-008-arrests-2012.htm Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://archive.samhsa.gov/data/2k12/DataReview/DR008/CBHSQ-datareview-008-arrests-2012.htm Shelf Number: 136803 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Mentally Ill Offenders Recidivism Substance Abuse

Author: Neill, Katharine A. Title: Second Chances: The Economic and Social Benefits of Explanding Drug Diversion Programs in Harris County Summary: In recent years, the United States has experienced a sea change in drug policy. Along with the four states that have legalized recreational use of marijuana (Alaska, Colorado, Oregon, and Washington), many others have relaxed criminal penalties for nonviolent drug possession offenses. The federal government has taken similar steps, with the U.S. Department of Justice moving away from the steep mandatory minimum sentences that arose during the peak of the drug war, and the president himself commuting the sentences of individuals convicted of nonviolent drug offenses. The wave of drug reform has touched even the most conservative states in the country, including Texas. Though none ultimately would become law, a number of bills introduced during the state's 2015 legislative session would have reduced or even eliminated the criminal penalties associated with some drug offenses. As reform efforts have continued across Texas, the Harris County District Attorney's Office implemented its First Chance Intervention Program, which allows a defendant arrested for possession of two ounces or less of marijuana to be diverted from the criminal justice system if the arrest is his or her first offense. This report reviews the broader issues with current approaches to drug enforcement that have facilitated calls for reform, then demonstrates the need for drug policy reform in Harris County (Houston's home) prior to implementation of the First Chance Intervention Program (FCIP). Next, the report evaluates the FCIP and suggests ways in which policy outcomes can be improved through the program's expansion. Finally, the report concludes with a number of recommendations for Harris County going forward. Details: Houston, TX: Rice University, Baker Institute for Public Policy and Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, 2015. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 2, 2015 at: http://bakerinstitute.org/media/files/files/993306dd/DRUG-HarrisCountyDrugPolicy-092915.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://bakerinstitute.org/media/files/files/993306dd/DRUG-HarrisCountyDrugPolicy-092915.pdf Shelf Number: 136939 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Diversion Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Reform Drug Treatment Programs

Author: Harrison, Paige M. Title: Borderland Substance Abuse Court, Lake of the Woods County, MN: Process and Outcome Evaluation Report Summary: There are two key policy questions of interest to policymakers about DWI courts. The evaluation of Borderland Substance Abuse Court (BSAC) provided answers to these questions. This study included participants who entered the program between 2008 and 2012, and a matched comparison group of DWI offenders who were eligible but were not referred to the program. Just over half of the participants were assessed as high-need (54%) and two-thirds were assessed as high risk (69%). Participants had an average of 2.4 DWI arrests in the ten years before DWI court entry. DWI Recidivism. Out of 33 DWI court participants, there were only two new DWI arrests in the two years after DWI court entry, an indicator of reduced driving while using alcohol, and increased public safety. Compared to DWI offenders who experienced traditional court processes, the BSAC participants (regardless of whether they graduated from the program): - Had 24% fewer rearrests two years after program entry; - Were 32% less likely to be rearrested for any charges - Had no rearrests for person crimes - Had a longer time to the first rearrest for any charge (20 months versus 18 months) - Had a substantially higher graduation rate than the national average (77% versus 57%) Research indicates that drug and DWI courts should target high-risk/high-need individuals, as lower risk participants require different intervention methods and may not benefit (or may actually be harmed) from the intense supervision provided by the full drug court model (NADCP, 2013). These positive results indicate that the BSAC is targeting the correct population and should continue or increase its focus on high risk individuals. In general, these outcomes provide some evidence that the BSAC is implementing its program with good fidelity to the DWI court model and is having the intended impact on its participants. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2014. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 28, 2015 at: http://npcresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/Lake-of-the-Woods-MN-DWI-Process-and-Outcome-Report_FINAL-FOR-OTS.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://npcresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/Lake-of-the-Woods-MN-DWI-Process-and-Outcome-Report_FINAL-FOR-OTS.pdf Shelf Number: 137165 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Driving While Intoxicated Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drugged Driving Problem-Solving Courts Recidivism

Author: Global Commission on Drug Policy Title: The Negative Impact of Drug Control on Public Health: The Global Crisis of Avoidable Pain Summary: The international drug control system is stoking a global crisis of inequitable access to controlled medicines. Of the global population, an estimated 5.5 billion have poor to nonexistent access to opioid analgesics, in particular morphine, resulting in the avoidable pain and suffering of people around the world. At the last estimate, 92 percent of the world's supply of morphine was consumed by just 17 percent of the global population, that consumption primarily concentrated in the global north. Terminal cancer patients, end-stage AIDS patients, and women in labor suffering from uncontrolled pain are among the key impacted groups, with the World Health Organization (WHO) estimating that tens of millions suffer from unrelieved pain annually due to a lack of access to controlled medicines. In addition, only a fraction of people globally who inject drugs are able to access controlled medicines for treating opioid dependence. Under international drug control law and international human rights law, States have an obligation to ensure controlled medicines are made available to their populations; any restriction of access constitutes a violation of the right to health. Though a number of factors impose barriers to access, including weak healthcare systems and the lack of training of clinicians working on the ground, the international drug control system has been responsible for perpetuating the continual undersupply of controlled medicines. This scarcity is due to the prioritization, by governments and UN bodies alike, of preventing the diversion of controlled substances for illicit purposes over ensuring access for medical and scientific needs. For example, both the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) have a dual obligation to maintain a balance between preventing diversion and ensuring access, yet have historically favored the former. This has translated to the national level where some governments continually emphasize a criminal justice approach to drug control, rather than a public health one, all to the detriment of providing access to controlled medicines. In some countries, overly burdensome regulations for prescribing controlled medicines, something that can be linked to the UN drug conventions, create a situation where physicians must operate in a climate of fear and legal uncertainty, real or perceived. As a result, many are afraid of prescribing controlled medicines due to the risk of prosecution, or of being charged with professional misconduct for failing to adhere to stringent regimes. What's more, this environment contributes heavily to broader societal attitudes and the stigmatization of people who use controlled substances, licit or otherwise. The INCB and UNODC have begun to take steps to rectify this gross inequity of access around the world, and WHO's increasing involvement in the issue over the past decade is a key step in the right direction. However, there is considerable work to do to amend the damage caused by decades of placing a primacy on anti-diversion measures in drug control. With an increasing number of States and UN bodies drawing attention to the lack of access to controlled medicines, we are reaching a critical juncture, particularly with the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on drugs approaching in 2016. The time for concrete action on the issue is now. A new global initiative must be explored and greater power and funds must be handed to WHO, to lead on tackling inequitable access to controlled medicines. Without action, millions of people will continue to suffer unnecessarily. Details: Rio de Janeiro � RJ � Brasil: The Commission, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2015 at: http://www.globalcommissionondrugs.org/reports/ Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.globalcommissionondrugs.org/reports/ Shelf Number: 137190 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy

Author: Gallahue, Patrick Title: The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview 2015. The Extreme Fringe of Global Drug Policy Summary: This report looks at the death penalty for drugs in law and practice. It also considers critical developments on the issue. Among its findings are: >> There are at least 33 countries and territories that prescribe the death penalty for drugs in law. >> At least 10 countries have the death penalty for drugs as a mandatory sanction. >> In 2013, around 549 people were believed to have been executed for drugs. This is an estimate using figures provided by human rights monitors but it cannot be considered comprehensive and it is likely there are more executions than those recorded. >> If the estimates for China are accurate and remained constant for 2014, then there would have been at least 600 executions for drugs in 2014. The actual figure is also likely to be higher when countries like North Korea, for which there is no reliable data, are included. >> Executions for drugs took place in at least seven countries since 2010. This number is possibly higher but not by much. Very few countries in the world actually execute drug offenders with any frequency. >> As of 2015, there are believed to be almost 900 people on death row for drugs in Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Pakistan, and many hundreds more in China, Iran and Vietnam. While this report notes that there still are a troubling number of governments with capital drug laws in law very few states actually execute people for drugs. The number of people killed for drug-related offences is high but only because China, Iran and Saudi Arabia are aggressive executioners. The reality is that those governments that kill for drugs are an extreme fringe of the international community. One of the major developments in recent years on the death penalty for drugs, however, is that the international community is no longer standing idly by. The death penalty for drugs is distinct from many other capital offences as drug control is not confined to the borders of a particular country. The investigation, capture and prosecution of those who are executed may require assistance from partners around the world, including agencies based in countries that are opposed to the death penalty. After all, international drug control is a collective endeavour formalised by international agreements. The 1988 Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances promotes cross-border information-sharing between national agencies, joint trainings, technical and financial assistance between a variety of States Parties. The 1988 Convention formalised transnational cooperation in drug control and essentially 'internationalised' the war on drugs. In practice, this means a border control program between Iran and Pakistan could involve European Union donors, German police trainers, French equipment and British intelligence. Details: Harm Reduction International, 2015. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2015 at: http://www.ihra.net/files/2015/10/07/DeathPenaltyDrugs_Report_2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://www.ihra.net/files/2015/10/07/DeathPenaltyDrugs_Report_2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137193 Keywords: Capital Punishment Death Penalty Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders

Author: Western Australia. Drug and Alcohol Office Title: Transitional Housing and Support Program (THASP) Evaluation Summary: In March 2011, the Economic and Expenditure Reform Committee (EERC) approved a Combined Capital Bid (CCB) by the Minister for Mental Health; Disability Services, to provide capital funding for community based housing for people with mental illness, AOD problems and disabilities. The Transitional Housing and Support Program (THASP) Phase 1 was established as a pilot, jointly implemented by Department of Housing (DoH) and the Drug and Alcohol Office (DAO). THASP Program Scope In May 2011 THASP Phase 1 commenced providing community based, independent living for people exiting residential AOD treatment programs. A key feature of the THASP program is ongoing support for clients to help with personal recovery and relapse prevention. Clients are assisted with support worker visits; counselling; integration back into the community, education, training and employment; independent living skills; and identifying suitable long term housing. Support provided in each house can vary from harm minimisation, reduced use and ongoing abstinence (with the possible exception of prescription medication or tobacco). The houses are either sole use, shared with other participants or with the client's family. Houses can include mixed cohorts or programs for specific populations, such as mixed gender, women with children, youth or Aboriginal people and families. The houses are primarily available for 3-6 months however some cases may warrant longer term (up to 12 months). Clients can include those with severe and long-term problematic use of alcohol and other drugs, a history of unsuccessful treatment, home or social environment unsupportive of treatment and/or clients who are homeless or at risk of homelessness. It was expected that THASP would achieve the following: - positive outcomes for clients and their families accessing the services; - an increase in number of people exiting residential rehabilitation services and successfully transitioning into independent living; and - a reduction in the number of people exiting residential rehabilitation into homelessness. Evaluation Scope Data collection for the THASP evaluation commenced in March 2013 and was completed by 30 August 2013. Within scope were 15 THASP houses allocated to 8 residential treatment support providers. From commencement of THASP to 30 August 2013, 35 clients resided in a THASP house with an average length of stay of 6 months. The key evaluation objectives were to determine: - program outputs - short-term program outcomes - process issues and what could be improved, including: -- Impact on residential treatment services as support providers -- Impact on the local community and other external stakeholders Not within the initial scope was a review of efficiency, effectiveness and cost effectiveness. However, based on the data collection for the objectives listed above, a basic analysis was conducted and reported on in the Discussion section of this paper. Details: Mount Lawley, WA, AUS: Western Australian Drug and Alcohol Office, 2013. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 6, 2015 at: http://www.dao.health.wa.gov.au/DesktopModules/Bring2mind/DMX/Download.aspx?EntryId=951&Command=Core_Download&PortalId=0&TabId=211 Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.dao.health.wa.gov.au/DesktopModules/Bring2mind/DMX/Download.aspx?EntryId=951&Command=Core_Download&PortalId=0&TabId=211 Shelf Number: 137205 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Offenders Homeless Persons Housing Mentally Ill Reentry Treatment Programs

Author: Research and Survey Consulting Title: Evaluation of Montana's Residential Methamphetamine Treatment Programs: Elkhorn Treatment Center for Women; Nexus Treatment Center for Men Summary: This report describes, analyzes and presents information from Department of Corrections contracted programs for the treatment of methamphetamine and other drug offenders: the Elkhorn program for women in Boulder, operated by Boyd Andrew Community Services (BACS), and the Nexus program for men in Lewistown, operated by Community Counseling and Correctional Services (CCCS). The report thoroughly describes the population and identifies specific risk factors associated with program and prerelease center completion/non-completion. Recommendations for improving outcome are suggested. The primary evaluation research goal was to establish efficient data collection and reporting methods that could be implemented over an extended period of time, enabling the ongoing reporting of data useful for verifying and improving program effectiveness. This 2013 report incorporates data from the previous 2008 and 2010 reports. In 2011 the DOC shifted responsibility for hiring a program evaluation researcher solely onto the programs who continued to retain Research & Survey Consulting to maintain continuity. Between April of 2007 and July of 2012 data was collected on 867 offenders: 303 admitted to Elkhorn and 564 admitted to Nexus. It is clear that these programs are treating very different populations with regards to gender, family history, criminal history, mental illness etc. Reporting is combined here not for critical comparison but to make report reading more efficient. Over a 5 year period 79.5% of everyone admitted to Nexus and 86.1% of everyone admitted to Elkhorn completed their 9 month stay as sentenced. In the most recent year for which complete data is available, 2011 (most 2012 admissions are still in the 9 month programs or prerelease), both programs saw a lower percentage of completions with Nexus showing the most substantial (but not statistically significant) drop. This reflects the increasingly diverse and complex population of offenders which included substantially more opioid users (for women, opiate users have more than doubled from 15% early in the program to 38% currently), a consistently high rate of risk from psychiatric illness and medications, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder and young age as well as convoluted criminal and treatment histories. For Nexus, all offenders who did not complete their Nexus facility stay were initially sent to the Sanction, Treatment, Assessment, Revocation and Transition center (START), Montana State Prison, another DOC facility/program, or a county jail. For Elkhorn, offenders who did not complete their Elkhorn stay all were initially returned to Montana Women‟s Prison, a Passages program, or a county jail. Of those offenders who completed the treatment center portion of the program (Nexus or Elkhorn) and went to a PRC, the completion rate at the PRC was 72.7% for men and 72.1% for women. The completion rate for those who finished both the treatment program and the PRC was 59.39% for Nexus and 60.01% for Elkhorn; there is no statistically significant difference between programs. Details: Missoula, MT: Research & Survey Consulting, 2013. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 6, 2015 at: https://cor.mt.gov/Portals/104/Resources/Reports/MethTreatmentEval2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://cor.mt.gov/Portals/104/Resources/Reports/MethTreatmentEval2013.pdf Shelf Number: 137207 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Methamphetamine

Author: Boiteux, Luciana Title: The Incarceration of Women for Drug Offenses Summary: This brief demonstrates the impact of public policies on the incarceration of women in the Americas - the majority of whom are in prison for the crimes of small - scale dealing or transporting drugs. The consequences of the use of prisons can be seen not only in terms of how these women's lives are affected, but also in the impact on their families, children and dependents, who are left without social or economic protections. Details: Washington,DC: Research Consortium on Drugs and the Law (CEDD), 2015. 10p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 6, 2015 at: http://www.drogasyderecho.org/publicaciones/pub-priv/luciana_i.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Latin America URL: http://www.drogasyderecho.org/publicaciones/pub-priv/luciana_i.pdf Shelf Number: 137213 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Policy Female Inmates Female Prisoners

Author: Florida. Legislature. Office of Program Policy Analysis & Government Accountability Title: Civil Asset Forfeiture in Florica: Policies and Practices Summary: Civil asset forfeiture is law enforcement�s seizure and potential transfer of ownership of real or personal property that is used or attempted to be used in criminal activity. Once assets are seized, a law enforcement agency may file a claim for forfeiture of the assets in civil court, and once forfeited, those assets become the property of the agency. There is currently no requirement for local law enforcement agencies to report seizures and forfeiture activity under state law. According to survey data obtained from about half of local law enforcement agencies in Florida, these agencies make thousands of seizures annually, mostly related to drug offenses. Vehicles and currency are the most commonly seized assets, with real property rarely seized. While most assets seized under state law are forfeited, many assets are returned to the owners, either in whole or part. Only 16% of the seizure actions are contested by a request for an adversarial hearing, and 1% end in a civil trial. Assets seized under state law can be used by law enforcement agencies for a variety of law enforcement-related purposes, such as providing additional equipment or expertise. Some forfeited assets are donated to substance abuse and crime prevention programs. Responding agencies reported spending over $12 million in forfeited assets during Fiscal Year 2013-14. The Legislature may wish to consider revising state law to require law enforcement agencies to report information on the frequency and extent of civil asset forfeiture in Florida. In addition, the Legislature may want to consider reforms that other states have pursued to increase protections for property owners and limit law enforcement use of forfeiture proceeds. Details: Tallahassee: Florida Legislature, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: OPPAGA Report No. 15-10: Accessed December 3, 2015 at: http://www.oppaga.state.fl.us/MonitorDocs/Reports/pdf/1510rpt.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.oppaga.state.fl.us/MonitorDocs/Reports/pdf/1510rpt.pdf Shelf Number: 137431 Keywords: Asset Forfeiture Drug Offenders Proceeds of Crime

Author: Australia. Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet Title: Final Report of the National Ice Taskforce Summary: The Final Report of the National Ice Taskforce found that ice use in Australia is a complex problem that requires a multi-faceted response. Proportionally, Australia uses more methamphetamine than almost any other country, and the number of users continues to grow. Today, evidence suggests there are well over 200,000 users. In its Report, the Taskforce has made 38 recommendations across five areas of priority. 1. The first priority must be supporting families, workers and communities to better respond to people affected by ice. 2. Efforts to reduce demand for ice through prevention activities must be strengthened. 3. Ice users need treatment and support services that cater to their needs. 4. Efforts to disrupt supply must be more coordinated and targeted. 5. Better data, more research and regular reporting is needed to strengthen Australia's response and keep it on track. The National Ice Taskforce The National Ice Taskforce was established on 8 April 2015 to advise the Government on the impacts of ice in Australia and drive the development of a National Ice Action Strategy. The Taskforce presented its interim findings to the Council of Australian Governments on 23 July 2015, and delivered its Final Report to the Prime Minister of Australia on 9 October 2015. The Taskforce engaged extensively with people around Australia to develop this report. The Taskforce spoke to over 100 experts on research, education, prevention, treatment, law enforcement and support for users, families and Indigenous people. The Taskforce also visited nine treatment and support services, and received around 100 submissions from organisations, clinics, research bodies and academics. The Taskforce also received more than 1,200 submissions from the public. Around a quarter shared personal stories of how ice has affected them, their families and their communities. The Taskforce also held seven targeted community consultations in Mt Gambier, Broome, Darwin, Newcastle, Hobart, Townsville and Mildura. Details: Sydney: Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2015. 252p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 22, 2016 at: http://www.dpmc.gov.au/pmc/publication/final-report-national-ice-taskforce Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.dpmc.gov.au/pmc/publication/final-report-national-ice-taskforce Shelf Number: 137655 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Prevention Drug Offenders Methamphetamine

Author: Kissick, Katherine Title: Clark County Family Treatment Court: Striding Towards Excellent Parents (STEP) Vancouver, WA - Process, Outcome, and Cost Evaluation Report Summary: Drug treatment courts are one of the fastest growing programs designed to reduce drug abuse and criminality in nonviolent offenders in the nation. The first drug court was implemented in Miami, Florida, in 1989. As of June 2014, there were nearly 3,0000 drug courts including more than 1,900 adult and juvenile drug courts and 300 family treatment courts in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Guam, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands (NDCRC, 2015). In a typical drug court program, participants are closely supervised by a judge who is supported by a team of agency representatives that operate outside of their traditional adversarial roles. These include addiction treatment providers, district attorneys, public defenders, law enforcement officers, and parole and probation officers who work together to provide needed services to drug court participants. Family Drug Treatment Courts (FTCs) work with substance-abusing parents with child welfare cases. FTCs are a "problem-solving" court modeled after the adult drug court approach. Similar to adult drug courts, the essential components of FTCs include regular, often weekly, court hearings, intensive judicial monitoring, timely referral to substance abuse treatment, frequent drug testing, rewards and sanctions linked to service compliance, and generally include wraparound services (Center for Substance Abuse Treatment, 2004; Edwards & Ray, 2005). The FTC team always includes the child welfare system along with the judicial and treatment systems, (Green, Furrer, Worcel, Burrus, & Finigan, 2007). Second, while adult drug courts work primarily with criminally involved adults who participate in the drug court in lieu of jail time, participants in FTCs may not be criminally involved; rather, FTC participants typically become involved in drug court due to civil family court matters. NPC Research partnered with the Clark County Family Treatment Court to conduct an evaluation of the Family Treatment Court as part of their Children Affected by Methamphetamines (CAM) grant, awarded to Clark County in 2010 by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). The purpose of the grant was to enhance the FTC program by adding more services for parents and their children, specifically mental health/family counseling, an at home support specialist, parenting assistance (including home, in office one-on-one and group classes around parenting skills) and evidenced based practices for parenting (Triple P and Parent Child Interaction Therapy). Participants opting into CAM services also received a neuropsychological exam intended to help identify participant and family needs to better plan which additional services were most appropriate. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2015. 161p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://npcresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/Clark-County-CAM-Process-Outcome-Cost-Evaluation_1015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://npcresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/Clark-County-CAM-Process-Outcome-Cost-Evaluation_1015.pdf Shelf Number: 137668 Keywords: Child Abuse Child Abuse Prevention Child Protection Drug Courts Drug Offenders Parenting Programs Problem-Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Council of State Governments Justice Center Title: Bringing NIATx to Corrections: Lessons Learned from Three Pilot Studies Summary: To help connect people reentering their communities from jail or prison to substance use treatment, the CSG Justice Center partnered with NIATx-a learning collaborative that is part of the Center for Health Enhancement Systems Studies (CHESS) at the University of Wisconsin-Madison-to bring its process improvement model to corrections. Through a competitive application process, three pilot sites were selected to work with the CSG Justice Center and NIATx from 2011 to 2013: -DeKalb County, Georgia -Durham County, North Carolina -The State of Maryland This report documents the key lessons learned and recommendations to help criminal justice and substance use treatment systems improve transitions between institutional and community care. Details: Lexington, KY: Council of State Government Justice Center, 2016. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/BringingNIATxtoCorrectionsFullReport.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://csgjusticecenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/BringingNIATxtoCorrectionsFullReport.pdf Shelf Number: 137693 Keywords: Drug Offenders Prisoner Reentry Substance Abuse Treatment Treatment Programs

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "All This for a Joint": Tunisia's Repressive Drug Law and a Roadmap for Its Reform Summary: Tunisia's drug laws impose a mandatory sentence of at least one year in prison on anyone convicted of possession or consumption of any illegal drug, including cannabis. In 2015, there were 7,451 drug offenders in Tunisia prisons, around 5,200 of them convicted for marijuana-related offenses. Drug offenders made up 28% of the total prison population. Based on 47 interviews with people arrested or convicted for using cannabis, including artists, bloggers, students, and also young men in poor neighborhoods, the report documents the array of abuses that accompany enforcement of the drug law, including mistreatment during arrest and interrogation, humiliation during urine tests, searches of homes without judicial warrants, and the confinement of cannabis users in overcrowded, insalubrious prison cells with hardened criminals. The government has proposed to ease but not eliminate prison terms as punishment for drug use. While its draft law could reduce the human rights abuses that accompany enforcement of the current law, it does not go far enough. The report calls on the Tunisian government to revise the current draft by relying on non-criminal approaches for drug consumption. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/tunisia0216_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Tunisia URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/tunisia0216_web.pdf Shelf Number: 137779 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Reform

Author: Nigg, Claudio R. Title: State Epidemiological Profile: Selected Youth and Adult Drug Indicators Summary: Background: The State of Hawaii Epidemiological Profile: Selected Youth and Adult Drug Indicators was developed as one of the services provided by the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Division (ADAD) Epidemiology Team. The ADAD Epidemiology Team is a partner of the Strategic Prevention Framework Partnerships for Success (SPF-PFS), which is funded through a federal grant provided by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). The purposes of this profile are identifying Hawai'i's status of drug use by youth and adults, detecting trends of drug use, and providing information in a user-friendly format for planning and implementation of drug use prevention and treatment programs. Methods: The drug-related indicators in this profile were selected based on SAMHSA's National Outcome Measures (NOMs). In order to report those selected indicators, Hawaii Youth Risk Behavior Survey (Hawaii YRBS) and National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) were utilized as primary data sources in this profile. Results and Findings: The overall prevalence rates of each drug-related indicator among high school students in 2013 were: 18.9% for 30-day marijuana use; 10.4% for trying marijuana before age 13 years; 6.5% for ever using cocaine; 9.2% for ever using inhalants; 8.0% for ever using ecstasy; 3.4% for ever using heroin; 4.3% for ever using methamphetamine; and 12.9% for ever using prescription drugs without a doctor's prescription. The findings indicated that there were no significant differences in drug indicators for youth (high school students or individuals aged from 12 to 17) in Hawai'i since 2007 except that rates of ever having used ecstasy were slightly but significantly higher in 2011 than 2009. Marijuana was the most prevalent illicit drug among youth with 18.9% reporting that they had used it in the past 30 days (2013). Prescription drugs and inhalants were two most common substances that were ever used by youth (12.9% and 9.2%, respectively in 2013). The least common illicit drug was heroin with 3.4% of youth reported that they had ever used it (2013). There were no sex differences for any youth drug indicator in any year from 2007 to 2013. Overall, no significant differences by grade were seen for any drug indicator except for prescription drug misuse (use without a doctor's prescription), in which 12th graders had higher rates than 9th graders in 2011 and 2013. Native Hawaiians, Caucasians, and other Pacific Islanders generally had the highest rates of youth drug use. The overall prevalence rates of each drug-related indicator among adults in 2010-2011 were: 6.9% for 30-day marijuana use; 22.1% for ever using cocaine; 10.4% for ever using inhalants; 9.4% for ever using ecstasy; 2.5% for ever using heroin; 7.1% for ever using methamphetamine; and 13.6% for ever using prescription drugs without a doctor's prescription. There were no significant differences in adult drug indicators for Hawaii since 2007. Other than marijuana use (data of ever having used marijuana is not available, but 6.9% of adults in Hawaii reported that they had used marijuana in the past 30 days in 2010-2011), rates of ever having used illicit drugs were highest for cocaine (22.1%) followed by prescription pain relievers (13.6%), and lowest for heroin (2.5%) in 2010-2011, the most current year available. Program Recommendations: Prevention efforts should be strengthened in response to the fact that the prevalence rates of illicit drugs have not changed in the past seven years. Focus should be on marijuana use and prescription drug misuse as usage rates for these substances are relatively high (prevalence - 10%) among youth and the interventions should equally target both boys and girls since there were no sex differences in any indicator. To reduce health disparities among ethnic groups in Hawaii, culturally appropriate and evidence-based programs are strongly recommended, especially for the groups with the highest rates, such as Native Hawaiians and Caucasians, and other Pacific Islanders. For the drugs with relatively lower prevalence rates such as cocaine, ecstasy, heroin, or methamphetamine, interventions that are highly targeted towards people at greatest risk are recommended. Moreover, prevention programs should be provided to middle school students in order to lower the prevalence rates in high school students. Prevention efforts for adults also should be strengthened since prevalence rates of illicit drugs have not significantly changed in the past seven years. Focus should be on marijuana, and other drugs with relatively high lifetime use rates (prevalence - 10%), such as cocaine, pain relievers, and inhalants. More young adults (aged 18 - 25) than older adults (age 26 and older) perceived no risk or slight risk of experiencing adverse health effects from marijuana use, which may indicate that young adults have an increased risk of marijuana use. Thus, it is recommended that communities have prevention interventions specifically designed for young adults and focus on risks and negative health outcomes of marijuana consumption. Details: Honolulu: Department of Public Health Sciences University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2014. 81p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 8, 2016 at: http://health.hawaii.gov/substance-abuse/files/2013/05/2014State_Drug_Profile_Youth_Adults.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://health.hawaii.gov/substance-abuse/files/2013/05/2014State_Drug_Profile_Youth_Adults.pdf Shelf Number: 137787 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Prevention Drug Offenders Substance Abuse

Author: Gannoni, Alexandra Title: Methamphetamine in Brisbane: Perspectives from DUMA police detainees Summary: Methamphetamine is of national concern (ACC 2014), but what does this statement mean to frontline police officers? In real terms it means that frontline police are required, on an increasingly frequent basis, to engage with methamphetamine users. This presents a number of challenges to police. First, methamphetamine intoxication and withdrawal can impede an individual's ability to follow police directions. Second, use is associated with behavioural and psychological disturbances, including aggression, which can increase the risk of harm for the police and members of the community. Third, the user is at increased risk of serious physical harms when in custody due to the effects of intoxication or withdrawal. Risks to the user may be exacerbated by physical exertion during interactions with police or due to use of restraint by police. Being armed with information about what methamphetamine is, the nature and extent of use of methamphetamine among Brisbane police detainees, and details of the Brisbane methamphetamine market can assist police to identify risks to themselves and others. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2015. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Research in practice no. 45: Accessed March 2, 2016 at: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/rip/rip45/rip45.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/rip/rip45/rip45.pdf Shelf Number: 138008 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Markets Drug Offenders Methamphetamine

Author: Millsteed, Melanie Title: Recorded drug use and possession offences and offenders, 2005 - 2014 Summary: The number of recorded drug use and possession offences in Victoria has continued to increase over the past five years, while other evidence suggests that the number of people using drugs has remained stable. This exploratory study analysed trends in both the number and rate of drug use and possession offences and offenders over the past ten years, as well as the characteristics of these offenders. The research found that the rate of offences has continued to rise since 2010. The rate of offenders has also risen, but to a lesser extent. Over the past two years, the increase in both the offence and offender rates has slowed. Seventy two percent of recorded drug use and possession offenders were only recorded for one use and possession offence incident between 2005 and 2014. The majority of recorded offenders were male (81.4%) and aged under 30 at the time of their first recorded offence in the dataset (62.7%). Further research will be conducted to examine whether the observed increases over past five years were driven by offending in particular geographic regions or by offences relating to particular drug types. Details: Melbourne: Victoria Crime Statistics Agency, 2015. 13p. Source: Internet Resource: In Brief, no. 1: Accessed March 2, 2016 at: https://assets.justice.vic.gov.au//csa/resources/6d5fad02-6c3b-42c1-8a2f-0ed202896d24/20150921_copy_in+brief_paper_1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: https://assets.justice.vic.gov.au//csa/resources/6d5fad02-6c3b-42c1-8a2f-0ed202896d24/20150921_copy_in+brief_paper_1.pdf Shelf Number: 138025 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders

Author: Sutherland, Paul Title: Recorded drug use and possession crime in metropolitan, regional and rural Victoria, 2006-2015 Summary: This paper examines the rise in drug use and possession incidents recorded by police across Victoria over the past ten years. By exploring two separate geographical breakdowns, it is possible to see which parts of the state are making the largest contributions to the increase. The paper finds the largest increases occurred across regional urban areas, although there were also increases in metropolitan Melbourne and rural areas over the past five years. There was also a shift in the proportion of incidents that occurred in public locations, although this trend varied across Victoria. While the majority of offenders across the state were male, in metropolitan, rural and many regional areas there has been an increasing proportion of female offenders. While there has been much attention placed on the rise in drug use and possession offending in recent years, it is important to consider the findings in this report may be as much a reflection of police activity as increased prevalence of drug offending across a growing proportion of Victoria's population. Details: Melbourne: Victoria Crime Statistics Agency, 2015. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: In Brief, no. 2: Accessed March 2, 2016 at: https://assets.justice.vic.gov.au//csa/resources/518f532d-2070-417c-9a1d-7efdce501206/20151127final_in_brief2+%281%29.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: https://assets.justice.vic.gov.au//csa/resources/518f532d-2070-417c-9a1d-7efdce501206/20151127final_in_brief2+%281%29.pdf Shelf Number: 138026 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Rural Areas

Author: Mackey, Kelly Title: Analysis of Sentencing for Possession or Importation of Drugs for Sale or Supply Summary: This analysis examines the sentencing practice of the courts in relation to certain drug trafficking offences, specifically the offences of possession or importation of controlled drugs for the purpose of sale or supply. There are four such offences which are detailed herein:  Possession of controlled drugs for unlawful sale or supply (s. 15 of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1977, as amended).  Possession of controlled drugs (valued at L13,000 or more) for unlawful sale or supply (s. 15A of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1977, as amended).  Importation of controlled drugs for unlawful sale or supply (several provisions found in the Customs Acts, Misuse of Drugs Acts 1979-1984, as amended, and the Misuse of Drugs Regulations 1988).  Importation of controlled drugs (valued at L13,000 or more) for unlawful sale or supply (s. 15B of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1977, as amended). It is important to note that there is a different sentencing regime for the ordinary possession and importation for sale or supply offences and possession or importation for sale and supply offences where the value of the drug or drugs exceeds L3,000. Convictions under s. 15A or s. 15B automatically attract a "basic presumptive sentence" of 10 years or more. This applies regardless of whether mitigating factors may exist meriting a lower sentence. A sentencing court may however impose a lower sentence where there are mitigating factors that amount to "exceptional and specific circumstances", which would render the imposition of a sentence of 10 years or more "unjust in all the circumstances". "Exceptional and specific circumstances" can be said to set a higher threshold than mitigating factors generally in sentencing law: all "exceptional and specific circumstances" are mitigating factors, but not all mitigating factors constitute "exceptional and specific circumstances". In Part I, the legislative basis for these drug trafficking offences and the reserved judgments of the superior courts are analysed in order to articulate a sentencing framework. Part II examines the application of such sentencing principles to the hybrid sentencing regime for offences of possession or importation for sale or supply where the controlled drugs are above a certain monetary value, i.e. whether the "basic presumptive sentence" should be imposed or whether to do so would be unjust in all the circumstances. Part III contains a pr�cis of all judgments on sentencing - total of 79 reserved and ex tempore decisions involving 81 offenders - the Court of Criminal Appeal from 2009 to 2012. 20 judgments were analysed pertaining to the ordinary offence and 59 relating to the offences carrying the presumptive sentence. Details: Dublin: Irish Sentencing Information System, 2013. 103p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 21, 2016 at: http://www.irishsentencing.ie/en/ISIS/Analysis%20of%20Sentencing%20for%20Drug%20Offences,%20Mar%202014.pdf/Files/Analysis%20of%20Sentencing%20for%20Drug%20Offences,%20Mar%202014.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.irishsentencing.ie/en/ISIS/Analysis%20of%20Sentencing%20for%20Drug%20Offences,%20Mar%202014.pdf/Files/Analysis%20of%20Sentencing%20for%20Drug%20Offences,%20Mar%202014.pdf Shelf Number: 138347 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Possession Drug Trafficking Sentencing

Author: MacDonald, Morag Title: Literature Review: United Kingdom. Throughcare: Working in Partnership Summary: The following literature review for the Throughcare services for prisoners with problematic drug use will address the criminal justice systems of England and Wales in order to provide the context for the research that will take place both in Scotland and England. The key areas that will be addressed by the literature review are: 1. the current national drug situation 2. the structure of the prison systems to include drug use in prison settings and prison health systems 3. Organisation of existing throughcare 4. key debates and issues in current research on prisons and throughcare For the purpose of this literature review, it is proposed to use the definition of throughcare used by Fox and Khan (2005:49) as it encompasses the criminal justice system and the community: The term "Throughcare" refers to arrangements for managing the continuity of care which started in the community[added] or at an offender's first point of contact with the criminal justice system through custody, court, sentence, and beyond into resettlement. "Aftercare" is the package of support that needs to be in place after a drug-misusing offender reaches the end of a prison-based treatment programme, completes a community sentence or leaves treatment. It is not one simple, discrete process involving only treatment but includes access to additional support for issues which may include mental health, housing, managing finance, family problems, learning new skills and employment. Details: Birmingham, UK: Centre for Research into Quality, Birmingham City University, 2011. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 24, 2016 at: http://throughcare.eu/reports/throughcare_uk_lit_review.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://throughcare.eu/reports/throughcare_uk_lit_review.pdf Shelf Number: 138409 Keywords: Aftercare Community Partnerships Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Throughcare Treatment Programs

Author: Csete, Joanne Title: Detention and Punishment in the Name of Drug Treatment Summary: In some countries, people who use, or are alleged to use, illicit drugs may be detained involuntarily after little or no legal process, ostensibly for the purpose of receiving drug "treatment" or "rehabilitation." These detentions are variously described as compulsory treatment centers, drug rehabilitation centers, detoxification centers, or centers for social education and labor. It is far from clear that all persons detained in this manner are drug-dependent or in need of treatment. If they are, there are international standards to guide treatment of drug-dependence, but drug detention centers often subject detainees to treatment methods that are scientifically unsound, punitive, cruel, inhuman, and degrading. In March 2012, 12 UN bodies-including the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), WHO, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the International Labour Organization, and the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights-jointly issued a call for the closure of compulsory drug detention centers and an expansion of voluntary, scientifically and medically appropriate forms of treating drug dependence in the health system. The 2012 joint UN statement on compulsory drug rehabilitation centers was a very important step, but a declaration from UN member states condemning these institutions and calling for their closure would advance the cause of ending the abuses they represent. Detention and Punishment in the Name of Drug Treatment highlights considerations that should be brought to bear in the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on the world drug problem, toward the goal of ending arbitrary detention and grave human rights abuses in the name of drug treatment. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 31, 2016 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/detention-and-punishment-name-drug-treatment-20160315.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/detention-and-punishment-name-drug-treatment-20160315.pdf Shelf Number: 138514 Keywords: Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy War on Drugs

Author: Fleetwood, Jennifer Title: Women in the international cocaine trade: Gender, choice and agency in context Summary: This thesis is about women in the international cocaine trade and in particular about their experiences as drug mules. This is the first comprehensive qualitative investigation based on the accounts of women and men who worked as drug mules and those who organise and manage trafficking cocaine by mule across international borders. Two explanations for women's involvement in drug trafficking compete. The 'feminisation of poverty' thesis contends that women's participation in the drug trade results from (and is a response to) their economic and social subordination. The 'emancipation thesis' contends that women's participation in the drugs trade is an effect of women's liberation. This thesis explores if and how women's involvement in the drug trafficking (recruitment and 'work') is shaped by their gender. I interviewed 37 men and women drug traffickers imprisoned in Quito, Ecuador. This location was chosen due to the high numbers of women and men imprisoned for drug trafficking crimes. Respondents came from all levels of the drug trade and from different parts of the world. Data was collected and analysed using narrative analysis to understand the way in which discourses of victimhood were created in prison. This allowed for a sensitive interpretation of the meaning of victimhood and agency in respondents' responses. The substantive section of the thesis examines two aspects of women's involvement in drug trafficking in depth. The first section examines aspects of women's recruitment into the drug trade as mules; the second section examines the work that mules do. This research finds that women's participation in the international cocaine trade cannot be adequately understood through the lens of either victimisation or volition. The contexts in which men and women chose to work as a mule were diverse reflecting their varied backgrounds (nationality, age, experience, employment status, as well as gender). Furthermore, mules' motivations reflected not only volition but also coercion and sometimes threat of violence. Although gender was a part of the context in which respondents became involved in mule-work, it was not the only, or the most important aspect. Secondly, this research examined the nature of mule-work. Most mules (men and women) willingly entered a verbal contract to work as a drugs mule; nonetheless the context of 'mule-work' is inherently restrictive. Mules were subject to surveillance and management by their 'contacts' had few opportunities to have control or choice over their work. Collaboration, resistance and threat were often played out according to gendered roles and relationships but gender was not a determining factor. Nonetheless, respondents could and did find ways to negotiate resist and take action in diverse and creative ways. Prior research on the cocaine trade has ignored the importance of women's participation or has considered it only in limited ways driven by gender stereotypes. Thus, this research addresses a significant gap in available evidence on women in the drug trade. This research also contributes to contemporary debates in theories of women's offending which have centred on the role of victimisation and agency in relation to women's offending. Details: Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, 2009. 272p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed April 5, 2016 at: https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/1842/9895/Fleetwood2009.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2009 Country: Ecuador URL: https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/1842/9895/Fleetwood2009.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 138564 Keywords: Drug Mules Drug Offenders Drug Trade Drug Trafficking Female Offenders

Author: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration Title: Municipal Courts: An Effective Tool for Diverting People with Mental and Substance Use Disorders from the Criminal Justice System Summary: The Sequential Intercept Model (SIM) is a tool that enables communities to create coherent strategies to divert people with mental and substance use disorders from the criminal justice system. The mapping process associated with SIM . focuses on five discrete points of potential intervention, or "intercepts" (Munetz & Griffin, 2006): 1: Law enforcement; 2: Initial detention/first court appearance; 3: Jails/courts; 4: Reentry from detention into the community; and 5: Community corrections, probation, and parole. Much has been written about four of these intercepts. For example, the Crisis Intervention Team model has been disseminated broadly as a strategy to improve law enforcement interventions at Intercept 1. Mental health courts, drug courts, and other treatment courts have become an increasingly common part of the judicial landscape and define much of the conversation at Intercept 3. Reentry from jail or prison, Intercept 4, has become a core topic in general discussions regarding correctional policies at the federal, state, and local levels. SAMHSA's SSI/SSDI Outreach, Access and Recovery) (Dennis & Abreu, 2010) ease reentry on release from jail or prison. And while many communities lack much in the way of resources at Intercept 5, a literature has emerged that discusses specialized probation as a strategy to ensure longer community tenure (Skeem & Manchak, 2008). While each intercept presents opportunities for diversion, Intercept 2 may hold the most unexplored potential. This is because it is at Intercept 2 (initial detention and first court appearance) that the vast majority of individuals who come into contact with the criminal justice system appear. Many of these individuals have a mental illness and co-occurring substance use disorders; these are the individuals whom communities often try to divert. However, for a variety of reasons discussed below, this intercept is often overlooked. The purpose of this document is to turn community attention to the possibilities that Intercept 2, especially when the first appearance is at a municipal court, presents for diversion. The optimal diversion strategies that are most often overlooked and involve municipal courts are at first appearance (Intercept 2). Details: Rockville, MD: SAMHSA, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2016 at: http://store.samhsa.gov/shin/content//SMA15-4929/SMA15-4929.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://store.samhsa.gov/shin/content//SMA15-4929/SMA15-4929.pdf Shelf Number: 138598 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Diversion Programs Drug Offenders Mentally Ill Offenders Substance Abuse

Author: Gyngell, Kathy Title: Breaking the habit: Why the state should stop dealing drugs and start doing rehab Summary: - The Coalition has inherited a failing and costly drug policy. The priority was to prescribe methadone to drug addicts in the hope that that this would replace their use of street drugs, reduce street crime and cut criminal justice costs. - This policy impeded and delayed addicts recovery from addiction. There are as many addicts today as there were in 2004/05. Fewer than 4% of addicts emerge from treatment free from dependency. Drug deaths have continued to rise. In the last three years, the number of referrals to rehabilitation units has fallen to an all-time low of 3,914. - It has been extremely expensive. The cost to the state of maintaining addicts on methadone has doubled since 2002/03 to $730 million a year. Drug users are estimated to receive L1.7 billion in benefits a year, while the welfare costs of looking after the children of drug addicts are estimated at a further L1.2 billion a year (the longer term inter-generational costs are unquantifiable but will probably be far higher). - This brings the total social and economic burden for this population to over L3.6 billion. - The Coalition has wisely recognised the scale of the problem it inherited. However, its proposed solution is flawed. - In particular its 'Drugs Recovery Payment by Results (PbR)' approach will only reinforce the status quo. - The PbR pilots will reward operators who can show that addicts have improved health and employment, who have not offended recently and who are not in treatment for drugs. - This is seriously misguided. Solving the drug problem means recognising the problem for what it is: one of addiction. The solution lies in freeing people from it, not by measuring proxy outcomes (which are easy to manipulate). - In addition, the tendering process is being managed by the National Treatment Agency - the organisation responsible for the previous policy. It clearly favours the current set-up. Independent small-scale rehabilitation operators have in effect been excluded from the PbR trials. Details: London: Centre for Policy Studies, 2011. 70p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 7, 2016 at: https://www.cps.org.uk/files/reports/original/111026175000-breakingthehabit.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.cps.org.uk/files/reports/original/111026175000-breakingthehabit.pdf Shelf Number: 138601 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Policy Rehabilitation Programs

Author: Patterson, Eileen Title: Methamphetamine in Sydney: Perspectives from DUMA police detainees Summary: Methamphetamine is of national concern (ACC 2014), but what does this statement mean to frontline police officers? In real terms it means that frontline police are required, on an increasingly frequent basis, to engage with methamphetamine users. This presents a number of challenges to police. First, methamphetamine intoxication and withdrawal can impede an individual's ability to follow police directions. Second, use is associated with behavioural and psychological disturbances, including aggression, which can increase the risk of harm for the police and members of the community. Third, the user is at increased risk of serious physical harms when in custody due to the effects of intoxication or withdrawal. Risks to the user may be exacerbated by physical exertion during interactions with police or due to use of restraint by police. Being armed with information about what methamphetamine is, the nature and extent of use of methamphetamine among Sydney police detainees, and details of the Sydney methamphetamine market can assist police to identify risks to themselves and others. The Australian Institute of Criminology's (AIC) Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program interviews police detainees at selected police stations and watch houses across Australia on a quarterly basis. DUMA data collection sites in Sydney include the Bankstown and Surry Hills police stations. Detainees present at the police station during data collection are asked to complete an interviewer-assisted self-report survey on their use of alcohol and other drugs and their offending habits. Urine samples are also requested twice a year during data collections. Urine samples are subjected to urinalysis at an independent toxicology laboratory to detect the presence of a number of licit and illicit drugs, including methamphetamine. Participation in DUMA is voluntary and confidential. Since the program commenced in 1999, 53,858 detainees have been interviewed and 38,574 urine samples have been collected nationally. The data presented in this report were collected at the Bankstown police station during Quarter 4 (October) of 2014 and Quarter 2 (April) of 2015, and at Surry Hills police station in Quarter 3 (July) of 2015. From 2014 to 2015, 116 police detainees were interviewed at Bankstown police station and 55 detainees at Surry Hills police station. They were, on average, 34 years of age. The majority of detainees interviewed were male (approximately 80%), which is representative of the gender composition of the overall Australian detainee population. It should be noted that the data cannot be directly compared between sites due to differences in sample sizes. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2016. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Research in Practice, No. 47: Accessed April 11, 2016 at: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/rip/rip47/rip47.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/rip/rip47/rip47.pdf Shelf Number: 138631 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Methamphetamine

Author: Queensland Crime and Corruption Commission Title: Assets of Queensland Drug Offenders: An analysis of Crime and Corruption Commission proceeds of crime data, 2009-14 Summary: The CCC has examined its proceeds of crime data from 2009 to 2014 to inform law enforcement and government about the value and nature of assets held by drug offenders in Queensland. The research does not analyse the assets of all known drug offenders in Queensland. Rather, the research examines drug offenders who were referred to the CCC for proceeds of crime action, and their assets that were detected and restrained by the CCC. To our knowledge, this is the first piece of research in Australia that has examined the assets of drug offenders using proceeds of crime data. The CCC found: - Assets held by Queensland drug offenders typically ranged from $100 000 to $500 000, with a median value of about $230 000. - Higher-value assets were associated with factors such as trading mainly in cocaine, being a producer or importer in the supply chain, and longer participation in drug offending. - Drug offenders with known links to an OMCG had lower-value assets than did offenders without such links. Offenders with links to OMCGs may often reinvest a portion of their criminal proceeds into the OMCG itself. - Real property, followed by cash, accounted for the greatest percentage of offenders' assets. - Higher percentages of cash were associated with offenders trading mainly in heroin, being involved in distribution or dealing, or operating in south-east Queensland. - Most assets restrained from Queensland drug offenders were registered in their own name. However, proceeds of crime data almost certainly underestimate the percentage of assets held by drug offenders in other names. The findings of the research will also be of interest to agencies and researchers in other jurisdictions. Details: Brisbane: Crime and Corruption Commission, 2015. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2016 at: http://www.ccc.qld.gov.au/research-and-publications/publications/ccc/research/assets-of-queensland-drug-offenders-2014-ccc-research-project Year: 2015 Country: Australia URL: http://www.ccc.qld.gov.au/research-and-publications/publications/ccc/research/assets-of-queensland-drug-offenders-2014-ccc-research-project Shelf Number: 138658 Keywords: Criminal Assets Drug Offenders Proceeds of Crimes

Author: Great Britain. Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Prisons Title: Changing patterns of substance misuse in adult prisons and service responses Summary: Drug misuse is a serious threat to the security of the prison system, the health of individual prisoners and the safety of prisoners and staff. Its effects ripple outwards to harm prisoners' friends and families and the wider community of which they are a part. An increasing number of reports of the misuse of medication in prison and concerns that traditional supply reduction and treatment strategies were ineffective were the initial driver for this thematic inspection. However, the availability of new psychoactive substances (NPS), particularly synthetic cannabis known as 'Spice' or 'Mamba', became highly prevalent during the preparation for this report. NPS have created significant additional harm and are now the most serious threat to the safety and security of the prison system that our inspections identify. This thematic inspection examined the changing extent and patterns of drug misuse in adult prisons and assessed the effectiveness of the response to it. The inspection's remit did not include tobacco and alcohol use by prisoners, which are important issues in their own right and raise significant operational and policy challenges. Of course, there are wider questions to be asked about the legal status of drugs in the community and the historical inconsistency of legal responses to various harmful substances. This report does not address those issues. There is no prospect of any relaxation of the rules governing the substances that are permitted in prisons and so there is an urgent requirement to address the harm that substance misuse causes in prisons in that realistic context. The report draws on the evidence of 61 adult prison inspections published between April 2014 and August 2015, the 10,702 survey responses from individual prisoners that were collected as part of those inspections, and detailed field work that was conducted in eight prisons between June and November 2014. We spoke to prisoners, prison staff and managers, drugs and health workers, and other experts. We reviewed a wide range of research undertaken by other bodies. We also considered some earlier inspection findings, where relevant. The inspection was carried out by the inspectorate's research team and specialist health and drugs inspectors. Changing patterns of drug use in the community provide a useful context for understanding drug misuse in prisons. It is impossible to know for certain the extent and type of drug misuse in the community or in prisons. Nevertheless, there is a wealth of evidence to suggest that patterns of drug use are changing in the community, with drug use appearing to be reducing. The 2014-15 Crime Survey for England and Wales found that 8-9% of adults reported illicit drug use over the previous year, down from 12% in 2003-04. Cannabis remains the most widely used drug and there has been a well-evidenced decline in illicit opiate use. The reported use of prescribed medication and NPS in the community is at a relatively low level. Patterns of dug misuse vary with age, gender, geography and lifestyle. There are important differences between drug misuse in prisons and the community. A declining number of prisoners needing treatment for opiate misuse reflects trends in the community, although many of those requiring opiate treatment in prison have complex dependence, social, physical and mental health issues. Prisoners are more likely to use depressants than stimulants to counter the boredom and stress of prison life. The use of synthetic cannabis and diverted medication reflects a response to comparative weaknesses in security measures. Often, the price of drugs is higher and the quality poorer in prison, reflecting greater difficulty of supply. The combination of community influences, prisoner demographics and individual prison contexts means that the patterns of drug use will differ from prison to prison. As this report was being prepared, there was an acceleration in the use and availability of NPS. It is important to understand, however, that success in combating current challenges in prisons, such as the availability of NPS or specific medications, will lead to an increased demand for other drugs, and to be prepared for this. Details: London: HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2015. 85p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2016 at: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmiprisons/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2015/12/Substance-misuse-web-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmiprisons/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2015/12/Substance-misuse-web-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 138694 Keywords: Drug Abuse Drug Offenders Prison Contraband Prisoner Misconduct Prisoners Prisons

Author: Open Society Foundations Title: No Health, No Help: Abuse as Drug Rehabilitation in Latin American and the Caribbean Summary: Chaining, public humiliation, abduction, and prayer. If these were treatments offered for diabetes or heart disease, we would see them as cruel and abusive. Yet these are tactics used widely in centers for the "treatment and rehabilitation" of people who use drugs in Latin America and the Caribbean. These abusive centers often operate unlawfully and without medical or governmental supervision. People are often brought to these centers against their will, by family members, by police, or by gangs of center residents. Families are not aware of the conditions in the center, or don't know where else to turn. These practices run counter to evidence-based drug treatments recommended by the World Health Organization and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, and reveal how often drug dependency is treated as a moral failing rather than a medical condition. As regional governments prepare for the United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on drugs in April, defining what truly constitutes a "public health approach" to drug policy is increasingly important. No Health, No Help: Abuse as Drug Rehabilitation in Latin America & the Caribbean is a compilation of reports by researchers and civil society in six countries - Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Mexico, and Puerto Rico. The report details the extreme human rights abuses occurring in the name of "rehabilitation," and offers recommendations for how governments can work to improve drug treatment in these countries. Details: New York: Open Society Foundations, 2016. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 4, 2016 at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/no-health-no-help-en-21060403.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Latin America URL: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/no-health-no-help-en-21060403.pdf Shelf Number: 138911 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Treatment Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Finigan, Michael W. Title: Societal Outcomes and Cost Savings of Drug and Alcohol Treatment in the State of Oregon Summary: The NPC study was designed to overcome some of the methodological limitations of past studies of the benefits and costs of drug and/or alcohol treatment. The research design was created with a representative sample of treatment completers with a matched comparison group of clients who received little or no treatment; use of existing state agency databases rather than self-report data for maximum objectivity; and an adequate study period of 2 years prior and 3 years subsequent to treatment completion. The study results indicated that successful drug and alcohol treatment can have positive societal outcomes. While previous studies have shown the positive effects of treatment for the time period of 1 year, this study indicated that these gains are sustained over longer periods of time (up to 3 years). The study estimated the cost savings to taxpayers - either directly in their avoidance of criminal losses or indirectly in the avoidance of expenditure of their tax dollars - that accrue from the positive societal outcomes of treatment. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, Inc., 1996. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 19, 2016 at: http://npcresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/SOCS1.pdf Year: 1996 Country: United States URL: http://npcresearch.com/wp-content/uploads/SOCS1.pdf Shelf Number: 139102 Keywords: Alcoholism Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Molloy, Jennifer K. Title: Utah Cost of Crime. Therapeutic Communities in Security Settings for Substance-using Adult Offenders: Technical Report Summary: It has been estimated that between 70% and 85% of the U.S. prison population is in need of some level of substance abuse treatment (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2009). The link between drug use and crime has been substantiated in an extensive body of research, leading many to the conclusion that treatment is a necessary component of preventing offenders from reoffending after release from custody (Harrison & Gfroerer, 1992; Lipton, 1998; Wexler, 1995). Therapeutic communities (TCs) are a treatment option commonly used in prisons or jails to address the substance abuse treatment needs of offenders while they are incarcerated. TCs are residential settings that use a hierarchical model of care combined with treatment stages that reflect increased levels of personal and social responsibility. Unlike other treatment models, TCs utilize a "community as method" approach that sees treatment staff and those in recovery as agents of change. TC members interact in structured and unstructured ways to influence attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors associated with drug use and antisocial activities. Another fundamental component of a TC is "self-help," where the individuals themselves are main contributors to the change process. Of all incarceration-based drug treatment programs, TCs are the most intensive and typically the longest in duration (6 to 12 months). Therapeutic Communities (TCs) were first implemented in U.S. psychiatric hospitals in the 1950s, extending to community-based substance abuse programs in the 1960s, and eventually to prisons in the late 1960s (Canode, 2007). The development of the prison TC model can be attributed to a rapidly increasing prison population and a growing awareness of the link between drugs and crime (Wexler & Prendergast, 2010). TCs were developed as an offshoot of the Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) model in order to treat "hard core" heroin-dependent criminals. Subsequently, the model has evolved to include a broader perspective and population, serving individuals from a diverse demographic who are severely dependent on drugs (Gerstein, 1992; Wexler, 1995). The success of the TC model has led to its application with specific populations including women (Sacks et al., 2008), inmates with co-occurring disorders (Sacks, Banks, McKendrick, & Sacks, 2008), and youth (Gordon, 2002). Details: Salt Lake City: Utah Criminal Justice Center, University of Utah, 2012. 11p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2016 at: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/TC-Technical-Report_v03192013.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/TC-Technical-Report_v03192013.pdf Shelf Number: 139123 Keywords: Drug Abuse and crime Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Molloy, Jennifer K. Title: Utah Cost of Crime. Therapeutic Communities in Secure Settings for Substance-abusing Offenders (Juveniles): Technical Report Summary: Between 70% and 85% of the U.S. prison population is in need of some level of substance abuse treatment (Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2009). The link between drug use and crime has been substantiated in an extensive body of research, leading many to the conclusion that treatment is a necessary component of preventing offenders from reoffending after release from custody (Harrison & Gfroerer, 1992; Lipton, 1998; Wexler, 1995). Therapeutic communities (TCs) are a treatment option commonly used in prisons or jails to address the substance abuse treatment needs of offenders while they are incarcerated. TCs are residential settings that use a hierarchical model of care combined with treatment stages that reflect increased levels of personal and social responsibility. Unlike other treatment models, TCs utilize a "community as method" approach that sees treatment staff and those in recovery as agents of change. TC members interact in structured and unstructured ways to influence attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors associated with drug use and antisocial activities. Another fundamental component of a TC is "self-help," where the individuals themselves are main contributors to the change process. Of all incarceration-based drug treatment programs, TCs are the most intensive and typically the longest in duration (6 to 12 months). Therapeutic Communities (TCs) were first implemented in U.S. psychiatric hospitals in the 1950s, extending to community-based substance abuse programs in the 1960s, and eventually to prisons in the late 1960s (Canode, 2007). The development of the prison TC model can be attributed to a rapidly increasing prison population and a growing awareness of the link between drugs and crime (Wexler & Prendergast, 2010). TCs were developed as an offshoot of the Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) model in order to treat "hard core" heroin-dependent criminals. Subsequently, the model has evolved to include a broader perspective and population, serving individuals from a diverse demographic who are severely dependent on drugs (Gerstein, 1992; Wexler, 1995). The success of the TC model has led to its application with specific populations including women (Sacks et al., 2008), inmates with co-occurring disorders (Sacks, Banks, McKendrick, & Sacks, 2008), and youth (Gordon, 2002). Details: Salt Lake City: Utah Criminal Justice Center, University of Utah. 2012. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2016 at: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/TC-Technical-Report_updateformat.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/TC-Technical-Report_updateformat.pdf Shelf Number: 139129 Keywords: Drug Offenders Evidence-Based Programs Juvenile Corrections Juvenile Offenders Substance Abuse Officers Substance Abuse Treatment Treatment Programs

Author: Scaggs, Samuel Title: An Assessment of Substance Abuse Treatment Programs in Florida's Prisons Using a Random Assignment Experimental Design Summary: Prior drug involvement and dependence among incarcerated offenders is a critical issue for correctional administrators and policy makers given the financial impact of treatment costs and recidivism. While substance-addicted inmates can cause financial burdens on correctional institutions, they are also at a high risk of recidivism following their release from incarceration. Targeting inmates' substance addiction needs while in prison is intended to reduce reoffending and relapse following prison release. The exact nature of substance abuse treatment within prison systems has yet to be fully examined within the criminological literature. Specifically, while there has been extensive research on the use and effectiveness of therapeutic communities with inmates, other treatment modalities such as outpatient services have received less inquiry. This study provides an important contribution to the understanding of the role substance abuse treatment plays for inmates' in several key ways. First, we evaluate the results of a randomized experimental design study conducted by the Florida Department of Corrections (FDC) from January 2006 through December 2008 in which all inmates admitted to a Florida prison were given the opportunity to consent to participate in a study of the effectiveness of substance abuse treatment programming in prison. Second, the study assesses the impact of multiple modalities of prison−based substance abuse treatment, as well as the role that duration and recency of treatment play in the recidivism and post−prison employment outcomes of over 11,000 released inmates. Third, we use multiple statistical techniques, including logistic regression, survival analysis, Propensity Score Matching (PSM), and precision matching, to assess whether, and to what extent, evaluation outcome studies of correctional-based substance abuse treatment are impacted by the type of research design and statistical methods used. Among the major findings are that aftercare and transitional substance abuse programming has some of the largest effects of increasing employment and reducing recidivism. In addition, among inmates who complete substance abuse treatment, those who do so closer to their release from prison are less likely to recidivate. Another important finding is that some research methods produce similarities in the direction of the effect while others produce different directions in the effect of the same treatment on recidivism. Notably, the strongest design - random assignment - showed the most support for prison-based treatment's effectiveness in reducing recidivism. Due to the non-significance of the majority of results across methods, it was difficult to draw conclusions about similarities across statistical methods in this study. We conclude with a discussion of the policy implications and directions for future research on the effectiveness of prison−based substance abuse treatment. Details: Tallahassee: Florida Department of Correction; Florida State University College of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 2015. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 1, 2016 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/249843.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/249843.pdf Shelf Number: 139265 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Recidivism Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Markov, Dimitar Title: Policies on drugs in Bulgarian prisons: Background report Summary: This report provides a snapshot of the situation of drug users in Bulgaria. As it is aimed to serve as a basis for comparative study on policies and practice towards drug users, particularly in prisons, in Bulgaria and Norway, it presents the country's context - general information on the country and its criminal justice system, policy and legislation on drugs explaining what are the perimeters of drug restriction and what are the national policies towards drug use. This information is illustrated with statistics on crime rates and drug crime in particular. The report also investigates how court looks upon the fact that the accused are using or addicted to narcotic substances within the criminal proceedings and specifically on the type and the term of the sentence. Finally, it looks upon the sanctions available for drug users and their situation once sentenced to imprisonment - what treatment, rehabilitation and harm reduction programmes are available in different prisons. Details: Sofia, Bulgaria: Center for the Study of Democracy, 2016. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 13, 2016 at: http://www.csd.bg/artShow.php?id=17594 Year: 2016 Country: Bulgaria URL: http://www.csd.bg/artShow.php?id=17594 Shelf Number: 139417 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs

Author: Hawken, Angela Title: HOPE II: A Follow-up to Hawaii's HOPE Evaluation Summary: Hawai'i's Opportunity Probation with Enforcement (HOPE) Hawai'i's Opportunity Probation with Enforcement probation relies on a regimen of regular, random drug testing tied to swift and certain, but modest, sanctions to motivate probationer compliance. In two 2007 studies in Hawai'i, a comparison-group quasi-experiment and a randomized controlled trial, HOPE was demonstrated to improve compliance with terms of probation at 12-month follow-up, with large reductions in drug use, recidivism, and overall incarceration for offenders assigned to the program. Following the original evaluations, HOPE expanded from 34 participants in 2004 to approximately 2200 participants in Hawai'i in 2014, with many replications on the mainland. Several important questions remained. The primary impact of drug treatment is felt during exposure to the treatment program; over half of treatment subjects relapse within a year of ending treatment. The original evaluations of HOPE relied on a relatively short follow-up period, and it is not clear whether its effects would persist over a longer period. And it is not clear whether implementation would maintain fidelity to the model when no longer being evaluated. This study extends the original HOPE evaluations to an almost ten-year follow-up, addressing whether the improvements in criminal-justice outcomes observed during the active HOPE intervention persist after the term of probation. The study also documents changes in HOPE practices and ongoing implementation fidelity to the model. Administrative data from several sources were collected on HOPE and probation-as-usual (PAU) subjects. These records data were supplemented with in-person surveys with probationers, a probation-officer survey, and interviews with key officials. Interpretations of outcomes data reported here should take changes in implementation practices into consideration. Tracking and contacting subjects after nearly a decade proved more challenging than anticipated. Consequently, this study relies more heavily on administrative data, and less on in-person surveys and bio-specimen collection, than initially planned. The principal findings were: 1. HOPE probationers performed better than those supervised under routine supervision. They were less likely to be revoked and returned to prison. They were more likely to be free in the community and therefore at higher risk of committing new offenses; even so, they were less likely to commit new crimes during the follow-up period, although the difference in reoffending rate was smaller at long-term follow-up than at 12-month, and the reductions in drug crimes accounted for most of the difference (differences in property crimes were smaller than anticipated). HOPE was also found to economize on supervision resources, as HOPE probationers were more likely to receive successful early terminations from probation. 2. Probationers' perception of risk of punishment given a violation (estimated from the probationer survey) was higher than probation officers' estimates, which in turn were higher than our estimates of the true risk. As the deterrent value depends on perceived risk rather than actual risk, HOPE appears to benefit from a reputation effect that exceeds the certainty delivered in practice. 3. Probation-officer surveys suggest that POs support HOPE: It makes them more effective at their job and their probationers are more likely to succeed on HOPE. POs reported deviation from how HOPE is implemented compared with how it is described in policies and procedures. They agree that positive drug tests are referred to the court, but believe that their colleagues exercise discretion in deciding how to respond to missed appointments (including missed random drug tests). As HOPE relies on swift and certain sanctions, this argues for closer monitoring of implementation fidelity. Details: Malibu, CA: School of Public Policy, Pepperdine University, 2016. 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2016 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/249912.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/249912.pdf Shelf Number: 139508 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Offender Supervision Probation Probationers Recidivism

Author: Hamilton, Zachary Title: Evaluation of Washington State Department of Corrections (WADOC) Swift and Certain (SAC) Policy: Process, Outcome and Cost-Benefit Evaluation Summary: In 2012, the Washington State Department of Corrections (WADOC) embarked on an ambitious effort to restructure their community supervision model. These changes were driven by the passage of Senate Bill 6204, which created substantial operating changes to the Community Corrections Division (CCD) of the WADOC, including matching the level of supervision to offender's risk level, utilizing evidence-based treatment and implementing swift and certain (yet moderate) jail sanctions for community supervision violations (Washington State Department of Corrections 2008; 2014). The Swift and Certain (SAC) policy was implemented in May of 2012, with the intent of expanding the HOPE model to a much broader community-based criminal justice population. Primarily, SAC was established to reduce confinement time for sanctions following a violation of supervision conditions. While maintaining a substantial focus on public safety, the Washington SAC program also sought to reduce correctional costs associated with short-term confinement for violation sanctioning. Through support by the Laura and John Arnold Foundation (LJAF), researchers at Washington State University (WSU) completed a multi-phase project to examine the implementation process and provide an outcome and cost-benefit evaluation of SAC. Process Evaluation: The purpose and intent of this research is to provide a deeper understanding of the implementation, adoption and use of SAC with over 10,000 offenders across the state of Washington. To complete this evaluation, WSU Researchers conducted the following: 1) a careful document review of policies and procedures, 2) focus groups were conducted with community corrections officers and supervisors (CCOs & CCSs), and 3) community corrections offenders. Over 16 hours of interviews were transcribed, and were then coded to search for common themes and patterns in the data. Interviews were also conducted with numerous WADOC Administrators in order to clarify or gain further insight. Details: Pullman, WA: Washington State University, 2015. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2016 at: http://njlaw.rutgers.edu/cj/gray/searchresults.php Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://njlaw.rutgers.edu/cj/gray/searchresults.php Shelf Number: 139516 Keywords: Community Corrections Community Supervision Cost of Corrections Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Courts Drug Offenders Probation Violations Probationers

Author: Molloy, Jennifer K. Title: Utah Cost of Crime: Drug Court (Adults): Technical Report Summary: A systematic review was conducted, in accordance with the protocol outlined by PRISMA (Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2009), to identify studies for inclusion in this meta-analysis. The study authors identified eligibility criteria for population, intervention, setting, outcome, and methodology (see Methods Report for further explanation of inclusion criteria and search strategies). The search was restricted to studies written in English and conducted between 1987 and 2011. Studies had to meet the following criteria to be eligible: a) The study must evaluate a criminal justice intervention. Primary prevention programs and programs serving non-court involved populations were excluded. Drug court was defined as a specialized, non-adversarial court that included the following components: use of judges presiding over monthly status hearings; use of mandatory drug testing; compliance monitoring of individualized drug treatment; and employment of sanctions and incentives to encourage compliance with court demands. Other specialized courts, such as DUI/DWI courts, speedy case processing drug courts, and evaluations of the Breaking the Cycle (BTC) demonstration project were not eligible for inclusion in this study. b) Both experimental and quasi-experimental evaluations were eligible for inclusion. Quasi-experimental studies had to use matching or statistical methods to demonstrate equivalence between the treatment and comparison group. The comparison group could receive treatment as usual or no treatment (e.g., probation with or without treatment); however, the comparison group could not be made up of offenders receiving intensive drug treatment (treatment-treatment comparisons). Treatment dropouts were not considered an appropriate comparison group; comparison groups consisting of offenders who refused treatment were included only if the authors conducted analyses that demonstrated that the groups were similar. c) Both the treatment group and the comparison/control group must consist of adult offenders (ages 18 years and older). The intervention must target the criminal behavior of substance abusing offenders. d) The study must include a measure of recidivism - which could be arrest, conviction, or incarceration - as an outcome. The measurement period had to be longer than 6 months following the start of the program. Recidivism data from official sources was preferred, but studies using only self-report recidivism measures were also eligible. Non-criminal outcome measures - such as measures of drug use - were excluded from this analysis. The study must report quantitative results than could be used to calculate an effect size. Given the interest in recidivism, dichotomous data were preferred (e.g., odds ratios). If the study only included continuous measures, effect sizes were calculated and converted into odds ratios (Lipsey & Wilson, 2001) using log odds. The initial literature search identified 1,085 citations, from which researchers pulled 118 studies for further evaluation. Full articles were screened by one researcher, which resulted in 42 studies that met inclusion criteria. Twenty-one of the included studies reported results on duplicate samples and were therefore excluded. Five of the remaining 42 studies included multiple comparison groups, which resulted in 51 effect sizes that were included in the analysis. Twenty-percent (20%) of the full articles (k=25) were double-screened for inclusion by a researcher (see Appendix A for PRISMA chart). Details: Salt Lake City: Utah Criminal Justice Center, University of Utah, 2012. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 28, 2016 at: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/Drug-Court-Technical-Report_updateformat.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/Drug-Court-Technical-Report_updateformat.pdf Shelf Number: 139520 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Problem-Solving Courts

Author: McDonnell, Brian Title: Evaluation of Drug Prevention Communications Project for Young People Summary: This report on the findings of the evaluation of a drug prevention communications project for young people was commissioned by the Partnership Board of the Drugs Communication Team and conducted by researchers at the Centre for Institutional Studies at the University of East London. The research included a survey of young people's drug use and knowledge about drugs (156 young people). Twenty-eight focus groups to assess the effectiveness of the web-site (94 young people), and eight in-depth interviews with professions to obtain their views of the website were completed. Existing research on drug use and websites, and the project's monitoring data was collated and six steering group meetings attended. Details: London: Centre for Institutional Studies, University of East London, 2006. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 30, 2016 at: http://roar.uel.ac.uk/274/ Year: 2006 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://roar.uel.ac.uk/274/ Shelf Number: 139905 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Prevention Programs

Author: Barthe, Emmanuel P. Title: Final Report on the Reno Police Department's SMART Policing Initiative to Reduce Prescription Drug Abuse Summary: The nonmedical use of prescription drugs has become a widespread problem throughout the United States, especially among young people. Results from the National Survey of Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) indicate that, in 2008, more than 6.2 million pers ons aged 12 or older reported that they had used nonmedical prescription drugs in the past 30 days. 1 Moreover, the National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse (2005) reported that, from 1992 - 2003, nonmedical prescription drug use increased by 212 perc ent among teenagers. 2 The consequences of prescription drug abuse are no less serious than those tied to illicit substances. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently reported that one person dies from prescription drug abuse every 19 m inutes in the United States. National data from the Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN) estimate that emergency room visits for prescription drug abuse (both alone and in combination with other drugs) have increased by more than 60 percent in the Prescription drug abuse is especially prevalent in Nevada. According to the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, Nevada ranks first in the nation for prevalence rates of nonmedical prescription drug use (ages 26 or older). Details: Reno, NV: University of Nevada, Reno, Criminal Justice Department, 2012. 199p. Source: Internet Resource: Full report available from the Rutgers Criminal Justice Library. Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 130039 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Prescription Drug Abuse SMART Policing

Author: Nguyen, Amanda Title: Developing Performance Metrics for Drug Enforcement: Evaluating the Efficacy of the MJTF Teams Using a Tiered and Priority Scoring System Summary: The Michigan State Police (MSP) strategic plan recognizes the role that illegal drug production, abuse, and trafficking plays in violent and property crime, accidental deaths, a nd drugged driving. Consequently, MSP has placed an emphasis on developing a statewide drug enforcement strategy that include s new metrics used to measure enforcement activities and to track progress toward reducing the level of illegal drug production, abuse, and trafficking and the associated public safety and health problems associated with illegal drugs. A key element of MSP's drug enforcement strategy is a series of multijurisdictional task forces (MJTF). Michigan's MJTFs are comprised of 22 teams that focus on drug - related crimes within specific regions of the state. Each team investigates drug crimes within their jurisdiction which comprises one or more surrounding counties. The MJTFs are based on the principles of bringing additional resources from multiple agencies, improving the coordination and communication across agencies, and being able to follow illegal drug activities across jurisdictional boundaries. As noted above, MSP's strategic plan has prioritized developing meaningful performance metrics for the MJTFs. A key element of the performance measures is to prioritize "harm" associated with illegal substances. Prior to the implementation of a new arrest scoring system based on "tiers," the previous scale of measurement for drug arrests was based on a level system that categorized offenders and drug quantities ranging from Level 1 (least harm) to Level III (most harm). In 2014, a new tier system with redefined categories was employed along with a scoring guide to transform raw arrest numbers into a point system. (Refer to Appendix A for Drug Trafficking Tier Definitions). The scoring guide used to accompany the new tier definitions was created based on a drug's amount of harm caused. Each drug category is assigned a priority value along with each trafficker tier also being assigned a point value. This new system allows for high priority drugs and higher tier arrests to be given more value than low priority drugs and lower tier arrests. The scoring guide is used to measure MJTF performance based on these arrest scores. Details: East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, Michigan Justice Statistics Center, 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 26, 2016 at: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC_Developing-Performance-Metrics-for-Drug-Enforcement_May2016_FINAL-REPORT.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://cj.msu.edu/assets/MJSC_Developing-Performance-Metrics-for-Drug-Enforcement_May2016_FINAL-REPORT.pdf Shelf Number: 140043 Keywords: Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking

Author: Gotsis, Tom Title: Illegal Drug Use and Possession: Current Policy and Debates Summary: Government policy to address illegal drug use and possession is an ongoing topic of debate both in Australia and internationally. One part of the debate surrounding illegal drug use and possession involves the question of whether or not recreational drug use should be decriminalised, as has occurred in overseas jurisdictions such as Portugal. Another, and more immediate, part of the debate concerns the harms that have resulted from illegal drug use at music festivals. The NSW Government is reviewing the regulation of these events but has rejected options put forward by some stakeholders, including allowing pill testing and amnesty bins. The suggestion by drug law reform proponents that ice users be allowed to attend a medically supervised smoke inhalation room is also on the public agenda. An upcoming forum for discussing illegal drug use and possession is the Parliamentary Cross-Party Harm Minimisation Roundtable, to be held on 11 August at the NSW Parliament. This paper seeks to inform the current debate by discussing: - rates of illegal drug use and the harms of illegal drug use; - current Government policy and laws in relation to illegal drug use; - the use and effectiveness of harm reduction measures, such as the Medically Supervised Injecting Centre; - illegal drug use at music festivals; and - arguments for and against prohibition and decriminalisation, with examples and evidence from Australian and overseas jurisdictions Details: Sydney: NSW Parliamentary Research Service, 2016. 96p. Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper No. 4/2016: Accessed August 29, 2016 at: https://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/researchpapers/Documents/Illegal%20drug%20use%20and%20possession%20current%20policy%20and%20debates.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: https://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/researchpapers/Documents/Illegal%20drug%20use%20and%20possession%20current%20policy%20and%20debates.pdf Shelf Number: 140076 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Policy Drug Addicts Drug Offenders Illegal Drugs

Author: Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission Title: Technical Report on Alternatives to Incarceration for Drug-Related Offenses Summary: Convinced that responses to the drug problem should be comprehensive, centering on public health and human rights perspectives, the Government of Colombia, with the support of the Inter‐American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD), is committed to encouraging the debate on alternatives which allow for a focus on the individual, moving beyond approaches solely based on repression. The Report on the Drug Problem in the Americas, undertaken by the Organization of American States (OAS), confirms that the use of a punitive approach in response to consumption has meant that the populations most vulnerable to problematic use have been discouraged from access to timely information, public health services, and treatment and prevention programs in general. Furthermore, academic studies and reports from civil society organizations have indicated that indiscriminate repression, including applying severe sanctions for consumption and possession of small quantities, has especially affected the lowest levels of the drug trafficking chain. This situation has aggravated the problem of prison overcrowding that a number of countries in the region are facing. In this context, drug policy has come into conflict with the respect for human rights. The situation of women and their increasing participation in drug-related crimes is especially worrying. Given this reality, it is necessary to understand crime as a social phenomenon and not a fact of nature. For this reason, the State's reaction to crime must start with the analysis of its origins within the community, since only by determining the reasons which bring some members to engage in criminal activity, can it be addressed adequately. The reflexive use of criminal law - frequently manifested in the proliferation of new crimes, increases in sentences, and the indiscriminate incarceration of a large number of offenders - can create fleeting sensations of relief in a society. However, the use of criminal law as the State's only reaction not only leaves the origin of the problem intact, but also places large burdens on the resources of the justice system, and more importantly, in the eyes of a community that could see its actions as inefficient, increases the perception that its repeated intervention no does help to address the problems it seeks to solve. With regard to the fight against drugs, the last four decades show that policies have been developed on the assumption that activities related to all illicit substances should be controlled in the same way, with the understanding that all of the links in the drug trafficking chain merit the same treatment. This perception is mistaken and requires reconsideration in order to allow for differential approaches and responses by the State, not only for different types of drugs, but also for the different types of people who are part of the problem. Details: Washington, DC: Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission, 2016. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: (OAS. Official Records Series ; OEA/Ser.L) Accessed September 3, 2016 at: http://www.cicad.oas.org/apps/Document.aspx?Id=3203 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.cicad.oas.org/apps/Document.aspx?Id=3203 Shelf Number: 140137 Keywords: Alternatives to Imprisonment Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders

Author: Curran, Meghan E. Title: Substance Abuse treatment Programs in Corrections: An Integrated Approach Summary: Nearly 70 percent of the offender population has a problem with substance abuse. Treatment is an important component for those individuals who struggle with substance abuse, not only to help with their addiction but also to decrease future recidivism. Despite the promising nature of research on drug abuse treatment , many offenders are not able to obtain the appropriate treatment services. In addition to the concern over lack of relevant services, there are also barriers to implementing effective treatment programs that serve the needs of the offender population. Integrated services between correctional and public health treatment agencies are recommended to improve the overall efficiency and effectiveness of the justice system while positively impacting offenders to achieve a break from the cycle of incarceration. This study examined factors that predict integration of services among a survey of correctional administrators. Competing values theory was the framework for this analysis due to the varying decisions criminal justice administrators face about the type of correctional programs to offer and how to integrate services with other organizations or agencies , including substance abuse treatment. A tension exists between punishing offenders and providing offenders with treatment programs , depending on administrators' views regarding the goal of corrections. Regression models tested the hypotheses about factors that affect integrated services. Organizational factors, personal characteristics of administrators, and structural factors were used to examine the degree to which services are integrated, and were found to be statistically significant. In a series of separate models examining the impact of each independent variable on integration, there were statistically significant findings for organizational culture and beliefs about crime and punishment on level of integration of services. In the multivariate models, organizational factors, personal characteristics of criminal justice administrators, and structural factors combined to result in the greatest percentage of explanation of integration of services. Despite significant findings in both the individual and nested models, the independent variables predicted small percentages of the dependent variable (1.1 percent for organizational culture, 1.3 percent for rehabilitative beliefs, 1.7 percent for traditional sanctions, and 16.9 percent when combining all three sets of independent variables) , indicating that there are many other factors impacting service integration not tested in the current study. The research has policy implications due to the recent passage of the Affordable Care Act and the subsequent move towards a health care system that provides coverage for offenders released from prison and those under community corrections. Having access to health care may help offenders obtain needed substance abuse treatment services. From a theoretical perspective, the study contributes to the literature in the field by using competing values theory at the level of the individual worker (criminal justice administrator). Future research should examine other factors impacting integration, such as resource availability, facility location, and barriers to treatment within the organization. Details: Fairfax, VA: George Mason University, 2014. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: http://digilib.gmu.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/1920/8833/Curran_gmu_0883E_10528.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://digilib.gmu.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/1920/8833/Curran_gmu_0883E_10528.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 140155 Keywords: Correctional Treatment Programs Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: United States Sentencing Commission Title: Report to the Congress: Impact of the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 Summary: The United States Sentencing Commission ("the Commission") submits this report to Congress in response to a congressional directive contained in section 10 of the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, Pub. L. No. 111-220, 124 Stat. 2372 ("FSA"), and pursuant to the Commission's general authority under 28 U.S.C. 994-995. For more than twenty years, the Commission has consistently worked with the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government and other interested parties to ensure that cocaine sentencing policy promotes the goals of the Sentencing Reform Act,1 including avoiding unwarranted sentence disparities among defendants with similar criminal records who have been found guilty of similar criminal conduct and promoting proportionate sentencing. Prior to the FSA, the Commission submitted four reports to Congress regarding cocaine sentencing, in 1995, 1997, 2002, and 2007, based on legislative history, scientific and medical literature, extensive analysis of the Commission's own data, public comment, and expert testimony.2 Since 1995, the Commission consistently took the position that the 100-to-1 drug quantity ratio of crack to powder cocaine significantly undermined the congressional objectives set forth in the Sentencing Reform Act. The Commission reached this conclusion based on its core findings regarding crack cocaine penalties as they existed before the FSA: - they overstated the relative harmfulness of crack cocaine compared to powder cocaine; - they swept too broadly and applied most often to lower level offenders; - they overstated the seriousness of most crack cocaine offenses and failed to provide adequate proportionality; and - their severity mostly impacted minorities.3 As a result of these findings, the Commission recommended that Congress reduce crack cocaine penalties so that the crack-to-powder drug quantity ratio was no more than 20-to-1, and that Congress repeal the mandatory minimum penalty for simple possession of crack cocaine.4 In 2007, the Commission reduced the crack cocaine guideline by two levels as an interim measure to alleviate some of the problems its reports identified.5 Consistent with the Commission's recommendations, the FSA reduced the statutory penalties for crack cocaine offenses to produce an 18-to-1 crack-to-powder drug quantity ratio and eliminated the mandatory minimum sentence for simple possession of crack cocaine.6 The FSA also increased statutory fines and directed the Commission to amend the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines to account for specified aggravating and mitigating circumstances in drug trafficking offenses involving any drug type, not only crack cocaine.7 The FSA also directed the Commission to "study and submit to Congress a report regarding the impact of the changes in Federal sentencing law under this Act and the amendments made by this Act." 8 The report generally follows the structure of the FSA, first analyzing the FSA's changes to crack cocaine penalties, then turning to its changes to penalties for federal drug trafficking offenses more broadly. The Commission's study finds that the FSA reduced the disparity between crack and powder cocaine sentences, reduced the federal prison population, and appears to have resulted in fewer federal prosecutions for crack cocaine. All this occurred while crack cocaine use continued to decline. Details: Washington, DC: The Sentencing Commission, 2015. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 13, 2016 at: http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/news/congressional-testimony-and-reports/drug-topics/201507_RtC_Fair-Sentencing-Act.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/news/congressional-testimony-and-reports/drug-topics/201507_RtC_Fair-Sentencing-Act.pdf Shelf Number: 140267 Keywords: Cocaine Offenders Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Fair Sentencing Act Federal Offenders Recidivism Sentencing Guidelines Sentencing Policy

Author: Butts, Jeffrey A. Title: Reclaiming Futures and Organizing Justice for Drug-Using Youth Summary: Reclaiming Futures is an organizational change initiative that supports coordinated and individualized responses for justice-involved youth with problematic substance use issues. The initiative is managed by Portland State University's Regional Research Institute and Graduate School of Social Work in Portland, Oregon. It began in 2001 by working with 10 communities across the United States. Fifteen years later, more than 40 jurisdictions have already implemented, or are currently implementing, the Reclaiming Futures approach. First funded by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF), the initiative targets six stages of the youth justice system: screening, assessment, service coordination, initiation of services, engagement of families and youth, and transitioning to community support. Reclaiming Futures is not a treatment program, although the quality of substance abuse treatment is relevant. It is a strategy for improving the focus and coordination of interventions for justice-involved youth with substance abuse issues. As such, its effectiveness cannot be evaluated solely by measuring youth outcomes like recidivism and renewed drug use. Recent research, however, suggests that it may have positive effects on those outcomes as well. In the first evaluation of Reclaiming Futures, a research team from the Urban Institute and the University of Chicago estimated the initiative's impact in the first 10 sites by conducting surveys of system actors and their community partners (Butts and Roman 2007). The study's questionnaire measured perceptions of juvenile justice and substance abuse treatment systems on three major dimensions (administration, collaboration, and service quality). In 2015, the Research & Evaluation Center at John Jay College of Criminal Justice administered the same questionnaire in 24 communities implementing Reclaiming Futures. The study compares the perceptions of people working in Reclaiming Futures communities today with those of similar colleagues from nearly ten years ago. Nine of 24 sites in this study participated in the 2007 study as well, but the respondents in 2015 were not the same as those surveyed in the earlier evaluation. Thus, the study compares similar but distinct samples of youth services professionals at two different points in time. Nearly half (49%) the invited respondents completed surveys in 2015 (N=128). When researchers isolated findings from the nine sites that participated in both the original 2007 evaluation and the most recent survey, the data suggest that communities with the strongest engagement in Reclaiming Futures tend to have more positive perceptions of their youth justice and substance abuse treatment systems, including key facets of administration, collaboration, and overall system quality. In communities where the original survey scores increased significantly during the early years of Reclaiming Futures, improvements were sustained through 2015. Thus, robust implementation of Reclaiming Futures may be associated with lasting improvements in system operations. Details: New York, NY: Research & Evaluation Center, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, 2016. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 13, 2016 at: https://jjrec.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/recfutures2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://jjrec.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/recfutures2016.pdf Shelf Number: 14937 Keywords: Drug Offenders Juvenile Offenders Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Engleman, Laura Title: Evaluation of the OTMA and ASUS-R among Colorado offenders Summary: The current study sought to: 1) conduct a thorough literature review to explore assessment approaches and quality (including the issues of clinical judgment vs. statistical prediction, the accuracy of self-report data, and treatment matching); 2) evaluation the measurement characteristics of the ASUS-R and OTMA scales that assess substance use/abuse and substance dependence; 3) select the best substance abuse severity measure, considering psychometric properties as well as administration time, ease of use, cost, training, and staffing. Details: Denver, CO: Colorado Interagency Advisory Committee on Adult and Juvenile Correctional Treatment, 2012. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 14, 2016 at: http://hermes.cde.state.co.us/drupal/islandora/object/co%3A11606 Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://hermes.cde.state.co.us/drupal/islandora/object/co%3A11606 Shelf Number: 147862 Keywords: Correctional Treatment Programs Drug Offenders Prisons Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Kane-Willis, Kathleen Title: New Directions for Illinois Drug Policy: An Update on Incarceration for Drug Offenses In Illinois Summary: Drug Use among Arrestees in Cook County Jail Of the ten Arrestee Drug Use Monitoring II sites, Chicago (Cook County) had the greatest number of arrestees testing positive for drugs at 87 percent of the sample. - Cook County also had the highest percentage of poly-substance use confirmed through the urine screen at 40 percent, an increase over the number of arrestees testing positive for poly-substance use in 2007. Cocaine - Cook County had the largest percentage of arrestees testing positive for cocaine at 43.8 percent. - There was very little racial difference among arrestees testing positive for cocaine. Blacks and whites tested positive for cocaine in nearly similar percentages (46.2% and 45.7% respectively), though fewer Latinos tested positive for cocaine (33.4%) than whites or blacks. Heroin - Of the ten sites, Chicago had the highest percentage of arrestees testing positive for heroin at 29 percent. In comparison, Washington DC, which ranked second after Chicago, only had 12 percent of arrestees testing positive for heroin. Chicago's test results also represent a statistically significant increase over the percentage of arrestees testing positive for heroin in 2007. - Racial differences were particularly pronounced for heroin use. The percentage of whites testing positive for heroin (41%) was nearly twice that of black and Latino arrestees (25% and 24% respectively). - Individuals that tested positive for heroin were much more likely to have been arrested for a property crime. Forty-six percent of the arrestees charged with a property crime tested positive for heroin, followed by 27.4 percent of arrestees with a drug possession charge testing positive for heroin. Drug Offenders Entering Prison in Illinois In Illinois, the number of individuals entering Illinois' prisons for drug offenses increased 12 percent from 10,436 individuals in 2000 to 11,680 in 2008. The peak year for drug offenders entering prison was 2005, when the number of drug offenders entering prison reached nearly 15,000 individuals. Individuals entering prison for drug offenses have steadily declined from 2006 to 2008. - One reason for the large number of individuals entering Illinois prisons in 2005 is the large increase in technical violators admitted to prison. The number of these offenders increased more than 290 percent over fiscal year 2000 numbers, from 955 individuals to 3,727 individuals in 2005 - Court commitments also increased, from about 7,800 in 2000 to about 9,600 in 2005, a 23 percent increase. - The combination of increases in court commitments along with the very large increases in technical violations from parolees may partially explain the peak year numbers. Sales and Possession Offenders Individuals who entered prison for drug sales offenses declined during this period from 5,074 individuals in 2000 to 4,202 in 2008. The number of individuals entering Illinois' prisons for drug possession of a controlled substance - that is possession of any drug besides marijuana - increased by more than 42 percent from 4,675 individuals in 2000, to 6,618 offenders in 2008. Since 2002, nearly every year, the percentage of those going to prison for possession offenses has increased. For example: - In 2000, 52 percent of those admitted to prison for drug offenses were convicted of sales offenses, and 48 percent were convicted of possession offenses. - By 2008, possessions offenders made up nearly 62 percent of drug offenders incarcerated for drug offenses, while sales offenders made up just 38 percent of individuals entering prison for drugs. - In 2008, 53 percent of those entering prison for drug offenses were convicted of a Class 4 felony, the lowest-level possession offense. The number of prisons entrances for individuals convicted of the lowest level of drug offenses, Class 4 possession offenses, increased by 34 percent, from 4,634 individuals in 2000 to 6,188 individuals in 2008. - In 2000, these offenders represented 44 percent of admissions to prison for all drug offenses, but by 2008, Class 4 possession offenders comprised 53 percent of admissions for drug offenses that resulted in prison terms. - Imprisonment for individuals convicted of cannabis possession, although small in number, increased by 35 percent from 189 individuals in 2000 to 256 individuals in 2008. - Technical violations among Class 4 drug possession offenders that resulted in a new prison admission increased from 279 individuals in 2000 to nearly 900 individuals in 2008. This was an increase of more than 220 percent. Reducing Recidivism - Drug treatment in jail reduces recidivism by about 4.5 percent. - Drug treatment in prison provides a nearly 6 percent reduction in recidivism. - Drug treatment in the community reduces recidivism by about 9.5 percent. - The largest impact on recidivism rates occurs when individuals are given intensive supervision (parole or probation) with treatment, which reduces recidivism by more than 16 percent. Cost of Incarcerating Lowest Level Drug Offenders in 2008 In Illinois, it costs about $61.36 per day to house an offender in prison. The majority of low-level drug possession offenders will most likely spend a short period of time in prison (e.g. 120 days or less). - The cost for an offender to spend 120 days in prison is approximately $7,363. - The cost of imprisoning the 4,379 Class 4 possession offenders (the lowest level drug offense) in 2008 (assuming an average stay of 120 days) was $34,243,453.00. Details: Chicago: Illinois Consortium on Drug Policy, 2009. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Shelf Number: 147871 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Reform Intensive Supervision

Author: Kane-Willis, Kathleen Title: Understanding Suburban Heroin Use. Research Findings from the Reed Hruby Heroin Prevention Project at the Robert Crown Center for Health Education Summary: Mexican heroin production has increased significantly since 2002 from an estimated 6.8 metric tons to a production level of 50 metric tons in 2011 - a more than seven-fold increase in just seven years. This increase in production has made heroin more available in many areas across the country, including Missouri, New York, North Carolina, Illinois, Pennsylvania and South Carolina. Patterns of suburban heroin use have been reported nationally and in Illinois: - Though heroin use levels may be somewhat stable, use is increasing among young people in many suburban and rural areas, according to the US Department of Justice. - Illinois has seen an increase in young suburban users, evident in public treatment admissions and hospital discharge data. For example: Among 20 to 24 year olds, from 1998 to 2007, hospital discharges for heroin use among Chicagoans declined 67 percent but increased more than 200 percent in the Collar Counties. National survey and treatment data indicate increases in youth heroin use: - According to the National Household Survey on Drug Use and Health, initiations to heroin have increased 80 percent since 2002. - Among those ages 12 to 17, survey data indicates that nearly 34,000 youths initiate to heroin in a given year. - Among those ages 12 to 17, survey data indicates that nearly 3,753 youths used heroin on any given day, not necessarily for the first time. - Treatment admissions among those in their teens and their 20s increased by about 56 to 58 percent from 1996 to 2006. - The majority of youth aged 12 to 17 entering public treatment for heroin across the nation were white (76 percent), followed by Latinos (16 percent), with only 2 percent of those entering treatment being African American. - In Illinois, nearly 70 percent of youth under age 18 admitted to public treatment were white. Injection drug use is increasing among younger heroin users: - Over a ten year period, injection drug use has increased among heroin using teens by 94 percent, with about 70 percent of teens reporting injection currently. - Injection drug use among 20 year olds entering treatment for heroin increased by 110 percent, with more than three quarters reporting injection drug use. The academic literature has demonstrated some linkage between the usage of opiate pills to the initiation of heroin and survey data demonstrate that: - In 2008, over 900,000 12 to 17 year olds initiated to prescription pain pills. - While cannabis initiation trumps prescription pain pill initiation, (59 percent vs. 17.1 percent), the second most common illicit drug initiation was to prescription pain pills. Understanding Heroin Use, Addiction and Dependency Heroin has one of the highest dependency liability profiles of any licit or illicit drug--only nicotine ranks higher. As such, the fear the public may have about the increasing heroin use among young people is understandable. Of those who are offered heroin, about 20 percent will try it, and of those, 25 percent will proceed to dependency. The academic literature indicates that the life trajectory of heroin dependent persons is poor, with extremely negative outcomes. There is little information available in the literature on this emerging population of suburban heroin users. In order to build a profile of suburban heroin use and users, the researchers decided to use a "life map" approach. This approach allowed the research team to build profiles of suburban heroin users in order to better understand this growing population. Heroin Interview Findings Among the interviewees, the researchers found three pathways to heroin: 1. Pill Use to Heroin -- Use and dependence on opiate pills prior to using heroin (e.g. using heroin as a replacement for opiate pills when they were difficult to obtain) - One third of the sample was dependent on opioid pills like Oxycontin or Vicodin before transitioning to heroin. - One participant had become addicted after being prescribed Vicodin by his doctor. - Pill users' perception of heroin use were softened (e.g. they were less scared to try it) once they realized the connection between opioid pills and heroin. 2. Cocaine Use to Heroin Use of heroin to ease the effects of cocaine binges (e.g. using heroin to "come down" from the cocaine) o Users who binge on cocaine generally find that they require something to stop the cocaine binge and enable them to fall asleep. Roughly one-third of our sample initiated to heroin in this manner. 3. Poly drug use to Heroin - Poly drug use to heroin was the most common path to initiation among our sample, with just over one third initiating to heroin in this manner. Characteristics of Heroin Initiation - All of the interviewees first initiated use to heroin by inhalation - "snorting" or "sniffing" heroin. Most of the interviewees thought that heroin used this way was "less addictive" or had no addictive qualities at all. - The mean age of first use of heroin was 18.4. Three of the interviewees used heroin at age 15. - All of the interviewees, except one, transitioned from sniffing to injection. - One third of our sample began to use heroin while they were in high school.- Among the higher SES participants, heroin use spread throughout the high school peer group and many people became dependent. - The majority of those interviewed had little or no idea what heroin use dependence consisted of or the withdrawal syndrome associated with it. - Many became addicted quickly after initiation, but dependency was generally identified by another person (someone who was dependent). Interviewees thought that the withdrawal syndrome was the flu or some other illness. Interviewees had minimal drug knowledge: - The majority of heroin interviewees had little or no education regarding heroin use and dependency. - Many indicated that if they had known about heroin - (and other opioids) -addictive and dependency profile, they would not have become addicted. Characteristics of the Sample - More than 75 percent of the interviewees self-reported mental health disorders or exhibited symptoms of mental health disorders. - The high levels of mental health disorders - self-report or observed symptoms - indicate that one reason for using or continuing to use heroin was to ease these symptoms; thus selfmedication was common in most interviewees. - More than two-thirds of the sample exhibited sensation seeking behavior. Negative Experiences Related to Heroin Use Health Mortality rates for heroin dependent persons are extremely high. Over 50 percent of heroin dependent persons will be dead before the age of 50, with the mean age of death being 30. Overdose is a common danger that both novice and dependent users with extensive use backgrounds may face: - About one-third of the sample experienced multiple overdoses. - Two interviewees had friends who died from heroin overdoses. Heroin use causes major health problems, including heart disease, blood borne pathogens from injecting (HIV/HCV/HBV) and dental problems. Heroin dependent individuals have high rates of co-occurring disorders (COD), which makes them more prone to die from suicide than the general population: - One third of the sample suffered significant scarring from injection, amputation or limb damage as a result of injection drug use. - About half the sample had missing teeth, caused by the lack of saliva in the heroin dependent person. - At least three of the interviewees had been hospitalized for a serious event related to drug use including endocarditis, abscesses at the injection site, cellulitis and other infections. - Three of the participants attempted suicide on more than one occasion. Education, Employment and Housing - More than a third lost jobs due to heroin dependency. - More than half left educational programs due to heroin dependency (this includes high school and college). - Nearly half the sample experienced a period of homelessness. Crime Victimization - More than half of the female interviewees had been subject to a crime. Three were victims of violent sexual assault (all while living in precarious housing/homelessness situations). - At least one male was subject to a hold-up at gunpoint by other users. - Many of the interviewees indicated that they had been victims of other forms of crime, such as having money stolen during drug transactions, generally with other users. Criminal Activity As the heroin user becomes more dependent and loses employment, the normal trajectory indicates that the heroin dependent individual will commit crimes to support their habit. Generally these crimes are acquisitive crimes, which are crimes to obtain money. Violent crime is not common among heroin dependent users: - About 75 percent of the sample committed some form of theft�Xincluding theft from parents, shoplifting, and burglaries. - Those who engaged in drug selling after their addiction did so to provide money for heroin. About half of our male interviewees engaged in drug selling. - Another way in which heroin dependent individuals in our sample paid for heroin was by giving other users rides to the city to purchase heroin. - More than half of the female interviewees engaged in sex work (prostitution) after they had become dependent on heroin. - More than 70 percent of our sample reported an arrest after becoming dependent on heroin. - About half of the sample had at least one felony conviction. - Nearly one-third of our sample experienced incarceration. More men than women (3:1) experienced incarceration after being dependent on heroin. Challenges Overcoming Addiction/Dependency Once heroin dependency is established, the life trajectory of heroin users tends to be one of treatment followed by relapse. This pattern generally continues throughout the individual's life: - The majority of our sample (80 percent) had been in some form of treatment more than one time. - More than half of the sample had used heroin in the three months preceding the interview. - About a third of the sample indicated that while they had not used recently, they would if they had the opportunity. Details: Chicago: Illinois Consortium on Drug Policy, 2015. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: https://www.robertcrown.org/files/Understanding_suburban_heroin_use.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.robertcrown.org/files/Understanding_suburban_heroin_use.pdf Shelf Number: 147872 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Heroin Addicts

Author: Kane-Willis, Kathleen Title: Patchwork Policy: an evaluation of arrests and tickets for marijuana misdemeanors in Illinois Summary: Nationally, the conversation around marijuana has changed significantly. More than 75% of Americans support measures that would end criminal sanctions for those in possession of small amounts of marijuana. According to polling data released in 2014, 63% of Illinois voters support a marijuana decriminalization bill. Despite these changing attitudes, Illinois's dubious distinctions in terms of marijuana possession arrests is evident in nearly every metric when compared with other states and the national average: - Illinois ranked 5th nationally in the number of arrests for marijuana possession in 2010; - Of the 5 states with the largest number of marijuana possession arrests from 2001 to 2010, Illinois' rate of arrest increased the fastest, by nearly one-third ; - Illinois tied with Texas for 1st place for the proportion of marijuana possession arrests (97.8%) compared to all marijuana arrests and including sales, manufacturing, and delivery arrests; - Illinois ranked fourth in the nation for the rate of arrests for marijuana possession per 100K; - Illinois's marijuana possession arrest rate is more than 150% higher than the national average; - Illinois ranked third in the nation for the black to white racial disparity of marijuana possession offenders, despite the fact that marijuana use is the same between these two groups; - In Illinois, African Americans were about 7.6 times more likely to be arrested than whites; - Cook County made the most marijuana possession arrests of any county in the nation with 33,068 arrests in 2010 and also had one of the worst racial disparity rates in the nation; - Illinois' estimated spending for marijuana possession ranged from $78 million to $364 million per year on marijuana possession arrests and adjudications. In Illinois, 84% of all marijuana arrests are for misdemeanor possession and these arrests represent a sizable portion of arrests within the state. For example: - Three year averages for marijuana misdemeanor arrests from 2010-2013 are over 41,000 per year; - In comparison to FBI index crimes, arrests for marijuana misdemeanors were equivalent to 50% of arrests for all index crimes, that is serious and violent crimes; - Compared to all drug arrests, marijuana misdemeanor arrests make up 39% of drug arrests - including sales and possession of controlled substances - in the state of Illinois; - Of marijuana misdemeanor arrests, 85% of arrests were for possession of cannabis totaling less than 10 grams. As part of these changing attitudes, over 100 Illinois municipalities have passed ordinances that provide ticketing alternatives for small amounts of marijuana. Arrests however, can still be made under state law allowing law enforcement personnel to choose between arresting or ticketing individuals in possession of marijuana. An analysis of pre and post ordinance implementation arresting patterns found: - Of the four municipalities reviewed, Chicago had the smallest decrease in arrests, with arrests declining by only 21% while Evanston had the largest decrease (46%); - Marijuana misdemeanor arrests decreased by 40% in Urbana and by over 32% in Yorkville. In order to understand the level of ticketing to arrests within each municipality, we calculated the ratio of tickets to arrests in six municipalities. Large differences were found between cities: - Countryside had the highest level of implementation, with 88% of marijuana possession violations resulted in tickets; - In Champaign, 75% of marijuana misdemeanor offenders received a ticket instead of arrest; - In Evanston, 69% of misdemeanor marijuana possession violations resulted in a ticket; - Urbana was slightly more likely to arrest than administer a ticket for marijuana possession (59% v. 41%); - In Chicago, 93% of misdemeanor marijuana possession violations resulted in an arrest and in only 7% of cases a ticket was issued; Since ticketing has been identified as a way of possibly reducing the negative impact of disproportionate minority contact (DMC), we assessed municipalities that provided race and ethnicity data: - Study results indicated no real change in DMC after ticketing ordinances were implemented; - Individuals receiving the tickets appeared to be a subset of those arrested; - Yorkville showed little disproportionate minority contact prior to and after ticketing, while Evanston demonstrated high levels of DMC. Arrest and ticket rate per 100,000 individuals was calculated in order to formulate accurate comparisons between municipalities of varying population sizes: - Chicago had the highest arrest rate of any municipality in the study, even after the ordinance was implemented, with nearly 590 arrests per 100,000 individuals; - Chicago was the only municipality studied with a marijuana arrest rate higher than the state rate, specifically 150% higher than the state average; and more than 230% higher than the U.S. rate; - Evanston had the lowest arrest rate with 128 arrests per 100,000 individuals; The sizable difference between Chicago's arrest rate and the rates of other municipalities warranted additional analyses. The number of arrests made in Chicago for marijuana misdemeanors drives state totals: - In 2011, Chicago's misdemeanor arrest comprised almost 50% of the state total; - Despite the decrease from 2011 - 2013, the number of arrests was still disarmingly high in 2013, comprising 38% of Illinois total misdemeanor arrests; - Additionally, the decrease in arrests did not represent a fundamental shift - both in 2001 and 2002, marijuana misdemeanor arrests were lower than in the most recent year (2013). Arguments for the ticketing ordinance were focused on police time and costs. We calculated the amount of time and costs spent on marijuana arrests after the ticket was implemented and found: - In 2013, Chicago police spent from 24,000 hours to 63,000 hours arresting marijuana misdemeanants; - In 2013, the costs associated with misdemeanor marijuana arrests ranged from $25 million to upwards of $115 million dollars after the passage of the ticketing ordinance; - If misdemeanor arrests were reduced by half, potential costs savings range from $12.5 million to $57.9 million; if the number of arrests dropped by three quarters, estimated costs savings range between $18.8 million to $86.9 million per year. The low number of tickets given in Chicago in 2013 (only 1,100) resulted in a significant amount of lost revenue: - The amount of revenue generated for 2013 from marijuana tickets was small, around $416,250; - If half of the number of arrests were charged as tickets, the revenue generated would be closer to $2.9 million and if three-quarters of arrest resulted in tickets, the revenue generated would be more than $4.5 million per year. Marijuana misdemeanor rates within community areas prior to and after the implementation of the Chicago ticketing ordinance were also analyzed: - Geographic disparity by community area was found even after the ticketing ordinance was implemented, with marijuana possession rates that are more than 1100% above the national average; - After the ticketing ordinance was implemented, disparities in neighborhood arrest rates increased, for example Fuller Park, East Garfield Park, and West Garfield Park had arrest rates that were 7 times higher than the city of Chicago's average rate; - Compared to the Edison Park (the neighborhood with the lowest arrest rate), neighborhoods such as Fuller Park, East and West Garfield Park had marijuana arrest rates that were more than 150 times higher after implementing the ticket ordinance; - Neighborhoods with a large African American population were found to be predictive of high arrest rates for marijuana misdemeanor arrests (p < .001). Findings Inconsistencies in the implementation of ticketing legislation are the result of disparities in ticket administration from one community area to the next. Discrepancies in the application of the tickets by geography create a patchwork system of policy resulting in an unequal application of justice. Because a two-tiered system still exists, police retain discretion and can choose who to ticket and who to arrest. Geography, not justice, determines whether marijuana possession results in a fine or an arrest. Details: Chicago: Illinois Consortium on Drug Policy, 2014. 79p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Shelf Number: 147873 Keywords: Arrests Drug Addicts Drug Offenders Marijuana Misdemeanors

Author: Kane-Willis, Kathleen Title: Diminishing Capacity: The Heroin Crisis and Illinois Treatment in a National Perspective Summary: National Trends - This rise of heroin use has been a major focus of concern among government agencies such as the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), the Substance Abuse Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), and the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) and data verify these concerns: - In 2013, the number of individuals (681,000) reporting past year heroin use was significantly higher than in 2007 (314,000), nearly doubling over the six year period. - In 2012, those entering treatment reporting heroin as this primary substance of abuse increased to 16% of all treatment admissions, the highest level since data collection began in 1992. - Heroin overdoses (poisonings) have nearly quadrupled from 2002 to 2013, with 8,200 deaths in 2013. Illinois Trends While heroin treatment episodes are reaching historic highs nationally, in Illinois treatment admissions for heroin are significantly higher than the nation as a whole, for example: - Nationally, heroin treatment admissions comprised 16.4% of total state funded treatment in 2012, while in Illinois heroin admissions make up one-quarter of all treatment admissions for the state, and are 56% greater than the nation as a whole; - In 2012, the Chicago Metropolitan Area percentage of treatment admissions for heroin was more than double the national average (35.1% vs 16.4%). - From 2006 to 2012, heroin was the second most common reason for Illinoisans to enter state publicly funded treatment, after alcohol. In 2000, it was the 4th most common reason. Heroin use is not only rising in urban areas area but is also dramatically increasing in rural and suburban counties. - In 2007, treatment episodes for heroin comprised just 4% of total publicly funded treatment in Metro East Illinois, but by 2012, heroin made up 18% of all treatment episodes - a fourfold increase in just 5 years. - In 2007, treatment admissions in Decatur for heroin comprised just 3% of the total, spiking to 23% in 2012, representing a 6-fold increase. - In 2007, treatment admissions in Peoria-Pekin for heroin were 7% and by 2012 it was 16%, a 119% increase. - Between 2007 and 2012, treatment episodes for heroin more than doubled in Bloomington-Normal and Champaign- Urbana from 5% to 11% and 6% to 13% respectively. According to survey data heroin use is increasing especially among young people in Illinois. - In 2007, 2.5% of Illinois youth reported using heroin in the past year, while in 2013, that number increased to 3.8%, a nearly 50 percent increase in just six years. - The greatest percentage increase occurred among females - a 90% increase over that time period. Males were more likely to report using heroin - nearly six percent in 2013. The Chicago Metropolitan Area ranks in the top for both emergency department mentions for heroin and number of individuals who were arrested and tested positive for heroin. - Arrestees from Cook County tested positive for opiates (including heroin) at a rate of 18.6%, higher than any other area in the nation. - Arrestees from Cook County also self-reported using heroin more times per month than those from any other jurisdiction, (26.8 days per month). - Arrestees from Cook County reported using heroin in the last three days more than those from any other region (15.7%). - The Chicago Metropolitan area ranked first in the country for the total number of mentions for heroin (23,627) nearly double the number for New York City. - Chicago also reported the highest number of heroin mentions among African American mentions (13,178), nearly four times more than New York City (3,463) and nearly 6 times higher than Detroit (2,311). - Among whites, only Boston had more ED mentions for heroin (10,045), but Chicago was second (7,024). - Chicago ranked highest in the number of ED mentions for both women and men. Adjusting for population, Chicago ranked 2nd highest in the number of mentions overall, behind Boston. Declining Treatment Capacity: Illinois in National Perspective While heroin use is increasing in every area of the state, there has been an alarming and dramatic decrease in treatment from 2007 to 2012. - Illinois ranked first in the US for the decline in treatment capacity over this period, a loss of more than half of its treatment episodes, 52% decrease over the five year period. - In 2007, Illinois ranked 28th in state funded treatment capacity, but in 2012 Illinois ranked 44th, or 3rd worst in the nation; only Tennessee and Texas ranked lower. - In 2012, Illinois's state funded treatment rate was (265 per 100K) more than 50% lower than the US rate. - When compared to other Midwestern states, Illinois had the lowest rate of state funded treatment. Minnesota's rate was 2.7 times Illinois's rate (982.1 vs 256.6), Ohio's rate was twice as high as Illinois, Wisconsin rate was 1.8 times greater, and Indiana's rate, which was lower than that for any Midwestern state, aside from Illinois, was still 43% higher than Illinois. Illinois State funding for addiction treatment decreased significantly: - From 2007 to 2012, General Revenue Funding decreased by nearly 30% ($111M vs $79M), while Medicaid funding decreased by 4% over this time period. - These decreases in funding continue in FY 16, where the proposed budget represents a 61% decrease in state funded addiction treatment; - Including Medicaid increases from FY13 to FY16, addiction treatment funding (including Medicaid), still dropped by 28% overall ($163M in 2007 to $116M in the proposed FY16 budget) Details: Chicago: Illinois Consortium on Drug Policy, 2015. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Shelf Number: 147874 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Heroin Addicts

Author: Kane-Willis, Kathleen Title: Hidden in Plain Sight: Heroin's Impact on Chicago's West Side Summary: The West side of Chicago may be mentioned in media reports, but in passing -- a place where suburban or increasingly rural users travel to in order to purchase heroin. However, Chicago's West side has not been spared from the health consequences of the heroin crisis, which are severe, significant and mostly silent. While the focus remains on suburban and rural users, the majority of hospitalizations for opioids (including heroin) and publicly funded treatment admissions data paint a different picture:  In 2013, 80% of the State's heroin treatment admissions occurred in the Chicago Metro Area;  Analysis of Illinois Department of Public Health Data indicate that the majority (67%) of total Illinois hospitalizations for opioids, including heroin, occurred in Chicago (2010 data) and 79% occurred in Cook County, while about 3% occurred in DuPage county (2,711) in the same period;  West side hospitalizations for opioids, including heroin, comprised nearly 1 out of 4 opioid hospitalizations for the entire State (23%);  West side hospitalizations make up 35% of the Chicago's total, compared to 7% for the North Side, and 20% for South side of Chicago;  The majority of those hospitalized for opioids on Chicago's West side were Black (83%). Diminishing Capacity Illinois publicly funded treatment capacity has declined rapidly. This decline in funding impacts those across the state but particularly those in the Chicago Metro Area, and may have a disparate impact on Black individuals - especially those in areas like the West side -- who are attempting to gain access to treatment. For example:  In just 5 years, from 2009 to 2013, the Chicago Metro Area lost 61% of its publicly funded treatment capacity compared to a state decline of 54%;  Blacks entering publicly funded treatment for heroin from the Chicago Metro Area comprised 58% of the Chicago Metro Areas treatment episodes for heroin;  The only area with a larger change in treatment episodes occurred in the Bloomington Metro area which experienced a 63% reduction in capacity from 2009 to 2013, while rural areas decreased by 39% and Peoria Metro remained stable. Mortality The image presented in news media and other forums suggests that heroin overdose is primarily a white problem, but analysis of Illinois Public Health data sets paints a different picture:  The heroin overdose mortality rate was significantly higher for African Americans (8.94 per 100,000) than for whites (5.86). Latino deaths were too low to calculate a significant rate, but both white deaths and Black deaths increased rapidly between 2013 and 2014;  Fifty-seven percent of overdoses among Blacks were due to heroin, while 37% of whites died from heroin overdoses.  Chicago had the highest rate of heroin overdose (7.42 per 100,000) significantly higher than Suburban Cook (4.73), Will (5.42), Lake (5.55), McHenry (5.53), DuPage (4.72), Kane (2.86). Arrests and Neighborhood Disparity The majority of the attention paid to the West side in regard to the heroin crisis and use is policing, arrest and incarceration rather than health based solutions for heroin use disorders. These policy and policing decisions have an impact on not only the community but on our spending for the state.  Even as arrests for heroin possession declined by 30 percent from 2010 to 2015 across the City of Chicago, the West side neighborhoods of West and East Garfield Park experienced an increase in the heroin possession arrest rate from 2010-2015;  The four Chicago neighborhoods with the highest rates of arrest for heroin possession in 2015 include West Garfield Park (2,983 arrests per 100,000), East Garfield Park (1,925 arrests per 100,000), North Lawndale (1,375.58 arrests per 100,000) and Humboldt Park (per 100,000), which all located on the West side of Chicago compared to a City rate of 141 per 100,000;  To put these arrest rates in context, the rate for heroin possession arrests in West Garfield Park (2,983 per 100,000) was more than 20 times higher than the rate for the city as a whole (141 per 100,000), East Garfield Park's was about 13 times higher than the city�s rate, North Lawndale 9 times higher and Austin (642 per 100,000) 4 times the city's rate;  West Garfield Park's rate was 2,000 times higher than Lincoln Park's arrest rate (1.56 per 100,000) and compared to Hyde Park, West Garfield Park's rate of arrest was 766 times higher than Hyde Park's rate (3.89 per 100,000).  In five areas of Chicago, no arrests for heroin possession occurred during 2015. Incarcerating individuals costs $25,000 per year, while jail time costs about $150 a day. As the state reconsiders its policies regarding both crime reduction, cost savings and reducing prison populations, it is important to recognize that providing treatment, such as methadone, returns $12 for every dollar spent. Imprisoning individuals with heroin use disorders, a health condition, is neither cost effective nor as effective as treatment in the community. Treatment in the community returns significant savings to taxpayers and societyi in public health and economic savings. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS Increase Community Based Treatment Capacity - Particularly Medication Assisted Treatment According to analysis, Cook County has high treatment need and not enough providers for opioid use disorders, for example:  In Illinois, for everyone 1,000 residents 3.8 people has opioid use disorders than could be treated under the current system.  Currently Cook County can only treat about 15,000 individuals but the need is much higher than the system can accommodate currently. Create a Misdemeanor Classification for Small Amounts of Drugs Heroin and other opioids, no matter the amount, are currently felonies in Illinois but this is inconsistent with federal law, and many other states have created misdemeanors for personal use, for small amounts of drugs other than cannabis. Illinois policymakers have introduced legislation to reduce amounts under 1 gram from a felony to a misdemeanor.  According to polling of Illinois residents, 78% of Illinoisan believe in reclassifying small amounts of drugs from a felony to a misdemeanor.  Not only would this policy change help prevent the collateral consequences of felony convictions on those with substance use disorder, but it would yield a cost savings of $58M over three years according to a fiscal impact analysis conducted by the Sentencing Policy Advisory Council. Provide Methadone and/or Buprenorphine Maintenance in Cook County Jail and Create Linkages to Treatment Providers There exist a number of models, like the Riker's Island model in New York City, where individuals who are addicted to heroin or other opioids are provided with opioid agonist (e.g. methadone, buprenorphine) treatment in jail and then are linked to continuing methadone or buprenorphine treatment providers in the community.  These programs have demonstrated great success in both lowering crime and retaining individuals in treatment - which is one of the biggest predictor of treatment success;  Research demonstrates that methadone maintenance yielded better results than counseling alone for detainees in terms of one month and yearly relapse rates. Naloxone Dispensing in Different Environments Researchers have consistently demonstrated that more naloxone distributed in the community lowers the fatal overdose rate overall. In order to ensure that persons who are at high risk for overdose have access to naloxone (which is now covered by Medicaid as private insurance under Public Act 099‐0480), it is essential to ensure that it is more widely distributed under "standing orders," in the following settings:  In the Emergency Department, hospitals should prescribe or distribute naloxone to individuals who have experienced overdose;  In Treatment Centers and after Detox , according to the American Society of Addiction Medicine, naloxone education and distribution programs should be incorporated into the treatment system;  In Cook County Jail, Cook County Jail is now launching a pilot to ensure that individuals have access to opioid overdose education and naloxone. This program should be expanded. Increase Access to Harm Reduction Practices Harm reduction practices are an excellent way to bridge the gap to reduce the health consequences of heroin use. Harm reduction practices include the following:  Syringe exchange, including cookers, cottons and needles to stop the spread of blood borne pathogens and naloxone distribution;  Housing First initiatives, which do not require complete abstinence from substances, before being housed;  Safe use and consumption facilities, staffed with medical professionals to ensure that overdoses can be reversed as safe consumption facilities also reduce fatal overdoses in the community. Details: Chicago: Illinois Consortium on Drug Policy, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.roosevelt.edu/CAS/CentersAndInstitutes/IMA/ICDP.aspx Shelf Number: 147875 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Heroin Heroin Addicts Neighborhoods and crime

Author: Thorburn, Hamish Title: Trends in conditional discharges in NSW Local Courts: 2004-2015 Summary: Courts are increasingly choosing to give offenders a section 10(1)b bond rather than fine them according to new research by the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research (BOCSAR). A 10(1)b bond is one of the least severe penalties a court can impose on an offender. Offenders given a section 10(1)b bond are released without conviction on condition that they enter into a good behaviour bond. Breach of a bond may result in resentencing for the original offence. BOCSAR examined the penalties imposed by the NSW Local Courts between January 2004 and September 2015 for assault, drug, weapons, property damage and traffic offences. These offences account for around 80 per cent of all section 10(1)b bonds. Between January 2004 and September 2015, the percentage of offenders in these categories receiving a section 10(1)b bond rose from 15.2 per cent to 23.6 per cent. Over the same period the proportion of fines being imposed by the Local Court for the same offences fell from 66 per cent to 55.9 per cent; almost perfectly matching the increase in the use of section 10(1)b bonds. The growth in the use of section 10(1)b bonds remained significant even after controlling for changes in offender characteristics such as Indigenous status, gender, level of disadvantage, age, remoteness of residence, number of concurrent offences and prior criminal record. Details: Sydney: New South Wales Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2016. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice, no. 196: Accessed September 15, 2016 at: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/Documents/CJB/Report-2016-Trends-in-conditional-discharges-cjb196.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://www.bocsar.nsw.gov.au/Documents/CJB/Report-2016-Trends-in-conditional-discharges-cjb196.pdf Shelf Number: 147882 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarcerations Conditional Discharge Criminal Courts Drug Offenders Sentencing

Author: Phelps, William Title: Idaho Drug and Alcohol Related Arrests and Charges: 2006-2013 Summary: The arrest data extracted and analyzed are from the Idaho Incident Based Reporting System (IIBRS) repository maintained by Idaho State Police between 2006 and 2013. Court information is from the Idaho Supreme Court for the years 2008‐2013. Since the court data was initially requested for a different report, the date range does not match that of the IIBRS section of the current report.����� IIBRS � Alcohol related arrests have been declining since 2006, while drug related arrests have increased by nearly 18%. � Arrests for driving under the influence decreased by 28% between 2006 and 2013. � Between 2006 and 2013, 7,764 pounds of marijuana were seized; the most of any drug. � Prescription drug seizures peaked in 2012 with 31,730 dosage units seized. � Cases involving cocaine decreased between 2006 and 2013 while cases involving opiates (e.g., heroin) increased by 283%. � Although offenders arrested for drug or alcohol related offenses are most often male, the proportion of female arrestees increased slightly in 2013. � The proportion of female arrestees was largest for cases involving methamphetamine and prescription drugs. � In 2013, the offender was suspected of being under the influence of alcohol or drugs in nearly 20% of violent crime arrests. Court Information �� � The rate of alcohol cases declined between 2008 through 2013 from 14.3 to 8.7 per 1,000 people in Idaho. � The rate of drug cases increased between 2008 through 2013 from 6.3 to 7.6 cases per 1,000 people. � Possession accounted for more than 80% of drug charges and DUIs accounted for nearly 60% of alcohol charges. � Drug use/consume cases increased by 24% between 2008 and 2013. � Cases involving minors in possession of alcohol decreased by 12% between 2008 and 2013. � Individuals age 18‐24 accounted for the largest percentage of defendants in drug and alcohol related cases between 2008 and 2013. � More than 40% of drug charges between 2008 and 2013 involved paraphernalia. � The most common drug types in transporting/importing cases between 2008 and 2013 included marijuana (38.4%) and methamphetamine (38.9%). � Nearly 45% of drug charges and less than 25% of alcohol charges were dismissed. � The percent of drug and alcohol related cases involving a probation violation decreased from approximately 11% in 2012 to 6% in 2013. Details: Meridian, ID: Idaho Statistical Analysis Center, Idaho State Police, 2015. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2016 at: https://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/inc/documents/AlcoholandDrugTrendReport06-13Final.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/inc/documents/AlcoholandDrugTrendReport06-13Final.pdf Shelf Number: 140514 Keywords: Alcohol Related Crime, Disorder Driving Under the Influence Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drunk Driving

Author: Indig, Devon Title: Comorbid substance use disorders and mental health disorders among New Zealand prisoners Summary: Introduction Mental health and substance use disorders are known to be substantially higher among prisoners than in the general population. The purpose of this study was to investigate the prevalence and co-occurrence of mental health and substance use disorders among New Zealand prisoners. Methods This study used the Composite International Diagnostic Interview 3.0 (CIDI 3.0) and the Personality Diagnostic Questionnaire 4+ (PDQ-4) to assess the prevalence of mental health and substance use disorders. The study sample included 1209 New Zealand prisoners across 13 prisons. This report presents the prevalence for the 12-month and lifetime diagnosis of mental health and substance use disorders including breakdowns by gender, age and ethnicity. Comparisons have been provided where possible for the general population using the 2006 New Zealand Mental Health Survey (unless noted otherwise) or the 1999 New Zealand Prisoner Mental Health Study. Results Mental disorders  Nearly all (91%) prisoners had a lifetime diagnosis of a mental health or substance use disorder and 62% had this diagnosis in the past 12-months.  Female prisoners were significantly more likely to have a 12-month diagnosis of any mental disorder than male prisoners (75% compared to 61%).  General population comparison: Prisoners were three times more likely than the general population to have a 12-month diagnosis of any mental disorder (62% compared to 21%). Anxiety disorders  Just over one in five (23%) prisoners had an anxiety disorder diagnosis in the past 12-months, while 30% had a lifetime anxiety diagnosis.  Female prisoners had a significantly higher prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder compared to males for both 12-month and lifetime diagnoses, with over half (52%) of women having a lifetime posttraumatic stress disorder diagnosis.  General population comparison: A lifetime post-traumatic stress disorder diagnosis was four times higher among prisoners (24%) than in the general population (6%).  Prison population comparison: The lifetime prevalence of generalised anxiety disorder was just over 1% in the 1999 prisoner mental health study which had increased to nearly 9% in 2015, while the lifetime prevalence of panic disorder had also increased from nearly 2% in 1999 to nearly 6% in 2015. Mood disorders  Nearly a third (32%) of prisoners had a lifetime diagnosis of any mood disorder, while 24% had a 12- month mood disorder diagnosis.  When compared to other ethnic groups, Māori prisoners had the lowest prevalence of lifetime diagnosis of major depressive disorder (17%).  General population comparison: The 12-month prevalence of any mood disorder was three times higher for prisoners (24%) than in the general population (8%).  Prison population comparison: When compared to the 1999 prisoner mental health study, the lifetime prevalence of major depressive disorder decreased slightly (from 23% to 21%), the lifetime prevalence of bipolar increased from 2% to 11%, and dysthymia increased from 1% to 5%. Substance use disorders  A substantial majority of prisoners (87%) had a lifetime diagnosis of a substance use disorder, and just under half (47%) had a 12-month diagnosis of a substance use disorder.  Marijuana was the most prevalent drug of abuse with 24% of prisoners having a lifetime diagnosis, while stimulants were the most common drug of dependence with 23% having a lifetime diagnosis.  General population comparison: Prisoners were seven times more likely to have a lifetime prevalence of any substance use disorder compared to the general population.  Prison population comparison: The prevalence of stimulant abuse and dependence (combined) had increased nearly 10-fold since the 1999 prisoner mental health study, from 4% reported in the 1999 study to 38% (15% for abuse and 23% for dependence) in 2015. Eating disorders  The lifetime prevalence of eating disorders among prisoners was 5%, while 3% were found to have a 12-month diagnosis.  The prevalence of eating disorders was twice as high among female prisoners as among male prisoners, for both 12-month (7% compared to 3%) and lifetime (10% compared to 5%) diagnoses.  General population comparison: Prisoners were seven times more likely to have a 12-month eating disorder diagnosis than the general population (3% compared to 0.5%).  Prison population comparison: The lifetime prevalence of eating disorders increased five-fold (from 1% to 5%) from the 1999 prisoner mental health study to the 2015 study. Comorbidity  One in five (20%) of prisoners were found to have a 12-month diagnosis of a comorbid mental health and substance use disorder, while 42% were found to have a lifetime comorbidity diagnosis.  Comorbidity was higher among women than men, for both 12-month and lifetime diagnoses.  There was little variation by ethnicity for the lifetime and 12-month prevalence of comorbidity, with the highest rates found among prisoners of European descent.  Prisoners with a lifetime diagnosis of a substance use disorder had almost half (48% compared to 93%) the prevalence of comorbidity compared to people with a lifetime anxiety disorder. Multiple disorders  Two-thirds (66%) of prisoners were found to have two or more lifetime diagnoses of a mental or substance use disorder, while 31% were found to have two or more 12-month diagnoses.  A higher proportion of female prisoners (72%) compared to male prisoners (65%) had a lifetime diagnosis of two or more mental health and substance use disorders.  A high proportion of prisoners diagnosed with a lifetime anxiety (84%) or mood (81%) disorder were found to have a lifetime diagnosis of three or more disorders, compared to 40% of prisoners with a substance use disorder.  General population comparison: Prisoners were nearly four times more likely to have two or more 12- month diagnoses of mental health and substance use disorders than the general population (30% compared to 8%). Personality disorders  One in three (33%) prisoners was found to have a clinically significant personality disorder, with a slightly higher prevalence among men than women.  The most common personality disorders detected were paranoid (15%), antisocial (11%), obsessive compulsive (10%) and borderline (9%).  The highest prevalence (46%) of personality disorders were found among prisoners with a lifetime comorbid mood disorder diagnosis.  Prison population comparison: The lifetime prevalence of personality disorders was nearly twice as high (60% compared to 33%) among New Zealand prisoners in 1999 compared to the current 2015 study. Psychosis symptoms  The lifetime presence of psychosis symptoms (such as seeing visions and hearing voices) was present in 13% of prisoners, and in 7% of prisoners in the past year.  Prisoners with a lifetime diagnosis of an anxiety (23%) or mood (20%) disorder had the highest prevalence of ever experiencing symptoms of psychosis compared to 13% overall.  Prison population comparison: The lifetime prevalence of schizophrenia and related disorders was estimated to be 6% in the 1999 prisoner mental health study, while 12% of prisoners were found to report symptoms of psychosis in 2015. Psychological distress  Over one in four (28%) of prisoners experienced psychological distress in the past 30 days.  There were significantly higher rates of psychological distress among female (47%) compared to male (27%) prisoners.  The prevalence of psychological distress was more than twice as high (60% compared to 28%) for prisoners with a 12-month diagnosis of an anxiety disorder compared to the total.  General population comparison: Prisoners were nearly five times more likely (28% compared to 6%) to have experienced psychological distress in the past 30 days compared to the general population from the 2013/14 New Zealand Health Survey. Suicidal behaviours  Over one-third (35%) of prisoners had ever thought about suicide, 17% had ever made a suicide plan and 19% of prisoners had ever attempted suicide.  Female prisoners had higher rates of suicidal behaviours than men, including ever thinking about suicide (44% compared to 34%) and ever attempting suicide (29% compared to 18%).  General population comparison: Prisoners had higher rates of suicidal behaviours than people in the general population, including being twice as likely to have ever thought about suicide (35% compared to 16%) and four times as likely to have ever attempted suicide (19% compared to 5%). Mental health treatment  Nearly half (46%) of prisoners diagnosed with a 12-month mental health or substance use disorder had received some form of mental health treatment in the past year.  Female prisoners had significantly higher rates of mental health treatment than males for nearly all disorders, including 60% of women with a 12-month diagnosis of any mental disorder obtaining mental health treatment compared to 45% of men.  Pacific peoples were substantially less likely to access health services for their mental health than prisoners of European descent (33% compared to 54%).  General population comparison: Fewer than half (46%) of prisoners with a 12-month diagnosis of any mental disorder received some form of mental health treatment in the past year, which was slightly higher (39%) than found in the general population. Conclusions In summary, prisoners had high rates of mental health and substance use disorders including high rates of comorbidity which were often undetected and under-treated. The findings of this report provide important evidence to assist with identifying areas for improved detection, early intervention, treatment and rehabilitation and diversion away from the criminal justice system. In particular, the findings suggest that improved integration of mental health and substance use disorder treatment would be an important strategy for improving the health and reducing re-offending among prisoners. Details: Wellington: New Zealand Department of Corrections, 2016. 93p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2016 at: http://www.corrections.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/846362/Comorbid_substance_use_disorders_and_mental_health_disorders_among_NZ_prisoners_June_2016_final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: New Zealand URL: http://www.corrections.govt.nz/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/846362/Comorbid_substance_use_disorders_and_mental_health_disorders_among_NZ_prisoners_June_2016_final.pdf Shelf Number: 145371 Keywords: Drug Offenders Mental Health Mentally Ill Offenders Prisoners Substance Abuse

Author: Morgan, Nick Title: New opiate and crack-cocaine users: characteristics and trends Summary: This paper uses a range of datasets and methodologies to: - obtain working estimates for the number of individuals in England who started using opiates/crack from 2005 to 2013; - examine the characteristics of these individuals. The main findings of the paper are as follows.  It is estimated that around 5,000 to 8,000 individuals started using opiates or crack-cocaine in 2013. There is a high degree of uncertainty around this figure due to the sparse data on this population, but sense-checks based on treatment and criminal justice system data suggest the true figure is unlikely to be much larger than 10,000.  Data also suggest that the number of current opiate/crack initiates involved with crime may be even lower. The number of arrestees testing positive for the first time for opiates (or for both opiates and crack-cocaine) dropped from 14,750 in 2006 to 4,281 in the first 11 months of 2013, a fall of around 70 per cent . Furthermore, of the new positive testers in 2013, only 721 were aged 18-24. Though this arrestee data will capture only a proportion of the true population, it does suggest that the number of new, young initiates involved with crime - those who have the potential to inflict most societal harm - has decreased markedly, probably just to a few thousand per year; and that this group now make up a small minority of the total number of opiate/crack-cocaine users (estimated to be 294,000 in 2011/12), most of whom are older, longer-term users.  In terms of trends in new opiate/crack-cocaine users, all available data suggest that figures have dipped by at least a fifth since 2005 and have dropped hugely since the late 1980s and early 1990s when the opiate/crack-cocaine population in the UK grew very rapidly. The current estimate works out at a rate of 0.18 per 1,000 population. During the epidemic years, published estimates of new opiate/crack-cocaine users in Manchester and Bolton show rates more than 11 times larger.  However, the findings also suggest that between 2011 and early 2014, the number of new opiate/crack-cocaine users stopped decreasing and instead stabilised at a (historically) low level. Further analysis was conducted to try and determine whether this was a precursor to a new rise in initiates. Though the data are not totally conclusive, the results suggest that a marked increase in new opiate/crack-cocaine users in the near future is unlikely. If anything, findings suggested that the downward trend may be set to resume.  Analysis also revealed some possible changes in characteristics of the new opiate/crack- cocaine initiates. There is a trend in the treatment data towards new initiates coming to treatment earlier in their drug-using careers than previous cohorts and also to have initiated use at an older age. Currently it is not possible to determine whether this is a reporting issue or a genuine shift in the age profile of new opiate/crack-cocaine users.  The report has several important policy implications. Even though numbers of new initiates involved with crime have dropped to the low thousands, putting downward pressure on crime, identification and early diversion to treatment remains paramount. Frontier Economics have estimated that the average lifetime crime cost of an injecting drug user is �445,000, so the potential for social harm - even from a small number of individuals - remains large and potentially long-lasting. This means local areas need to manage both the (relatively large) stock of current users, and the (much smaller) flow of new initiates, whose treatment needs may be different. There is no evidence of any new epidemic in this country, but given the impact of the epidemic of the 80s and early 90s on crime, ongoing monitoring of recent trends is required to spot early signs of any emerging problems. Details: London: Home Office, 2016. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 90: Accessed October 8, 2016 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/493524/horr90-opiate-crack-cocaine-users.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/493524/horr90-opiate-crack-cocaine-users.pdf Shelf Number: 145133 Keywords: Cocaine Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Opiates

Author: Pennsylvania Commission on Sentencing Title: Pennsylvania's State Intermediate Punishment Program Summary: - The State Intermediate Punishment [SIP] Program is a two-year substance abuse treatment program for eligible offenders sentenced to state prison. - The SIP program became effective in May 2005. As of March 2015: 0 22,935 offenders had been sentenced to the Department of Corrections who were statutorily eligible for the SIP Program - 5,389 offenders [24%] had been evaluated for the SIP Program - Among those evaluated 4,584 offenders [85%] had been admitted to the SIP Program. Of those admitted into the Program: - 2,542 offenders [56%] had successfully completed the SIP Program - 1,029 offenders [20%] had been expelled from the SIP Program - 1,013 offenders [22%] were still enrolled in the SIP Program - As a result of concerns about the underutilization of SIP, the Commission had recommended that the Legislature review the ineligibility criteria for SIP, as well as allow greater discretion to the sentencing court for SIP consideration. Act 122 of 2012 revised statute to incorporate these recommendations. The statute went into effect on July 1, 2013 and increased the number of offenders eligible for SIP by 23% in 2014. The actual number of additional offenders in 2014 was 572, which was within the Commission's estimated range of 369 to 994. - Judges in 63 of Pennsylvania's 67 counties have sentenced offenders to the SIP program. - The majority of offenders approved for SIP were male, white, and had an average age of 34 years. Most offenders were convicted of drug delivery or DUI offenses and a large percentage of the offenders had been previously arrested for a drug or property offense. - Offenders were more likely to complete SIP if they were: older, female, white, convicted of a drug delivery or DUI offense, had fewer prior arrests, had a prior DUI offense, and had a low score on the criminal attitudes assessment scale [CSS-M]. - After three years, 36% of the SIP completers recidivated, compared to 66% of those who were expelled and 54% of those who were eligible for SIP but sentenced to prison instead. When controlling for other factors, offenders who completed SIP were significantly less likely to recidivate than offenders sentenced to prison, and offenders who were expelled from SIP were significantly more likely to recidivate than those who completed SIP or those who went to prison. - Offenders were also more likely to recidivate if they had been convicted of a property offense [compared to a drug delivery or DUI offense], had a greater number of prior arrests, had a prior drug offense, were male, and were younger. Details: Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Commission on Sentencing, 2016. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: 2016 Report to the Legislature: Accessed October 12, 2016 at: http://pcs.la.psu.edu/publications-and-research/research-and-evaluation-reports/state-intermediate-punishment/sip-2016-report-to-the-legislature/view Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://pcs.la.psu.edu/publications-and-research/research-and-evaluation-reports/state-intermediate-punishment/sip-2016-report-to-the-legislature/view Shelf Number: 145424 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Intermediate Punishments Recidivism Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: LeCroy & Milligan Associates, Inc. Title: Drug Treatment Education Fund Program Evaluation Final Report Summary: Overview The Drug Treatment and Education Fund (DTEF) was established in April 1996 with the enactment of A.R.S. 13-901.01 by the Arizona Legislature. The act requires that... first and second time non-violent offenders who are convicted of personal possession or use of a controlled substance be diverted from prison and sentenced to probation and drug treatment and that a fund be created (A.R.S 13-901.02), which receives revenue from a tax on liquors, to provide substance abuse education and treatment services as mandated by the Act. The Arizona Supreme Court, Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC), administers the funds to each of the fifteen county probation departments in Arizona and provides oversight and reporting. A total of $3,297,020 was distributed to all adult probation departments (counties) in FY2006. Counties are required to screen probationers sentenced under A.R.S. 13.901.01 (mandatory cases) for substance abuse problems and refer them to appropriate treatment. Counties may also use the DTEF for "discretionary" cases, that is, for probationers who were screened and determined to need treatment but were not "mandatory" cases. LeCroy & Milligan Associates, Inc. conducted an evaluation to provide information for improvements to the DTEF programs in the fifteen county adult probation departments. The counties' practices were compared to the DTEF legislated operational code (DTEF code) and to the National Institute of Drug Abuse Principles of Drug Abuse Treatment for Criminal Justice Populations (NIDA principles). A limited and preliminary analysis of probationers' substance abuse treatment completion rates and probation outcomes was conducted. Profiles of the fifteen counties were developed to summarize the local level DTEF processes and substance abuse treatment characteristics. The results are based on these profiles. Details: Tucson, AZ: LeCroy & Milligan Associates, 2007. 112p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 12, 2016 at: http://www.lecroymilligan.com/data/resources/dtef-program-evaluation-final-report-aug-9-1.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://www.lecroymilligan.com/data/resources/dtef-program-evaluation-final-report-aug-9-1.pdf Shelf Number: 140686 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Probation Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: Every 25 Seconds: The Human Toll of Criminalizing Drug Use in the United States Summary: Every 25 seconds someone in the United States is arrested for possessing drugs for personal use. This amounts to more than 1.25 million arrests per year and makes drug possession the single most arrested crime in the country. Black and white adults use drugs at similar rates, but a Black adult is 2.5 times more likely to be arrested for drug possession. As a result of these arrests, on any given day at least 137,000 people are behind bars. Tens of thousands more are convicted, cycle through jails and prisons, and spend extended periods on probation and parole, often burdened with crippling debt from court-imposed fines and fees. Every 25 Seconds: The Human Toll of Criminalizing Drug Use in the United States documents the devastating harms caused by enforcement of drug possession laws. This joint report by Human Rights Watch and the American Civil Liberties Union is based on extensive new analysis of federal and state-level data, and over 365 interviews conducted primarily in Louisiana, Texas, Florida, and New York. Members of the public understandably want government to take actions to prevent the potential harms of drug use. Yet criminalization is not the answer. Four decades after the declaration of the "war on drugs," rates of drug use have not significantly decreased and treatment for drug dependence is often unavailable. Instead, criminalizing drug possession has caused tremendous harm - separating families; excluding people from job opportunities, public benefits, and voting; and exposing them to discrimination. Human Rights Watch and the ACLU urge federal and state authorities to end these harms by decriminalizing personal use and possession of all drugs. The report also provides detailed recommendations authorities should follow to minimize the harmful consequences of current laws and policies, until decriminalization is achieved. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 205p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/usdrug1016_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/usdrug1016_web.pdf Shelf Number: 144931 Keywords: Decriminalization Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Policy Reform

Author: de Casio, Ana Cardenas Gonzalez Title: The Effect of the 'War on Organised Crime' on the Mexican Federal Judiciary: A Comparative Case Study of Judicial Decision-Making Summary: Using a comparative case study design, this thesis explores the impact on the Mexican federal judiciary of steep rises in violent crime, proliferation of armed organised crime groups, greater involvement of the military in crime control activities and the government's 'war on organised crime'. The thesis develops 'enemy penology' as a theoretical framework based on the observation that the Mexican government has increasingly conceptualised offenders as enemies and called for an explicitly militarised criminal justice response. Drawing on this theoretical framework, the thesis analyses qualitative data from two different sites - a 'crime control as warfare' scenario (highly militarised state) and an unchanged context (less militarised state). Findings are examined within the enemy penology framework and also drawing on theories of judicial behaviour and judicial roles in order to explain the overarching finding that judges seem to have insulated themselves from the 'enemy penology' promulgated by the government. Analysis of 40 written judgements in drug cases and 28 semi-structured interviews with judges (drawn from a total of 56 interviews achieved during the fieldwork) indicated that decision making, guilt determination and sentencing were almost identical in the two locations despite stark differences in context. In both locations, the study observed an inclination to privilege police evidence, high conviction rates despite poor prosecutorial performance and insufficient evidence, and a tendency to impose minimum sentences. Interviewees discussed these issues as well as the impact of armed criminality, military involvement in crime control and judicial independence. Overall, the Federal judiciary appeared to be not influenced by the enemy penology paradigm reproduced by public officials and criminal policies. Mexican judicial behaviour was found to be strongly shaped by a formalistic and legalistic understanding of judicial duties where accuracy in law interpretation is expected, disregarding other goals, including politics and policy considerations. This understanding is enhanced by the judiciary through strict observance of precedents, reversals and enhancing law-interpreter and ritualist judicial roles. Nonetheless, the empirical data also showed that judges' views and opinions are informed by strategic goals, attitudes, motives, managerial needs and the pursuit of self-respect and recognition. In sum, examining court judgements and judges' views about deciding cases in the light of the prevalent 'enemy penology' provided a rich understanding of the way decision- making in criminal matters is constructed by judges as well as the complex and often contradictory layers that comprise the image and role of the Mexican federal judge. Details: London: King's College London, Dickson Poon School of Law, 2016. 332p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed October 13, 2016 at: https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/files/57599059/2016_Gonz_lez_De_Cos_o_Ana_C_rdenas_1140394_ethesis.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Mexico URL: https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/files/57599059/2016_Gonz_lez_De_Cos_o_Ana_C_rdenas_1140394_ethesis.pdf Shelf Number: 145441 Keywords: Drug Offenders Judges Judicial Decision-Making Organized Crime Prosecutors Violent Crime

Author: Zafft, Kathryn Marie Title: Can Drug Courts Improve Public Safety? Exploring the Impacts of Drug Court on Crime Summary: Drug courts represent one of the largest and most widespread criminal justice programs specifically developed to provide treatment and intensive supervision to drug-involved offenders. Most of the literature about the effects of drug court programs involves individual-level analyses of recidivism or drug use for program participants. Very little is known about the broader community-wide impact of drug courts on public safety measures. The current research uses a subset of 63 drug court jurisdictions (cities and counties) drawn from a systematic review of drug court programs to assess the impact of program implementation on crime and arrest rates. A fixed-effects analysis was used to assess whether drug court implementation was associated with significant changes in specific types of violent and property crime rates. Changes in arrest rates for violent, property and drug crimes were also examined, and differential effects were explored based on effectiveness of the drug court in reducing participant recidivism and jurisdictional population size. Results indicate that drug courts are associated with decreases in overall crime rates, with marked decreases in burglary, property, and robbery rates. Drug court implementation was associated with increases in drug arrests and decreases in homicide arrests. Small jurisdictions with average populations of less than 100,000 people were found to have a different pattern of results when measuring both crime and arrest rates. These results are discussed within the context of understanding the broader policy impacts of drug court implementation. Details: College Park, MD: University of Maryland, College Park, 2014. 105p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: http://drum.lib.umd.edu/bitstream/handle/1903/16267/Zafft_umd_0117E_15765.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://drum.lib.umd.edu/bitstream/handle/1903/16267/Zafft_umd_0117E_15765.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y Shelf Number: 144871 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Phillips, Mary T. Title: Misdemeanor Marijuana Arrests New York City 2012-2014 Summary: Changes in the handling of arrests for possession of small amounts of marijuana have taken place at a rapid pace in New York City during the past several years. This report examines some of those changes and their impact on volume and outcomes in misdemeanor marijuana possession arrests. The research also addresses the impact of these changes on ethnic disparities in marijuana arrests and outcomes. The study focuses on arrests for criminal possession of marijuana in the fifth degree, which is a class B misdemeanor under Penal Law §221.10. Persons found in possession of any amount of marijuana, either "open to public view"� or "burning" (i.e., being smoked), can be charged under subsection 1 of this law. Possession of more than 25 grams of marijuana is a crime under subsection 2 of the law, which does not require the marijuana to be in public view or burning. In 2014, over 98% of misdemeanor arrests for marijuana possession in New York City were made under PL 221.10. For years this has been the single most frequent criminal offense in the City, with steadily rising arrest volume during much of the past decade. In 2010 and 2011, well over 40,000 cases with a top arrest charge of PL 221.10 were prosecuted each year (Phillips 2014, Table 1). A series of policy shifts beginning in late 2011 reversed this trend, reducing the volume of arrests for misdemeanor marijuana possession and according more lenient treatment to the arrests that were made. In September 2011, in the wake of public criticism of the NYPD's "stop" �and "frisk" practices, Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly issued a directive instructing officers not to make arrests for small amounts of marijuana unless it is in public view - by the suspects' own volition� (Harris 2011). This was aimed at allegations that police officers were ordering suspects to empty their pockets during "stop" �and "�frisk" operations, and then arresting them if any marijuana was displayed as a result. Although it was framed as a reminder of existing policy rather than a new policy, the directive was followed by a steep decline in the volume of marijuana possession arrests in every borough (Phillips 2014, Tables 1 & 2). In May 2013, the final year of the Bloomberg administration, a new policy directed the police to issue a Desk Appearance Ticket (DAT) in all arrests with a top charge of PL 221.10, as long as the defendant produced adequate identification and had no outstanding warrants. The marijuana DAT policy initiative was aimed at reducing the proportion of low-level marijuana arrests in which the defendant was taken into custody, rather than reducing arrest volume. Since the 1960s the NYPD has routinely issued DATs for a limited number of misdemeanor offenses, historically including large numbers of suspects charged with PL 221.10. A suspect who qualifies for a DAT on the basis of the charge and other criteria is taken to the precinct house for an eligibility check and, if additional eligibility criteria are met, the person is released with a ticket instructing him or her to appear in court for arraignment on a future date, several weeks to several months later. (See Phillips 2014 for a detailed description of charge and other eligibility criteria for DATs.) The proportion of 221.10 prosecuted arrests in which a DAT was issued had been rising prior to 2013 - from 13% in 2003 to 50% in 2012 (ibid., Figure 7) - and the prospect of further extending DATs to virtually all arrests for this offense led to predictions of skyrocketing DAT volume. Those predictions turned out to be inaccurate, for reasons that will be explored in this report. A year and a half after implementation of the DAT policy, a new administration announced yet another policy change. In November 2014 the new mayor, Bill de Blasio, and his new police commissioner, William J. Bratton, announced that suspects found in possession of 25 grams or less of marijuana "in a public place and open to public view" would no longer be arrested, as long as the person was not charged with additional fingerprintable offenses. Instead, these suspects would be issued a Criminal Court summons (�summons, - also known as a "pink slip"�) and charged with a non-criminal violation, PL 221.05. Burning is still subject to arrest for 221.10 under the new policy, as is the possession of a small amount "in a manner that is inconsistent with personal use" (NYPD 2014). Persons found with more than 25 grams (and less than 2 ounces) of marijuana are also still subject to arrest under subsection 2 of PL 221.10. The marijuana summons policy was hailed by The New York Times as "the most significant criminal justice policy initiative by Mr. de Blasio since he was sworn in as mayor" (Baker 2014). Many people hoped that it would alleviate widely acknowledged ethnic disparities in low-�level marijuana arrests, which disproportionately fall on black and Latino men. One columnist called the new policy a "sledgehammer"� that the administration is now swinging at entrenched racism in the system (Dwyer 2014). The summons policy was not greeted with universal acclaim, however, even by some advocates of more lenient treatment for marijuana offenders. Brooklyn District Attorney Kenneth P. Thompson, whose office had been refusing to prosecute many marijuana possession arrests for months (Clifford & Goldstein 2014), objected that by issuing a summons instead of making an arrest, the police were undercutting his prosecutorial discretion (Baker 2014; Goldstein 2014; Mora 2014). This argument pointed to an unintended consequence of the initiative: cases that would have been dismissed by prosecutors under the old policy now go directly to summons court with no prosecutorial review. Other concerns included a lack of due process in summons court and the inability to monitor ethnic disparity because ethnicity is not collected on the summons form. These and other reservations about the summons policy were summarized in a press release from the Drug Policy Alliance, an advocacy organization for drug law reform, which nonetheless remained "�cautiously optimistic"� (Drug Policy Alliance 2015). A New York Times editorial declared that getting a summons is "better than being arrested"� but expressed skepticism about the overall merits of the reform because it "does not reach the fundamental problem of discriminatory policing."� The editorial also expressed concern about exposing people to arrest for missing court dates, and lack of transparency in the summons court system (New York Times, 2014). How has the court system been affected by these policy changes? Although many aspects of the policies' impact lie beyond the scope of this study, we can provide a preliminary assessment of two major parameters: arrest volume and DAT issuance for 221.10 offenses. In the months following November 2014, we anticipated a downturn in marijuana arrest volume but - because the marijuana summons policy does not extend to burning or to arrests under subsection 2 - it was difficult to guess how low the volume would go. (Neither the subsection nor the factual allegations for an arrest are collected in the CJA database, making it impossible to distinguish open view from burning, or from possession of over 25 grams.) We also anticipated a slump in the DAT issuance rate after November 2014 because summonses would go primarily to those who previously would have received a DAT. Some factors that would disqualify a person from receiving a summons - an active warrant or lack of adequate identification, for example - are also disqualifying factors for a DAT. This suggests that if a summons is not issued in a marijuana possession arrest, a DAT will not be issued, either, unless the summons was denied because burning was involved, the amount was over 25 grams, or the suspect was charged with another finger-printable offense. Any of these three factors would disqualify a person from a summons, but a DAT could be issued. Finally, any analysis of recent marijuana arrest volume needs to take into account an anomalous period of about three weeks from late December 2014 to mid-�January 2015. The killing of two police officers on December 20, 2014 - and the Mayor's perceived lack of support for the NYPD in the aftermath of those killings - triggered a work slowdown by the police that decreased the number of all arrests to a fraction of normal volume in the weeks that followed. The slowdown did not target marijuana offenses specifically, but our analysis shows that 221.10 arrests dropped by over 80% during this period). Details: New York: New York City Criminal Justice Agency, 2015. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2016 at: www.nycja.org Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: www.nycja.org Shelf Number: 146015 Keywords: Arrests Drug Offenders Drug Policy Marijuana Misdemeanors

Author: Goldsmid, Susan Title: Methamphetamine use and acquisitive crime: Evidence of a relationship Summary: Methamphetamine use among Australian police detainees is rising; the impact of this rise on crime trends, and particularly on trends in acquisitive crime, is yet to be established. Identifying trends in and motivations for offending among methamphetamine users may assist law enforcement and policymakers to better target resources. This paper examines the engagement in acquisitive crime, and perceived motivations for methamphetaminedriven crime, of a sample of Australian police detainees recruited in 2013 through the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia program. Methamphetamine users reported deriving a significantly higher proportion of their income from crime than non-users. Logistic regression analysis reveals the use of methamphetamine, heroin and/or cannabis predicts engagement in acquisitive crime when other drug use and polydrug use is controlled for. In addition, methamphetamine users reported their use played a contributing role in their offending, most commonly through intoxication or the need for money to purchase drugs. The findings indicate recent methamphetamine use increases the risk of engagement in acquisitive offences. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2016. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 516: Accessed November 2, 2016 at: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi516.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: http://aic.gov.au/media_library/publications/tandi_pdf/tandi516.pdf Shelf Number: 145776 Keywords: Acquisitive Crime Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drugs and Crime Methamphetamine Property Crimes

Author: Lader, Deborah Title: Drug Misuse: Findings from the 2015/16 Survey for England and Wales. Second edition Summary: This release examines the extent and trends in drug use among a nationally representative sample of 16 to 59 year olds resident in households in England and Wales, and is based on results from the 2015/16 Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW). The release covers the following topics: - extent and trends in drug use among adults, including separate analysis of young adults (16 to 24 year olds); - frequency of drug use in the last year; - drug use, by personal, household and area characteristics, and lifestyle factors; - use of new psychoactive substances (NPS); - perceived acceptability of use and ease of obtaining illegal drugs; - drug use within generations over time (a pseudo-cohort analysis). Details: London: Home Office, 2016. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Statistical Bulletin 07/06: Accessed November 3, 2016 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/564760/drug-misuse-1516.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/564760/drug-misuse-1516.pdf Shelf Number: 145003 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Illegal Drugs

Author: Kruithof, Kristy Title: Study Alternatives to Coercive Sanctions as Response to Drug Law Offences and Drug-Related Crimes Final Report Summary: This study aims to map alternatives to coercive sanctions (ACS) for drug law offences and drug-related crimes that are available under the law in each EU member state and describe the use of these sanctions in practice. This was complemented by a review of international research on the effectiveness of ACS in reducing reoffending and drug use. Building upon the EU Action Plan on Drugs 2013-2016, ACS were defined as measures that had some rehabilitative element or that constituted a non-intervention (for example, deciding not to charge or prosecute), as well as those used instead of prison or other punishment (for example, a suspended sentence with drug treatment). Further details of the measures included within the definition of ACS can be found in Section 1.2. This study builds upon a report produced by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) in 2015 on alternatives to punishment for drug-using offenders, widening the scope of that study by including a broader range of sanctions and by looking at practice in each member state in more detail. Details: Luxembourg: Publications office of the European Union, 2016. 144p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 3, 2016 at: https://www.rand.org/pubs/external_publications/EP66607.html Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: https://www.rand.org/pubs/external_publications/EP66607.html Shelf Number: 144995 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drugs and Crime Illegal Drug Trade

Author: Sperber, Kimberly Gentry Title: Factors Influencing Medication-Assisted Treatment in Ohio Halfway Houses and Community-Based Correctional Facilities Summary: Recent years have witnessed an alarming increase in the number of people dependent on opiates. Nationally, opiate overdose is the second leading cause of injury related death, surpassed only by car accidents. In Ohio, accidental overdoses has been the leading cause of death since 2007. In fact, there has been a 472% increase in drug overdose deaths from 1999 to 2013. An increase in opiate dependent people means that community corrections programs are seeing a dramatic increase in admissions of opiate dependent offenders. This is not surprising given that the link between opiate use and crime is well established. The Center for Health and Human Services Research at Talbert House completed a study based on previous National Institutes of Health studies that have examined: (1) barriers to MAT within private and public substance abuse treatment programs and (2) counselor attitudes toward MAT. This study was replicated in halfway houses and Community Based Correctional Facilities (CBCF) across Ohio and assesses attitudes of both treatment and security staff in these programs. All Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections (ODRC)-funded halfway houses and CBCFs were invited to participate in the study. All but two programs elected to participate. Data were collected through two mechanisms. The first was an in-depth structured, face-to-face interview with key staff including Program Directors, Clinical Supervisors, a representative of the medical staff, and at least two clinical/direct service staff. An interview guide was used to gather information on key independent variables within a number of domains. Examples of these domains include organizational structure, organizational resources, dominant treatment philosophy and types of services offered, availability of medical personnel, funding sources, exposure to and understanding of MAT research findings, referral source support for MAT, staff support for MAT, concerns associated with providing MAT to offenders, and client characteristics. A total of 181 staff participated in interviews for this study. The second mechanism was the administration of anonymous surveys to all staff at each facility. These surveys assessed knowledge about MAT, beliefs about the effectiveness and appropriateness of MAT for offenders, and endorsement of myths about MAT. 1876 surveys were distributed, and 910 were returned for a response rate of 49%. Interview and survey questions asked about MAT in general as well as about specific medications (e.g., methadone, buprenorphine, and naltrexone), where appropriate. Survey items were rated on a Likert scale. Major Findings A total of 49 facilities participated in the study. Interviews with the Program Directors of these facilities demonstrated that 17 of the programs did not allow any access to MAT at the time of the interview while 13 programs directly prescribed addiction medication to clients with opioid disorders, and an additional 19 programs allowed clients to access addiction medications through an external provider during their stay in the facility. Of the 13 programs providing MAT, 62% prescribed oral naltrexone, 46% prescribed injectable naltrexone, and 62% prescribed buprenorphine. No programs prescribed or allowed access to methadone. While many programs had begun to implement various forms of MAT, interview results showed that the programs faced a number of barriers to implementing comprehensive MAT services including: infrastructure, financial, workforce development, and stakeholder support.  63.3% of the facilities did not have access to medically supervised detoxification services for the clients they serve.  Response patterns indicated financial barriers to hiring medical staff.  Respondents indicated difficulties finding medical staff willing to provide services within correctional programs and with the appropriate experiences for treating a criminal justice population, particularly those with substance use disorders.  83% of the Program Directors agree that the Ohio Department of Mental Health and Addiction Services (OHMAS) is supportive of the use of medications for treating substance abuse in community corrections settings. However, less than 40% of the Program Directors agreed that OHMAS had adequately disseminated information about how to implement MAT in community corrections programs or that OHMAS had offered sufficient training opportunities about using medications to treat substance abuse.  The primary method staff use to learn about MAT is having conversations with staff of other substance abuse treatment organizations. Survey data were used to assess staff beliefs about general treatment approaches for clients with addiction disorders, beliefs about MAT for clients with addiction disorders, and beliefs about the outcomes of MAT.  Regarding overall treatment philosophy, survey responses demonstrated an overall pattern of clinical staff providing significantly higher ratings on items reflective of cognitive-behavioral and motivational enhancement approaches, and operations staff providing significantly higher ratings on items reflective of 12-step approaches and more confrontational approaches.  Regarding concerns with MAT, the consistent pattern was that operational staff were more likely to agree with a series of negative statements, such “Using medications to treat addiction is substituting one drug for another” or “Medications are drugs and you cannot be clean if you are taking drugs.”  Operations staff provided a statistically significantly lower endorsement of agreement to the item “I have received adequate information about the effects of using medication-assisted treatment for offender populations.”  Operations staff also provided significantly lower ratings of agreement than supervisory and clinical staff on items that reflected benefits of MAT, such as MAT reduces relapse, increases employment, reduces crime, reduces or blocks the effects of opioids, increases family stability, and improves birth outcomes for children born to addicted mothers. On the other hand, they provided significantly higher ratings of agreement to items indicating beliefs about negative outcomes of MAT, such as MAT rewards criminals for being drug users and interferes with the ability to drive a car. In the surveys, we also asked staff about their perceptions of the acceptability and effectiveness of four medications used to treat opioid disorders: buprenorphine, methadone, oral naltrexone, and injectable naltrexone. Since previous studies have found that lack of information about medication effectiveness serves as a barrier to its implementation, we also sought to examine the extent of knowledge diffusion regarding each medication. We operationalized diffusion as a dichotomous variable. This variable was coded based on the response to the item “Based on your knowledge and personal experience, to what extent do you consider each of the following treatment techniques to be effective?” Answering “I don’t know” was coded as a lack of diffusion, while all other ratings were considered as evidence of diffusion. Finally, we sought to identify predictors of knowledge diffusion, endorsements of acceptability, and endorsements of effectiveness. Results are summarized below:  35.1% did not know the effectiveness of buprenorphine, 37.2% did not know the effectiveness of methadone, 55.4% did not know the effectiveness of oral naltrexone, and 44% did not know the effectiveness of injectable naltrexone. This trend is consistent with the amount of time these medications have been in use within the field of community corrections in Ohio.  Staff perceived methadone and buprenorphine as less effective than both oral and injectable naltrexone, with the highest rating of effectiveness assigned to injectable naltrexone. Regarding acceptability, the results show the same trend, with staff rating methadone and buprenorphine as less acceptable than both forms of naltrexone. Again, injectable naltrexone received the highest endorsement of acceptability.  Operations staff were more likely to provide a “don’t know” response regarding the effectiveness all four medications (see Table 1.). On the other hand, staff who worked in programs that provided access to MAT (rather than directly providing MAT) were more likely to endorse an opinion about all four medications. Staff who agreed that they had received adequate information about the effects of using MAT with offender populations also had an increased likelihood of endorsing an opinion about the effectiveness of all four medications.  Staff and agency characteristics did not consistently predict perceived acceptability across the four medications (see Table 2.). Predictors that were somewhat consistent across models included staff beliefs about outcomes of MAT, whether the facility directly provided MAT, and staff concerns about MAT. Specifically, staff who demonstrated a higher level of agreement with positive statements indicating positive outcomes of MAT were significantly more likely to endorse the use of buprenorphine, oral naltrexone, and injectable naltrexone as acceptable. While direct provision of MAT served to increase the probability that staff would rate oral and injectable naltrexone as acceptable, it served to decrease the probability that staff would endorse methadone as acceptable.  The only consistent predictor of perceived effectiveness across all four medications was staff beliefs regarding the positive outcomes of MAT (see Table 3.). Higher average ratings on these beliefs resulted in statistically significant increases in the probability that staff would agree that the medication was effective. Details: Columbus, OH: Center for Health & Human Services Research, 2016. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 8, 2016 at: http://www.publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/MAT_CBCFs_Report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.publicsafety.ohio.gov/links/MAT_CBCFs_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 145616 Keywords: Community-Based Corrections Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Halfway Houses Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Oregon. Criminal Justice Commission Title: Oregon Recidivism Analysis Summary: Historically, recidivism in Oregon has been tracked with a single definition: a new felony conviction within three years of release for incarceration or imposition of probation. Criminal justice stakeholders are well versed in this recidivism definition, and some are in the habit of referencing a single recidivism number from memory based on the latest recidivism analysis. The new definition essentially provides three measures of recidivism, and a richer context for recidivism analysis. Developing the analysis necessary to report recidivism using this new definition requires the merging of multiple criminal justice data systems on a scale never achieved before in Oregon. This report is the fourth in a series of comprehensive statewide analysis2 using the definition of adult recidivism in HB 3194 (codified in ORS 423.557). The most recent data available is included, and the statewide recidivism analysis is provided in this report. In addition, the CJC has released an interactive and online data dashboard to present the recidivism analyses3 . This data dashboard includes many different filters and breakouts of the recidivism data, including results by gender, age, race, county, and risk to recidivate level. This dashboard is available to criminal justice stakeholders and members of the public as an interactive and online data sharing tool to provide recidivism analysis results. Many factors can impact recidivism rates such as law enforcement resources and other criminal justice system resources, the risk profile of individuals in the system, changing emphasis on arrests or prosecutions, as well as the use of evidence based programs. This analysis does not attempt to explain why recidivism rates have changed over time, but simply displays the recidivism rates for offenders released from incarceration or sentenced to felony probation statewide. This analysis shows the current statewide rates of recidivism: For those released from prison or from a felony jail sentence in the first six months of 2013: 17% were re-incarcerated for a new felony crime within three years of release, 42% were convicted of a new misdemeanor or felony crime within three years of release, and 55% were arrested for a new crime within three years of release. For those who started a felony probation sentence in the first six months of 2013: 13% were incarcerated for a new felony crime within three years, 41% were convicted of a new misdemeanor or felony crime within three years, and 49% were arrested for a new crime within three years Details: Salem, OR: Oregon Criminal Justice Commission, 2016. 35p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 13, 2016 at: https://www.oregon.gov/cjc/SAC/Documents/Oregon_Recidivism_Analysis_Nov2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.oregon.gov/cjc/SAC/Documents/Oregon_Recidivism_Analysis_Nov2016.pdf Shelf Number: 146421 Keywords: Drug Offenders Felony Offenders Recidivism Reoffending

Author: Schatz, Eberhard Title: Drug consumption rooms: Evidence and practice Summary: For the past 10 to 20 years, drug consumption rooms (DCRs) have become an integrated part of the drug treatment and harm reduction strategy in a variety of countries in Western Europe, North America and Australia. However, they have not yet been established in the majority of countries worldwide. This briefing paper provides a short summary of the background, history and objectives of DCRs, and analyses available evidence regarding their impact. The second part of the briefing paper consists of an overview of the various DCRs in different countries, with a particular focus on the concepts used to develop these facilities with regard to the local political, cultural and social situation of each country. Details: London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2012. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: IDPC Briefing Paper: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/17898/1/IDPC-Briefing-Paper_Drug-consumption-rooms.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://www.drugsandalcohol.ie/17898/1/IDPC-Briefing-Paper_Drug-consumption-rooms.pdf Shelf Number: 146135 Keywords: Drug Consumption Facilities Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Harm Reduction Programs

Author: Human Rights Watch Title: A Price Too High: US Families Torn Apart by Deportations for Drug Offenses Summary: The United States is home to 13 million lawful permanent residents and 11 million unauthorized immigrants. Over two million immigrants have been deported by the Obama administration. While the government claims to focus on deporting serious, dangerous criminals, data obtained by Human Rights Watch shows that over a quarter of a million deportations from 2007 to 2012 involved non-citizens whose most serious conviction was for a drug offense. And, increasingly, individuals are being deported following convictions for drug possession. This trend contrasts sharply with the reforms many US states are undertaking to legalize, decriminalize, or offer drug treatment instead of prison for low-level drug offenders. A Price Too High is based on interviews with over 130 affected individuals, family members, attorneys, advocates, and law enforcement officials, as well as previously unavailable government data obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request. The report documents the scope of the problem, including a 43 percent increase between 2007 and 2012 in the number of individuals deported following drug possession convictions. It shows how lawful permanent residents and unauthorized immigrants with strong ties to the US, including US citizen family members, regularly face mandatory detention without bond and deportation for offenses so minor they resulted little or no jail time under criminal law. Even expunged or pardoned convictions can trigger deportation. The consequences are devastating for immigrants, their families, and communities. Human Rights Watch urges US lawmakers to reform immigration laws to eliminate deportation based on simple possession convictions alone, and to ensure that all non-citizens in deportation proceedings, including those with convictions for drug offenses, have access to an individualized hearing where the immigration judge can weigh evidence of family ties, rehabilitation, and other equities against a criminal conviction. Details: New York: HRW, 2015. 99p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 16, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/us0615_ForUpload_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/us0615_ForUpload_0.pdf Shelf Number: 146128 Keywords: Deportations Drug Offenders Immigrant Deportation Immigration Law Enforcement Undocumented Immigrants

Author: Sutherland, Paul Title: What drug types drove increases in drug use and possession offences in Victoria over the past decade? Summary: Previous CSA research papers have identified large increases in the number and rate of drug use and possession offences across Victoria over the past decade, which were more prominent in regional Victoria than they were in rural or metropolitan areas. To date, this work has not considered the particular types of drugs that accounted for the observed increases. This study used information recorded by Victoria Police about the type of drugs involved in use and possession offences to examine the drug types associated with the observed increases and the characteristics of alleged offenders across drug types. The study found that cannabis offences continue to account the majority of use and possession offences, but that there have been significant increases in the number of cannabis, ecstasy, methamphetamine, prescription and 'other' drug offences over the past ten years. As at end of March 2016, the rates of amphetamine, cannabis, ecstasy and methamphetamine use and possession offences are higher in regional areas than they are in rural or metropolitan areas. Details: Melbourne: Victoria Crime Statistics Agency, 2016. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: In Brief no. 5: Accessed December 19, 2016 at: https://www.crimestatistics.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/embridge_cache/emshare/original/public/2016/07/b1/e4c026718/08072016_Inbrief5_FINAL.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: https://www.crimestatistics.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/embridge_cache/emshare/original/public/2016/07/b1/e4c026718/08072016_Inbrief5_FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 147752 Keywords: Crime Statistics Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders

Author: Clarke, Ann Title: Review of Drug and Alcohol Treatment Services for Adult Offenders in Prison and in the Community Summary: (i) Introduction Executive Summary In 2015, the Probation Service and Irish Prisons Service (IPS) sought an independent review of alcohol and drug treatment services for adult offenders in the community and in prison. The review explores current provision and provides recommendations based on the evidence collected. It sets out a model of effective practice for the treatment of adult offenders which facilitates a continuum of care from prison to the community. A multi-method approach was used to meet the terms of reference. This included a literature review, consultations with key personnel in the Probation Service, IPS, service providers, the National Drugs Rehabilitation Implementation Committee (NDRIC), and the Health Service Executive (HSE), as well as site visits to Cork and Mountjoy Prisons, five community-based organisations and five Local Drugs and Alcohol Task Force projects (LDATFs). (ii) Model of Effective Practice The model of effective practice is presented in the main report. This is based on a review of international literature, the NDRIC framework, consultations with community-based organisations1 and prison-based health teams and addiction counsellors. It recognises that recovery from addiction is a long-term process that frequently requires multiple episodes of treatment and/or interventions. It acknowledges that no one treatment option fits all individuals and a broad range of options is required. It highlights the importance of good communication and co-ordination both within systems (e.g. prison) and between systems (e.g. prison and community). The principles underpinning the model include equity of access, choice, person centred provision that uses evidenced-based treatment and intervention options, co-ordinated approaches with clear treatment pathways into and out of different settings, using time in prison as an opportunity to address addiction and having a focus on outcomes. The core components of the model are interlinked rather than linear. These components are pre-work and preparation, referral, assessment, care planning, case management, treatment and recovery management. The model will work in both the community setting and prison setting. (iii) Strengths of the Current System of Provision Addiction is a major contributory factor in criminality. The Probation Service’s Drugs and Alcohol Survey (2011) found that the majority of alcohol and drug misusing offenders had their misuse linked to their offending. Martyn (2012) found that 89% of adult offenders on probation supervision had misused drugs or alcohol and Freeman and Allen (2015) found that 60% of prisoners in Cork prison had a documented history of substance abuse and addiction. Both the Probation Service and the IPS recognise the role drugs and alcohol play in criminality and recidivism and both have invested heavily in developing a system of provision to address drug and alcohol addictions. The prison environment provides a unique opportunity to support individuals to address addiction and it is appropriate that a range of treatment and intervention options is provided in the prison estate. Excluding direct staff and GP costs, the IPS and Probation Service have combined expenditure of €3.33m on the provision of addiction services for adult offenders. Expenditure by the Probation Service has remained stable in recent years, while spending by the IPS has reduced in line with the decline in prisoner numbers. However, those in prison are now more likely to be the most challenging and chaotic. This includes those with a dual diagnosis of addiction and mental health issues. Health teams are present in every prison and some staff have specialist qualifications in the treatment of addiction. Clinicians have an interest in addiction and are familiar with the care pathways within the prison estate, thus increasing their effectiveness. The development of joint strategies between the Probation Service and the IPS has supported the development of a more integrated and co-ordinated approach to dealing with offenders, including those with addictions. The current model of provision is a mixed methods layered approach incorporating residential treatment provided in the community using a number of treatment regimes. This includes detoxification within prison, methadone treatment, one to one and group addiction counselling, specialist treatment methodologies (e.g. Cognitive Behaviour Therapy, Therapeutic Communities, 12 Step Programmes), harm reduction and relapse prevention. This mixed methods way of working fits with international best practice and is appropriate. The NDRIC framework is an important national development that the Probation Service and the IPS have aligned with. There are opportunities to further strengthen this alignment with NDRIC, most notably in the areas of care planning, enhanced communication and protocols with the HSE, better internal and external co-ordination. While small in number and primarily Dublin-based, community prison link workers are a valuable resource which provides a link for offenders between prison and the community. Greater integration of these workers in the system of provision, including links with the work of Probation Officers and Integrated Sentence Managers (ISMs), would be supported by the development of a formal joint Service Level Agreement between the Probation Service and the IPS and organisations providing community prison link workers. From the limited outcomes data that is available, positive outcomes are evident. Overall we can expect between 70% and 100% of those who enter a detox programme to complete it, and between 60% and 80% of those who commence treatment to complete it. Of those who complete treatment we can expect around half to return to training, education or employment. Around one-third will achieve total recovery, another one-third will manage their addiction safely and around one-third will relapse. (iv) Gaps in Provision The system of provision is evolving to address needs as they arise. Areas that pose particular challenges at present and that require attention and further development are:  Treatment services for women offenders. Women, especially women with children, have specific needs that a comprehensive system of provision should cater for. While women with addiction are catered for within prison and within the community, the options available are relatively limited. The Probation Service and the IPS are aiming to address these challenges through a joint strategy for women offenders.  There is a strong focus on drug addiction within the current system of provision. However, alcohol abuse is just as important a contributor to criminality as is drug addiction and abuse. Because of the non-availability of alcohol within the prison estate, prisoners with an alcohol addiction effectively have no choice other than to detox, with or without medication. Programmes that place more attention on the underlying reasons for alcohol addiction and how to prevent these triggers in the future as well as harm reduction strategies require further development across the prison estate.  Within drug addiction, many of the treatment regimes are focused on opiate based drugs. However, in recent years the trends in usage have been away from opiates towards other drugs such as benzodiazepines and novel psychoactive substances, which are more difficult to detect. Treatment regimes are playing catch up to these developments, both in the community and within the prison estate.  There are a growing number of offenders presenting with co-morbidities, e.g. alcohol and/or drug abuse combined with mental health issues. Best practice advocates a system of integrated dual treatment and many of the existing suites of community-based service providers and the system of provision within the prison estate does not adequately cater for co-morbidities. (iii) Strengths of the Current System of Provision Addiction is a major contributory factor in criminality. The Probation Service’s Drugs and Alcohol Survey (2011) found that the majority of alcohol and drug misusing offenders had their misuse linked to their offending. Martyn (2012) found that 89% of adult offenders on probation supervision had misused drugs or alcohol and Freeman and Allen (2015) found that 60% of prisoners in Cork prison had a documented history of substance abuse and addiction. Both the Probation Service and the IPS recognise the role drugs and alcohol play in criminality and recidivism and both have invested heavily in developing a system of provision to address drug and alcohol addictions. The prison environment provides a unique opportunity to support individuals to address addiction and it is appropriate that a range of treatment and intervention options is provided in the prison estate. Excluding direct staff and GP costs, the IPS and Probation Service have combined expenditure of €3.33m on the provision of addiction services for adult offenders. Expenditure by the Probation Service has remained stable in recent years, while spending by the IPS has reduced in line with the decline in prisoner numbers. However, those in prison are now more likely to be the most challenging and chaotic. This includes those with a dual diagnosis of addiction and mental health issues. Health teams are present in every prison and some staff have specialist qualifications in the treatment of addiction. Clinicians have an interest in addiction and are familiar with the care pathways within the prison estate, thus increasing their effectiveness. The development of joint strategies between the Probation Service and the IPS has supported the development of a more integrated and co-ordinated approach to dealing with offenders, including those with addictions. The current model of provision is a mixed methods layered approach incorporating residential treatment provided in the community using a number of treatment regimes. This includes detoxification within prison, methadone treatment, one to one and group addiction counselling, specialist treatment methodologies (e.g. Cognitive Behaviour Therapy, Therapeutic Communities, 12 Step Programmes), harm reduction and relapse prevention. This mixed methods way of working fits with international best practice and is appropriate. The NDRIC framework is an important national development that the Probation Service and the IPS have aligned with. There are opportunities to further strengthen this alignment with NDRIC, most notably in the areas of care planning, enhanced communication and protocols with the HSE, better internal and external co-ordination. While small in number and primarily Dublin-based, community prison link workers are a valuable resource which provides a link for offenders between prison and the community. Greater integration of these workers in the system of provision, including links with the work of Probation Officers and Integrated Sentence Managers (ISMs), would be supported by the development of a formal joint Service Level Agreement between the Probation Service and the IPS and organisations providing community prison link workers. From the limited outcomes data that is available, positive outcomes are evident. Overall we can expect between 70% and 100% of those who enter a detox programme to complete it, and between 60% and 80% of those who commence treatment to complete it. Of those who complete treatment we can expect around half to return to training, education or employment. Around one-third will achieve total recovery, another one-third will manage their addiction safely and around one-third will relapse. (iv) Gaps in Provision The system of provision is evolving to address needs as they arise. Areas that pose particular challenges at present and that require attention and further development are:  Treatment services for women offenders. Women, especially women with children, have specific needs that a comprehensive system of provision should cater for. While women with addiction are catered for within prison and within the community, the options available are relatively limited. The Probation Service and the IPS are aiming to address these challenges through a joint strategy for women offenders.  There is a strong focus on drug addiction within the current system of provision. However, alcohol abuse is just as important a contributor to criminality as is drug addiction and abuse. Because of the non-availability of alcohol within the prison estate, prisoners with an alcohol addiction effectively have no choice other than to detox, with or without medication. Programmes that place more attention on the underlying reasons for alcohol addiction and how to prevent these triggers in the future as well as harm reduction strategies require further development across the prison estate.  Within drug addiction, many of the treatment regimes are focused on opiate based drugs. However, in recent years the trends in usage have been away from opiates towards other drugs such as benzodiazepines and novel psychoactive substances, which are more difficult to detect. Treatment regimes are playing catch up to these developments, both in the community and within the prison estate.  There are a growing number of offenders presenting with co-morbidities, e.g. alcohol and/or drug abuse combined with mental health issues. Best practice advocates a system of integrated dual treatment and many of the existing suites of community-based service providers and the system of provision within the prison estate does not adequately cater for co-morbidities.  The absence of a peer-led positive drugs free environment, within the prison estate, for offenders who have come off drugs or alcohol needs to be addressed. (v) Development Needs In terms of actual work on the ground, certain aspects of the model of effective practice (see Figure 1 above for a summary and chapter five of the main report for the full model) require further development as follows: NDRIC is an important national framework that the Probation Service and the IPS should align further with wherever possible. This will help ensure continuity of care between different settings and optimal use of resources. As highlighted above, a more broadly based system of provision that caters for the specific needs of women offenders, treatments and interventions for alcohol abuse, treatments and interventions that accommodate the changing nature of drug abuse and co-morbidities is desirable. Within the prison estate, more focus on the development of alcohol treatment programmes would be beneficial as well as relevant screening and treatment regimes for nonopiate based drug addiction. This latter point also requires development within the community setting. With regard to co-morbidities, commissioning of service providers with expertise in mental health and treatment of addiction is one option. Another possibility is to develop protocols with the HSE on access to psychiatric and psychological services. Equity of access and treatment irrespective of location is a key principle that underpins the service provision model. This means that the current system of a broad base of community based organisations should be continued. However, as noted above, this could be strengthened by having more specialist services for women, services capable of addressing co-morbidities and services willing and able to deal with sex offenders or those with a history of violence. Within the prison estate, a minimum standard of provision should be present in every prison, with specialist programmes developed in Mountjoy. This is with a view to disseminating these throughout the prison estate once proven – in other words a hub and spoke model rather than a centralised model. Care planning the whole way through, from an offender being in the community (e.g. receiving treatment in the community through the HSE) to being in prison (where they might receive addiction counselling or participate in detox or continue with methadone maintenance) to discharge from prison back into the community, is an area that requires further work. Use of common assessment, screening tools and care plan templates can support a more co-ordinated care planning process. Currently, when an offender moves from the community into prison, there is a break in the care planning process. Similar breaks can occur on discharge, although the Integrated Sentence Management process has gone a considerable way to minimising this. Within the prison estate, clear responsibility for case management should be assigned and known. Information sharing, communication and co-ordination are requirements for effective through-care planning. At present, care plans do not follow the offender from one setting to another and at each stage the prison health staff, prison-based addiction counsellors, community-based treatment staff, Probation Officers, ISMs and community prison link workers are relying on the offender to inform them of what treatment or interventions they have engaged in before. Working with NDRIC, to develop a basic care plan that can be shared electronically, will support better co-ordination and effective provision of services. National protocols around referral, drop-out from treatment/interventions and information sharing require development to ensure a co-ordinated collaborative approach that supports effective case management and care planning between and within different settings. Better preparation of offenders who are moving to a residential treatment centre is an important success determinant in reducing drop-out rates, particularly in respect of offenders coming from a prison setting. Within the prison estate, a system of waiting time recording and management is a necessary step in order to support effective deployment of resources and efficient management of demand for services, particularly for addiction counselling. Harm reduction is an important component of the treatment toolkit (e.g. providing information and education on the risks of taking different types of drugs). Not every offender in treatment will successfully detox or remain drugs or alcohol free. Within the prison estate, a harm reduction programme should be developed and incorporated into the treatment regime. The Mountjoy Medical Unit operates the Drugs Treatment Programme (DTP). This could be improved through the development of a universal curriculum, better co-ordination of the service providers contracted to deliver different aspects of the curriculum and tracking of outcomes achieved. It has potential to be disseminated to other prisons once its effectiveness has been proven. For offenders remaining in prison, who have successfully detoxed, access to a peer-led positive drugs free environment will support their recovery. However, it must be remembered that within a community setting, drugs are readily available. This suggests that the primary focus should be on supporting offenders to build their own internal resilience and capacity to resist a return to addictive behaviours and be supported to build an alternative set of behaviours that support their good health and well-being. Considerable progress has been made in the management of release planning from prisons, e.g. the introduction of ISMs. However, there are still a number of areas where release of offenders with an addiction can be problematic, e.g. those who are homeless, or who are still chaotic drug users, or who are on remand, or who are released on bail by the courts, or who are on temporary release or post custody supervision. Managing these complex cases jointly and developing shared protocols would support more effective communication and coordination of such cases. The IPS needs to develop a national system of clinical governance for treatment within the prison estate that ensures consistency across prisons in the approach to treating offenders with addictions. Service Level Agreements (SLAs) are a fundamental tool in the overall governance (both financial and operational) of external service providers/CBOs contracted to provide addiction related services either in the community or within prisons. The SLAs that currently are in place have too much variability in their requirements for each service provider and there are inconsistencies between those of the Probation Service and the IPS. A standardised SLA template should be used by the Probation Service and the IPS for contracting of CBOs. One group of workers who currently provide services within the prison system have no SLA or oversight by either the Probation Service or the IPS, i.e. community prison link workers. This needs to be addressed, given that funding for their work is channelled through the Department of Justice and Equality. All Service Level Agreements should incorporate an agreed set of outcomes. For treatment services we would recommend a small number of performance indicators that focus on participation and treatment outcomes. These indicators should apply to community based services and treatment programmes within the prison estate. Joint training between community based organisations, the Probation Service and the IPS would facilitate useful networking and sharing of good practice and learning. This would also support working across the silos that are within the control of the Probation Service and the IPS. Finally, funding levels by the Probation Service should be maintained while those of the IPS should be restored to 2011 levels in order to address the gaps identified above. Multi-annual SLAs (covering up to a three-year period) should be considered for all service providers. Detailed recommendations are provided in chapter fifteen. Details: Dublin: Irish Probation Service and Irish Prison Service, 2016. 112p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: http://www.justice.ie/en/JELR/PS_IPS_Probation_Review_of_treatment_for_offenders.pdf/Files/PS_IPS_Probation_Review_of_treatment_for_offenders.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.justice.ie/en/JELR/PS_IPS_Probation_Review_of_treatment_for_offenders.pdf/Files/PS_IPS_Probation_Review_of_treatment_for_offenders.pdf Shelf Number: 144929 Keywords: Alcoholism Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Programs Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Kreuzer, Peter Title: If they resist, kill them all: Police vigilantism in the Philippines Summary: In May of 2016, Rodrigo Duterte was elected President of the Philippines and inaugurated into office on June 30. During the election campaign he was already focusing on ridding the country of drug-related crime and indicated his willingness to tolerate, if not support, the killing of suspects by the police. After entering office, he officially launched a comprehensive campaign against drug-related crime that has since cost the lives of several thousand suspects. While anonymous vigilantes are responsible for a significant share, if not the majority of these extralegal killings, in four months the police killed more than 1,000 suspects in so-called "legitimate encounters" that were justified as actions carried out in self-defense. This report then looks at a vastly under-researched phenomenon: extrajudicial police vigilantism involving killings by on-duty police officers that are masked as "legitimate encounters" with criminals. It argues that, while the Philippines have a strong tradition of death-squad killings, this has been complemented for a long time by a practice of "social cleansing" that did not make it necessary for agents of the state to deny complicity: official police vigilantism. On the contrary, such vigilante killings could be utilized as evidence of a strong state. However, in the past such police vigilantism was a local phenomenon. This changed under the new president, who nationalized the local practice and thereby changed its dynamics. This report provides an overview of the pattern of killings of suspects by members of the Philippine National Police while on duty currently taking place. The main section of the report analyzes past patterns of “legitimate encounters” in a number of selected regions and provinces of the Philippines. The integration of these two datasets allows for a comparison not only among regions and provinces but also over time. Consideration of this quantitative data is complemented by sketches of the dynamics driving current reactions to the new policy in a number of provinces and cities. Going beyond the Philippines, this study also provides a comparative dataset on similar forms of deadly police violence for a small set of countries, regions and cities that permits a comparison of past and present Philippines practice. The detailed analysis shows that: • in most, but not all of the various case studies, there has been a long tradition of police-vigilantism, • regions, provinces and cities that have exhibited higher levels of police vigilantism in the past tend to react more strongly to the presidential campaign that legitimized extralegal killings under the pretext of a "legitimate encounter," • those cases with the highest levels of police vigilantism both now and in the past tend to be the most "developed" ones, fulfilling a metropolitan function at either a national or regional level, • there is no link between threats to the police and their willingness to kill suspects in "legitimate encounters," • prior to the present wave of extrajudicial killings, the magnitude of violent "legitimate encounters" was moderate, although they were carried out by clearly vigilante police forces targeting suspects, • while the patterns of "legitimate encounters" have not changed in the current campaign, the number of extra-legal killings has risen dramatically since the election of President Duterte, • Philippines police officers did not have to learn a new practice; they did not have to unlearn firmly established convictions about due process. They transformed an established but sparingly used practice into a key instrument for reducing crime and for strengthening institutions, • local leaders' reactions to the presidential campaign depend to a significant extent on the local leaders' past perceptions of utilizing the police as a force for "social cleansing" and the leaders’ current power base in the face of rising pressure to conform to the central leadership’s expectations. Going beyond empirical analysis of the data on past and present police vigilantism in the Philippines, I maintain that the present administration uses police vigilantism on the national level to simulate a strong state and thereby achieve widespread public acclaim and acquiescence. By establishing the Philippine National Police as his power base, the new president has within a few months successfully hollowed out democratic checks and balances and installed himself as the foremost “boss” at the national level. While forceful personalities are a regular feature of Philippines politics, their power is normally limited by other bosses who contend for power and wealth. Like Ferdinand Marcos before him, Rodrigo Duterte is well on his way to neutralizing this division of powers – the only one that works well in the Philippines during "normal" times. Currently, it seems that the Philippines are on a direct path toward a regime that may be likened to an electoral dictatorship, where a president, through the shrewd manipulation of public discourse and the resulting outstanding public support, and with the help of the national police, is succeeding in subjugating the various political families that make up the Philippines political elite. Details: Frankfurt am Main: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2016. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: PRIF Report No. 142 : Accessed February 1, 2017 at: https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif142.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Philippines URL: https://www.hsfk.de/fileadmin/HSFK/hsfk_publikationen/prif142.pdf Shelf Number: 145096 Keywords: Deadly Force Drug Offenders Extrajudicial Killings Police Brutality Police Use of Force Police Violence Vigilantism

Author: Public Health England Title: An evidence review of the outcomes that can be expected of drug misuse treatment in England Summary: This review gives policy makers and local areas an objective assessment of what drug treatment outcomes are achievable, and compares outcomes in England to the evidence and to other drug treatment systems It reviews the impact of housing problems, unemployment and social deprivation on treatment engagement and outcomes. The review also considers how drug treatment will need to be configured to meet future need and recommends an appropriate set of measures or indicator for treatment evaluation. Details: London: Public Health England, 2017. 158p., app. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 3, 2017 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/586111/PHE_Evidence_review_of_drug_treatment_outcomes.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/586111/PHE_Evidence_review_of_drug_treatment_outcomes.pdf Shelf Number: 140804 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders

Author: McBride, George Title: High Stakes: An Inquiry into the Drugs Crisis in English Prisons Summary: Prisons are in crisis with record levels of suicides, violence and self-harm. Traditional drugs have been replaced by a family of drugs called synthetic cannabinoid receptor agonists, generically referred to as 'black mamba' or 'spice.' The government has failed to recognise the important policy implications of these new drugs, and the lack of intelligent drug policy in the new white paper risks undermining the entirety of the proposed prison reforms. This report is the first of its kind bringing together experts in drug and prison policy to examine the implications of the radical shift in prison drug markets and propose pragmatic solutions to reduce drug-related harms and improve prison safety and security. The report reviews the rise to near ubiquity of spice in men's prisons in England. These diverse and multitudinous substances have risen to prominence globally in response to international prohibition of popular illicit substances, in particular cannabis. These new substances have relatively unknown risk profiles and many induce paranoia, behavioural disturbances, violence, seizures and convulsions. They are particularly popular in prisons due to their low cost, difficulty to detect, and "bird [prison sentence] killing" effects. Too little is being done to fight drug demand within prisons. Prisoners are often left unoccupied in their cells for 23 hours a day. Many prisoners are developing drug problems during their incarceration. Overall 8% of men in prison in England and Wales report developing a drug problem since they have been in prison. In prisons with the worst regimes this is as high as 14-16%. This is increasing drug use and the frequency of dangerous incidents, which are a substantial drain on prison staff resources. This feeds a vicious cycle, further draining resources, and is leaving prisoners increasingly unoccupied and under supervised. As staff capacity is reduced this further decreases the ability of prisons to perform essential functions in disrupting the supply of drugs into prisons leaving criminal organisations able to push drugs with impunity. The supply reduction methods proposed in the White Paper are expensive distractions from the real work needed to disrupt criminal supply chains. Proposed extensions to the mandatory drug testing regime will be impracticable with the available resources, only identify a limited range of the drugs in circulation, and fail to assist in identifying those supplying drugs. New sniffer dogs will quickly become obsolete due to the rate of chemical innovation of new substances. We are currently monitoring drug use in prisons through mandatory drug testing and records of seizures. These methods give very little assistance in terms of understanding who is supplying drugs, who is using drugs, what drugs are in circulation, how drugs are getting into prisons, or the level and nature of harm associated with drug use in a given prison. Recommendations: Risk management not zero tolerance – a chasm exists between the prevailing rhetoric and policy reality. In order to manage prisons effectively efforts need to focus on disrupting supply chains, reducing demand for drugs, and improving intelligence-gathering. Reducing drug-related harms makes prisons safer places in which rehabilitation is more effective. Helping addicted drug-users who are willing to change to turn their lives around is proven to reduce re-offending rates. Reduce demand through purposeful activity – There needs to be an acceptance that supply reduction measures are there to disrupt supply, they are not there to eradicate it. A shift of emphasis towards demand reduction is required to make prisons more effective places at tackling problem drug habits and rehabilitating offenders. There is a clear link between a lack of purposeful activity and the uptake of drug use. Busy prison regimes and treatment are more effective than security measures in managing the drug problem in our prisons. The long-held emphasis on supply reduction over demand reduction creates an increased burden on staff, logistical and management difficulties, and associated difficulties in implementing new policies, supporting work, training, education and treatment schemes. These costs too often go uncounted. Overhaul monitoring of drug use – An essential part of effective management is using appropriate, reliable metrics for measuring success and failure. The Ministry of Justice’s recommendations to monitor prisons’ drug policy outcomes via drug testing prisoners on arrival and exit from prison will not provide reliable or useful data. Instead, a system should be implemented to monitor the nature and scale of the drug market and drug-related harms. Regular anonymous audits of drug use and the drug market could provide valuable information from treatment staff, prison officers, current and ex-prisoners. Overhaul monitoring of drug supply and security – Current supply-reduction and security measures are not grounded in evidence. New proposed measures focus on drones and visitors when there is no evidence that these are the primary sources of supply. There is evidence suggesting corrupt staff may be a major source of supply. Evidence gathering is needed on drug seizures to assist in determining their providence, as well as a new regional task force within the Prison Service to oversee periodic spot checks and searches of staff. Improve staff to prisoner ratio – Overseeing busy prison routines and effective treatment is a labour-intensive endeavour with no quick-fix technological solutions. In order to bring about this reform we need a better staff to prisoner ratio. To do so means that we need to either substantially reduce the prison population or substantially increase prison funding. Reducing the prison population likely has both fiscal and outcome benefits by reducing the use of a costly and ineffective intervention. Details: London: Volteface, 2016. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2017 at: http://volteface.me/app/uploads/2017/01/High-Stakes-A4-Printed-Booklet-Final-Version-1.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://volteface.me/app/uploads/2017/01/High-Stakes-A4-Printed-Booklet-Final-Version-1.pdf Shelf Number: 144834 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Drug Control Policy Drug Offenders Drug Use in Prison Prison Contraband Prison Policy Prison Violence

Author: Campie, Patricia E. Title: Systematic Review of Factors That Impact Implementation Quality of Child Welfare, Public Health, and Education Programs for Adolescents: Implications for Juvenile Drug Treatment Courts Summary: To inform the development of juvenile drug treatment court (JDTC) guidelines, this study reviewed the evidence on factors that impact implementation quality and fidelity in other youth-serving systems, namely, child welfare, public health, and education programs delivered to adolescents or adolescents and their families. From a universe of more than 8,000 articles reviewed, 53 studies were included for analysis using meta-aggregation methods, as outlined by the Cochrane Collaboration. The findings support previous research showing that intervention outcomes are influenced by implementation quality, readiness to complete each step of the implementation cycle (beginning with intervention selection), access to technical assistance, and contextual "fit" with the population or community. The findings align with previous research from juvenile drug treatment court implementation studies, showing the importance of improving community collaboration, reducing cross-system barriers, and using data for continuous quality improvement. New findings indicate that fidelity adherence may have unintended negative effects with vulnerable populations when compliance protocols interfere with an intervention's theory of change. Fidelity requirements may affect youth and their adult caregivers differentially and produce more positive outcomes with youth than adults, who may disengage if the program cannot be changed to fit their needs. Details: Report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2016. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2017 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250483.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250483.pdf Shelf Number: 144831 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Drug Treatment Courts Juvenile Drug Offenders Juvenile Drug Treatment Courts Problem-Solving Courts Treatment Programs

Author: Amnesty International Title: "If You Are Poor, You Are Killed": Extrajudicial executions in the Philippines' "War on Drugs" Summary: Since President Duterte took office in June 2016, there has been a campaign of violence against alleged drug offenders. More than 7,000 people have been killed, roughly one-third during formal police operations and the rest by unknown shooters. Based on 110 interviews and the documentation of 33 cases, this report shows that many drug-related killings are extrajudicial executions that directly implicate the police. The report also describes how the "war on drugs" has targeted the poor disproportionately. It reveals how at least some unknown shooters are assassins paid by police officers Details: London: AI, 2017. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 15, 2017 at: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa35/5517/2017/en/ Year: 2017 Country: Philippines URL: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa35/5517/2017/en/ Shelf Number: 145790 Keywords: Drug Offenders Extrajudicial Executions Human Rights Abuses Police Brutality War on Drugs

Author: Choo, Kyungseok Title: Juvenile Drug Courts: Policy and Practice Scan Summary: A policy and practice scan (sometimes referred to as an environmental scan) was conducted to provide data on a sample of local juvenile drug treatment courts (JDTCs) in the United States. The objectives of the scan were to collect data from a sample of JDTCs on their current operations and structures, challenges to implementation, and perceived or measurable successes. The scan was not conducted to determine whether or not JDTCs "work," but, rather, to provide descriptive research evidence to answer the question, "What is going on?" Eligibility Criteria To be included in the scan, a local JDTC was required to meet the following eligibility criteria: (1) the JDTC was established in 2004 or later (excluding JDTCs that predate the release of the current practice strategies), and (2) it was operational for at least 2 years at the time of the scan. Sampling Methods A variety of methods were used to create the sample for this scan. The methods were carried out in the following order: 1. Researchers contacted the state-level juvenile drug treatment court coordinators for each state and territory and asked them to furnish a list of JDTCs in their jurisdiction, along with contact information and any data that could help the research team assess eligibility. In those instances in which we did not receive a response from the state coordinator, we contacted the Administrative Office of the Courts (AOCs) at the state level for the information. 2. The initial efforts were supplemented by examinations of the most recent directory of drug courts created by the National Association of Drug Court Professionals (NADCP) and through other methods, including Google searches. A total of 405 JDTCs from 44 states and Puerto Rico were identified through these methods, and 107 were identified as being eligible. Once the sample pool was established, key contacts at each eligible site - usually the coordinators - were contacted by e-mail or phone to request participation in the project. Out of the total, eligible sample pool, 25 JDTCs agreed to participate; they became our sample for the scan.2 The 25 JDTCs represented 20 states. Results History and inception. Local JDTCs were initiated in a variety of ways. The most common impetus was the interest of a juvenile court judge (or, in few instances, a court administrator) who had heard about JDTCs in other jurisdictions and wanted to institute a specialized court for juvenile substance abusers. In a few cases, the juvenile drug treatment court was a natural extension of an adult drug court that was already established in the jurisdiction. In other instances, the JDTC was expanded from existing JDTCs in nearby jurisdictions. The role of funding was acknowledged by some of the key contacts; several JDTCs had obtained grants (mostly state-level funding) to help start and implement the JDTC. A common component at inception was a steering or planning committee and a designated “leader” for the initiative. Some common challenges faced at start-up were the lack of treatment providers and transportation for youth to attend the program. In addition, a minority discussed conflicts among agencies in the partnerships, the learning curve in operating a JDTC, insufficient funding for hiring staff, and getting grant proposals written to support the effort. Local partnerships. Most key contacts for local JDTCs indicated that there had been little change in their partnerships since they were formed. When changes did occur, the most common were to add or change treatment providers. A wide variety of professionals and organizations were involved in JDTC partnerships, the most common of which were judges, court administrators, the district attorney's or prosecutor's office, local treatment providers, the probation department, and state/county social service agencies. Additional partnerships included efforts with church groups and community organizations. A few key contacts noted that law enforcement and education organizations were important but were missing from their JDTC partnerships. Treatment options. Most JDTCs offered multiple treatment programs. The majority of treatment options focused on substance abuse, whereas some treatment programs also offered mental health services and family services. The JDTCs commonly offered both group and individual counseling to clients; in addition, others offered job placement, education assistance, and life skills programs. Youth who required more intensive, inpatient detoxification or rehabilitation were commonly referred to a local facility. Generally, these facilities were within a 1- to 4-hour drive of the court, and programs lasted anywhere from a weekend to 6 months. Every drug court utilized urine analysis for drug testing; in addition, some conducted oral fluid analysis and breathalyzer tests for alcohol detection. The juvenile clients were tested frequently: generally, two to three times a week at random times. Structure and operation. The typical structure of a JDTC consisted of three major parts: intensive judicial supervision, treatment services, and community-based organizational support. The core members of the intensive judicial supervision typically were an assigned judge, a prosecuting attorney, a public defender, and a probation officer. Almost all of the JDTCs contracted with external providers for treatment services (i.e., substance abuse treatment, drug tests, and individual/group/family counseling services). Many also included a representative from a school district and representatives from local community-based organizations. JDTC coordinators played a significant role in maintaining the coordinated and collaborative work of all partnering agencies and organizations. Most JDTCs had a clearly delineated referral process and explicitly outlined eligibility and program requirements in their policy manuals and client handbooks. The validation calls revealed, however, that many JDTCs struggled to provide services that were age appropriate, gender sensitive, and culturally and linguistically competent. For example, courts were challenged to provide adequate services to older youth (17 years or older) as well as to younger youth (under 13 years old). Many also indicated that they did not have much experience with female clients or non-English speaking clients (although some did provide interpreters). All JDTCs in our sample used incentives and sanctions to encourage clients to comply with program requirements. The most frequently cited incentives were gift cards and extended curfews. A common sanction was increased supervision, such as GPS monitoring or detention. Some JDTCs included mental health treatment, although they still considered their primary function to be substance abuse treatment. Performance evaluation and monitoring. Local JDTCs varied in their capacity to collect data for evaluation and monitoring performance. Only about one-third of the JDTCs included in our sample indicated that they collect data for performance monitoring, and even fewer have participated in an evaluation of any kind. Those who consistently collect data varied in the breadth, depth, and utility of the data. Most data-collecting JDTCs in our sample collected only basic data required for periodic monitoring at the state level (e.g., demographics of youth referred to the court, counts for graduation and termination, services received, and recidivism), but they indicated that these data were not sufficient for local program monitoring. A few of the JDTCs collected additional data through Web-based systems used to track clients and provide real-time monitoring. Most JDTCs, however, lacked comprehensive and accessible systems to track data for local monitoring and evaluation purposes. Successes. Local JDTCs defined success in a variety of ways. Some defined it as measurable change or impact for youth who participate (e.g., program graduation and reduced substance abuse, continued education, sustained employment, and reduction in recidivism). Others identified “soft” indicators, such as staff dedication and long-term connections with youth, staff, and others such as probation officers. In addition, a few key contacts at local JDTCs identified certain attitudinal and behavioral changes, such as better relationships with parents/guardians and personal functioning, as being indicative of success even though these factors are not captured by data systems. At least one JDTC identified broader public health outcomes, such as reduced early pregnancies, as another indicator of success. Nearly all perceived their court as successful; however, very few could provide any data on documented successes of their local JDTC. Challenges to implementation. Key contacts at local JDTCs identified a wide variety of challenges to implementation. The most commonly cited challenge was lack of funding, especially for supporting incentives for youth in the program and enabling sufficient staffing. Other common challenges to implementation included developing effective treatment for youth with serious addiction or other complex problems; engaging families in the program and in providing a supportive home environment for their children; insufficient treatment options, including mental health and family counseling; training for staff and treatment providers; poor collaboration and communication among certain stakeholders in the JDTC; key gaps with agencies such as the district attorney; transportation for youth to attend JDTC activities, particularly in rural areas; and the role of the youth’s defense attorney, which can conflict with the aims of the JDTC. Sustainability. None of the JDTCs had a formal sustainability plan. Many suggested factors that would facilitate sustainability, such as having a “program champion” (i.e., someone who believes that the program is necessary and useful regardless of the statistics); securing judicial, prosecutorial, school and community buy-in (at least one JDTC used social media and a website to promote the program); having a committed leader, team, and advisory board; and demonstrating the value of the program through data and research. A few JDTCs talked about using a sales tax or Medicaid to help provide support for youth services. In at least one state, a compliance agency was created to track and certify all of the drug courts; this has helped with sustainability as the tracking process revealed how funds were being spent. Current practice standards/Guidelines development. Most key contacts at JDTCs were aware, in general, of the 2004 JDTC practice standards. In some cases, the 16 strategies were noted in the local JDTC (or state-level) policy and procedures manual. In a few instances, the 16 standards were intentionally used to guide the creation of the JDTC. Others took the standards into account for performance monitoring. Most key contacts—especially those focused on collaboration, teamwork, judicial involvement, and community partnerships—supported the 16 standards. As one key contact stated, “Just having the guidelines there and stated clearly is helpful...they’re a great resource.” Family engagement was considered critical; however, some JDTCs were struggling to involve parents or guardians in their child’s treatment. A few JDTCs mentioned a need for help with meeting standards around providing developmentally appropriate and multiculturally competent treatment. Several JDTCs cited challenges related to providing incentives (sometimes because of funding issues) and sanctions. With respect to future work related to the guidelines development process, one key contact recommended reaching out to the statewide drug court associations and asking them to review and disseminate the new guidelines. Another advocated including the use of an instrument such as the Youth Level of Service Case Management Inventory as a standard for facilitating data-driven offender assessment and treatment decisions. Conclusions A policy and practice scan was conducted with 25 local JDTCs that were established in 2004 or later and that have been operational since 2013 (for at least 2 years). Data were collected from available documentation and validation calls with key contacts at the local JDTC. Data were organized by a semi-structured protocol to provide information on history, treatment options, local partnerships, operations, performance monitoring and evaluation, successes, challenges, sustainability, and guidelines. Although the JDTCs varied widely on many dimensions, they also shared many similar attributes. Implications for Guidelines Key contacts at JDTCs generally were aware of the existence of the current practice standards, and they supported the standards. Some JDTCs made an effort to follow them as outlined, yet a few of them struggled with implementing standards such as developmentally appropriate treatment and incentives and sanctions. Key contacts did not identify any guidelines to add or remove; they believed that the current guidelines were fairly comprehensive. Most of the JDTCs, however, lacked the funding to implement the guidelines as well as they would like. The shortage of funding undermines the goals of providing incentives and sanctions and comprehensive drug testing. Details: Woburn, MA: WestEd Justice and Prevention Research Center, 2016. 94p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 20, 2017 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250442.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/250442.pdf Shelf Number: 146693 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Juvenile Drug Courts Problem-Solving Courts

Author: United States Sentencing Commission Title: Recidivism Among Federal Drug Trafficking Offenders Summary: The Commission's Ongoing Recidivism Research The United States Sentencing Commission began studying recidivism shortly after the enactment of the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 ("SRA"). The Commission’s recent publication Recidivism Among Federal Offenders: A Comprehensive Overview ("Recidivism Overview Report") discussed the history of this study in greater detail. Recidivism information is central to three of the primary purposes of punishment described in the SRA—specific deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation—all of which focus on prevention of future crimes through correctional intervention. Information about recidivism is also relevant to the Commission’s obligation to formulate sentencing policy that "reflect[s], to the extent practicable, advancements in knowledge of human behavior as it relates to the sentencing process." Considerations of recidivism by federal offenders were also central to the Commission’s initial work in developing the Guidelines Manual's criminal history provisions.4 They remain important to subsequent work, including the retroactive application of sentencing reductions in cases involving crack cocaine, and continue to be a key consideration in the Commission’s work today. Recent developments, particularly public attention to the size of the federal prison population and the costs of incarceration, have highlighted the importance of studying recidivism among federal offenders. The Commission's current recidivism research substantially expands on the scope of previous Commission recidivism projects. In addition to a different set of offenders— U.S. citizen federal offenders released in 2005—the project's study group is much larger than those in previous Commission studies. A larger study group provides the opportunity to develop statistically useful conclusions about many subgroups of federal offenders. This Report: Recidivism Among Federal Drug Trafficking Offenders This report examines a group of 10,888 federal drug trafficking offenders who were released in calendar year 2005. They were originally sentenced between fiscal year 1991 and the first quarter of fiscal year 2006. Offenders were placed in this group based on the primary sentencing guideline that the court applied when sentencing the offender. One-half (50.0%) of these drug trafficking offenders were rearrested for a new crime or for an alleged violation of their supervision over the follow-up period of eight years. This compares to a 49.3 percent rearrest rate for all offenders reported in the Recidivism Overview Report. These 10,888 offenders, who were all U.S. citizens, represent 42.8 percent of the 25,431 federal offenders who were released in calendar year 200510 and analyzed in the Recidivism Overview Report. Among those offenders in this group for whom drug type information was available,11 crack cocaine was the most common primary drug type, with 2,953 crack cocaine offenders (27.3% of the 10,814 offenders with a known primary drug type). The remaining primary drug types, in order of prevalence, were marijuana (n=2,570, 23.8%), powder cocaine (n=2,350, 21.7%), methamphetamine (n=1,826, 16.9%), and heroin (n=590, 5.5%). An additional 525 (4.9%) offenders had some other type of drug as the primary type of drug in their offense, and were not studied separately for purposes of this report. Details: Washington, DC: USSC, 2017. 149p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 22, 2017 at: http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-publications/2017/20170221_Recidivism-Drugs.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-publications/2017/20170221_Recidivism-Drugs.pdf Shelf Number: 141174 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Traffickers Drug Trafficking Federal Offenders Recidivism

Author: Sindicich, Natasha Title: Patient Motivations, Perceptions and Experiences of Opioid Substitution Therapy in Prison Summary: People with opioid dependence are overrepresented in correctional settings (AIHW, 2013; Indig et al., 2010). Opioid substitution therapy (OST) is an effective treatment for opioid dependence, reducing illicit opioid use (Mattick, Breen, Kimber, & Davoli, 2009, 2014) and mortality (Degenhardt et al., 2011). OST is provided in correctional settings in many jurisdictions around the world (HRI, 2014), but there has been limited examination of the patient experience of opioid substitution therapy (OST) in correctional settings. Unexplored issues include reasons for entering (or not entering) treatment; patient perceptions of advantages and disadvantages of OST in prison; and preferences to cease or remain in treatment on release from prison. This latter issue is of particular importance, as clinicians report that patients often wish to cease OST prior to release, even when informed of the risk of overdose and benefits of remaining in treatment. This qualitative study aimed to examine patient motivations for, and perceptions and experiences of, OST in prisons in New South Wales (NSW), Australia. Forty-seven participants were recruited from seven correctional centres across NSW between September 2012 and October 2013. All participants had a recorded history of opioid use and/or dependence. To ensure a broad range of perspectives were obtained, participants were selected on the basis of specific exposures to OST: Exposure group A (n=7): New inductions to OST. These individuals were within 28 days of commencing OST at the time of interview. They may have been in OST previously, in community or custodial settings; Exposure group B (n=11): Continuing OST from the community. This group of patients had been in OST prior to custody, and were in treatment in custody for at least 28 days before interview (i.e. had some familiarity with the opioid treatment program in prison). Exposure group C (n=10): Commenced OST in custody. These participants were in treatment for at least 28 days before interview (i.e. had some familiarity with the opioid treatment program in prison). Exposure group D (n=9): Voluntarily ceased OST in custody. Exposure group E (n=10): Patients who reported heroin use on reception to prison, but have not entered OST or have declined to be placed on the OST waiting list during this custodial sentence. The sample was predominantly male (n=32; 68%), and 18 participants (38%) identified as Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander. The average age of participants was 35 years. Three-quarters (n=35, 75%) of the sample were sentenced, 11 were on remand, and one participant was unsure of sentencing status. The majority (n=42; 89%) reported a previous incarceration history. Twenty-eight participants were currently prescribed OST (methadone n=27, 57%; buprenorphine-naloxone-naloxone n=1, 2%). Findings by exposure group Among new OST inductions (Group A, n=7), reasons for commencing OST included wanting to abstain from drug use in prison and in the community upon release, as well as to aid with opioid withdrawal. Some participants noted the role of OST in the management of chronic pain. Benefits of OST identified by this group included elimination of opioid cravings, and the financial advantages of not buying drugs in prison. Criticisms of the opioid treatment program reported by this group included the waiting period to enter the program, with over half reporting drug use during this period in order to manage withdrawal symptoms. All participants in this group reported a willingness to stay in OST post-release, with two participants noting that they would prefer to be switched from methadone to buprenorphine formulations due to the lower frequency of administration (every second day) and higher number of ‘take-away’ doses available, which was deemed more practical for meeting employment commitments. Almost all (10/11) Group B patients (continuing OST from the community) were satisfied to remain in OST. Most (7/11) were willing to continue with OST post-release, so as to avoid drug relapse. As in Group A, two participants reported a preference to switch from methadone to buprenorphine-naloxone formulations post-release. For those who were wanting to cease treatment prior to release, reasons for this included pressure from family members and friends, the stigma attached to OST, the long-term nature of OST, and the perceived side-effects of poor dental health and appearing "stoned". Group C (n=10) were current OST patients who had commenced OST during this custodial period. Participants in this group reported drug use and unsafe injecting practices while in prison before commencing treatment. Most (6/10) reported that they would remain in OST post-release, at least until they felt they were stable and had a daily routine in the community. Those who wanted to cease treatment prior to release reported that they were primarily on OST for the management of their chronic pain and that on their release, they would seek other medication, often the preferred opioid analgesic they were prescribed prior to custody. Group D (n=9) had ceased OST during their current incarceration period. Around half (4/9) of participants in this group expressed interest in re-starting OST. Motivations for restarting OST included wanting to cease drug use in prison, and prevention of opioid withdrawal. Again, it was reported that drug use and unsafe injecting practices occurred during waiting periods to enrol in treatment. Reasons for ceasing OST related to release from prison and a reluctance to continue in OST due to the long-term nature of treatment, daily stressors of obtaining methadone in the community, and previous unsuccessful attempts OST episodes in the community. Group E (n=10) were people with a history of opioid use and/or dependence who had not entered OST in this period of incarceration. Seven participants in this group reported prior OST in the community or during previous incarcerations. Six of the ten participants in this group reported that they would like to be in OST, preferably prescribed a buprenorphine-naloxone formulation. Recurrent themes across groups Perceptions of opioid treatment program operation Participants were critical of the time taken to be assessed for OST and commenced on treatment. Participants perceived that this process was expedited if they reported drug use in prison to health centre staff; however, drug use is not a high priority indication for treatment entry per se (unlike pregnancy or HIV seropositivity, for example), so it is unclear if this perception was valid. Once treatment had commenced, participants perceived that there was a lack of monitoring and limited discussion of long-term treatment plans, particularly in relation to ceasing OST. Some participants questioned the motivations of other OST patients; for example, people with no recent history of opioid use who requested assessment for the opioid treatment program, or patients who deliberately requested higher doses of medicine than necessary in order to feel intoxicated. Intentions to cease OST prior to or on release Around one-third of current OST patients reported an intention to cease OST prior to or on release from prison. Participants identified aspects of OST in the community that they perceived as restrictive (e.g. daily dosing; difficulties in travelling to clinics within opening hours; difficulties going away from home). Some participants expressed concern that attending an OST clinic would result in drug use and/or crime as a result of exposure to past associates. Participants also expressed concern about the long-term nature of OST, with the perception that OST was replacing one addiction for another and in conflict with the goal of being "drug free". Participants also identified the stigma attached to OST as a reason for ceasing treatment prior to release. For some participants, this issue was framed in terms of where best to withdraw from OST, specifically methadone – in custody, or in the community. These participants identified the prison setting as a more fitting environment for managing withdrawal. Drug use in prison, including buprenorphine-naloxone diversion Across groups there was consensus that drugs including cannabis, heroin, methamphetamine, and buprenorphine-naloxone diverted from the opioid treatment program. Availability and pricing of drugs varied by prison. Drugs were injected and smoked. Awareness of the risk of blood borne virus transmission via sharing of needles and syringes was high, with specific mentions of risk of hepatitis C virus (HCV) and HIV transmission. Participants reported use of needles and syringes by multiple people despite these risks. The issue of buprenorphine-naloxone diversion from the opioid treatment program was mentioned by 18 participants. Diversion appeared to occur largely in the context of patients being "stood over"; that is, being forced to give their buprenorphine-naloxone to someone else. Participants reported that people engaged in stand over behaviour to obtain buprenorphine-naloxone for their own use (medicating withdrawal symptoms, or getting intoxicated) or to sell for profit. Use of OST for chronic pain Five participants were prescribed methadone for the treatment of chronic pain. Participants generally stated a preference for other analgesic medicines. Methadone was, however, perceived as more effective for pain relief than other options available in the prison setting (e.g. ibuprofen). Naltrexone for the treatment of opioid dependence Over half of participants (27/47) had heard of naltrexone (either oral or implant formulation). There was some scepticism regarding the utility of naltrexone treatment for opioid dependence in the prison settings, primarily because participants believed that those prescribed naltrexone would continue to use, or commence using, non-opioid drugs. Discussion and conclusions Treatment seeking was often precipitated by drug use and injecting in prison. OST was also sought to medicate opioid withdrawal symptoms. Keeping prison-based OST numbers within a range that results in safe management both in custody and upon release to the community has led to delays in accessing OST for those patients seeking to commence treatment in prison, and patients clearly have strong negative views about this approach. Among some participants, the waiting list appeared to act as a barrier to initiating the process of commencing OST. Balancing the needs of opioid dependent patients against operational and capacity issues, and safety and security concerns, are ongoing challenges for clinical staff. With some exceptions, benefits of OST in prison were largely framed in terms of avoiding negative experiences or outcomes, rather than as direct positive benefits of treatment. These findings highlight that although OST is perceived as preventing negative outcomes, it is not necessarily seen as producing positive outcomes for the individual, such as better health or quality of life. This is line with previous research that has reported the considerable ambivalence that many opioid dependent persons have towards OST (Harris & Rhodes, 2013). Diversion of buprenorphine-naloxone from the opioid treatment program appeared to most commonly occur in the context of patients being "stood over" for their medicine, although there may also be patients who voluntarily engage in diversion. The potential for diversion of buprenorphine products used for OST in correctional settings has been previously identified (Gordon et al., 2014; Kinlock, Gordon, Schwartz, & Fitzgerald, 2010; Magura et al., 2009), and the combination buprenorphine-naloxone film was introduced into NSW correctional centres specifically in response to concerns regarding diversion of the mono-buprenorphine formulation (administered sublingually). Policies and procedures for reducing the incidence of diversion and for responding to identified cases of diversion are in place in correctional health centres in NSW. Despite the identified benefits of OST in prison, there was considerable ambivalence among patients regarding continuation of OST once released. Balancing the preference of many patients to cease OST prior to release against patient safety post-release is a substantial challenge for correctional health care providers. The weeks immediately after release from prison are associated with an elevated risk of drug-related death (compared to other time at liberty) (Merrall et al., 2010), and exposure to OST during this period is highly protective against mortality (Degenhardt et al., 2014). As such, correctional health care providers in NSW are trained to advise patients to remain in OST through their transition to the community, and are reluctant to assent to patient requests to cease OST prior to release. This tension between patient preference and evidence-informed clinical practice appears to be perceived by patients as a lack of consultation and/or poor treatment planning. Further work is needed examining provider perspectives of OST in prison, and determining models of care to enhance post-release engagement in OST. Participants reported that injecting drug use occurred in prisons. Awareness of the potential for HCV or HIV transmission through the sharing of injecting equipment was high; nonetheless, participants reported that sharing of needles and syringes was common. Participants perceived a needle and syringe program as feasible for the prevention of re-use of injecting equipment. This study has generated unique data on patient perspectives of OST in correctional settings. We have described patient perspectives on entry to, experiences of, and retention in, OST in prison and post-release. Our findings have highlighted the challenges facing opioid treatment providers in prison in addressing patient ambivalence towards OST and preferences to cease OST prior to release, and can inform the development of policies and clinical practices that are mindful of patient perspectives and concerns. These results are suggestive of the need for further work examining how best to attract and retain opioid dependent prisoners in treatment, including provider perspectives; evaluation of programs designed to increase post-release retention in OST (and other care), and quantitative analyses of retention in OST in prison and post-release. Details: Sydney: NATIONAL DRUG AND ALCOHOL RESEARCH CENTRE, UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES, 2016. 43p. Source: Internet Resource: Technical Report Number 332: Accessed February 24, 2017 at: https://ndarc.med.unsw.edu.au/sites/default/files/ndarc/resources/Technical%20Report%20Number%20332.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Australia URL: https://ndarc.med.unsw.edu.au/sites/default/files/ndarc/resources/Technical%20Report%20Number%20332.pdf Shelf Number: 141212 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Opioids Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Pope, Leah G. Title: A New Normal: Addressing Opioid Use through the Criminal Justice System Summary: The United States is experiencing an epidemic of drug overdose deaths that cuts across economic, racial, and geographic boundaries. In the midst of this devastation, people are struggling to find ways to save the lives of their community members. While the "war on drugs" created tough enforcement policies that resulted in a bloated justice system, there is increasing momentum for a smarter and more compassionate approach to people who use drugs. This report describes how some innovative jurisdictions are implementing harm reduction strategies in order to reduce overdose deaths, improve the well-being of justice system-involved people, and advance the health and safety of their communities. It shares perspectives from stakeholders in law enforcement, the court system, corrections agencies, drug policy, and the community about what strategies are being implemented, how they have overcome barriers, and what work remains to be done. Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2017. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 6, 2017 at: https://www.vera.org/publication_downloads/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.vera.org/publication_downloads/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system/new-normal-opioid-use-criminal-justice-system.pdf Shelf Number: 145583 Keywords: Drug Abuse Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Policyi Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Opioid

Author: Davidson, Cheryl Title: Evaluation of the Statewide "Enhanced" Drug Courts Offering Mental Health Services for Substance Abusing Offenders in Iowa Summary: Adult drug courts in five Iowa judicial districts were provided drug court enhancement funding in the fall of 2012 to integrate mental health services into the program. The purpose of the grant was to expand drug court eligibility, improve access to mental health services, enhance mental health service delivery, and improve client outcomes. A process and outcomes evaluation was conducted to examine the effectiveness of the mental health enhancement. Process Evaluation Drug court team members believed there was a need for mental health services and co-occurring disorders were prevalent however; participants with serious mental illnesses would fall outside the realm of what the drug courts could handle. One difficulty identified by staff was defining the primary cause of clients’ problems; whether substance abuse or mental health issues. Better screening tools and resources to help identify prevailing issues may improve the administration of services. Some respondents said their mental health coordinator, provided through enhancement funding, helped expand program eligibility by enabling the court to better deal with mental health issues. The coordinator provided advice to the team and other offenders in the court and some staff indicated this person was more trusted by offenders than other court/correctional personnel. Others indicated program barriers like funding cuts or having too many/few referrals limited inclusiveness, despite the added capacity. Outcome Evaluation Program completion, supervision revocation, recidivism, relapse, and substance abuse treatment were examined. Study groups included current drug court offenders during the grant period (Current DC), a subset of current drug court offenders who received grant-funded mental health services (DC MH), a comparison group of pre-enhancement drug court offenders (Historical DC), and a group of similar offenders on probation for drug offenses (Matched Probation). In a three-year tracking period, the Current DC group had lower recidivism rates compared to the Historical DC group. This could be due to the drug court enhancement or other changes to the program. Participants of the funded mental health services did not statistically differ from nonparticipants. Several confounding factors, discussed in the key findings, may have contributed. The outcomes varied by district, consistent with the discretion given to courts in administering services. Providing more guidance to the courts in defining the enhancement target population and administering mental health services may have provided more consistency across the state. The cost per mental health participant funded by the enhancement grant ranged from $1,258.21 in District 5, to $2,541.40 in District 6. Details: Des Moines: Iowa Department of Justice Rights, Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning, 2016. 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 7, 2017 at: https://humanrights.iowa.gov/sites/default/files/media/CJJP_Enhanced_Drug_Court_Report.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://humanrights.iowa.gov/sites/default/files/media/CJJP_Enhanced_Drug_Court_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 141367 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Courts Drug Offenders Mental Health Services Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Yelderman, Logan A. Title: Mentoring in Juvenile Treatment Drug Courts: Strategies and Tips from On-Site Technical Assistance Visits and a Focus Group Report Summary: From December 2013 to January 2014, members of the NCJFCJ staff conducted 10 on-site technical assistance visits to juvenile treatment drug courts (JTDCs) with mentoring programs and hosted team members from these sites for a focus group meeting. The following information was acquired during these visits and focus groups. The purpose of this brief is to provide tools, tips, and strategies to jurisdictions interested in beginning mentoring programs and those that have current mentoring programs within JTDCs. Details: Reno, NV: The National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 20, 2017 at: https://www.ncjfcj.org/sites/default/files/NCJFCJ_JDTC_Mentoring_TAB_Final_0.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjfcj.org/sites/default/files/NCJFCJ_JDTC_Mentoring_TAB_Final_0.pdf Shelf Number: 144516 Keywords: Drug Offenders Juvenile Drug Courts Juvenile Mentoring Mentoring Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Corda, Alejandro Title: Cannabis in Latin America and the Caribbean: From punishment to regulation Summary: Cannabis (or marihuana) is one of the most widely consumed psychoactive substances in the world. According to the United Nations World Drug Report, 183 million people, or 3.8% of the world's population, used cannabis in 2014. Its cultivation was also reported by 129 countries. Cannabis is subject to the United Nations System for International Control of Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (hereafter "drugs") and is the most widely consumed of all the drugs. According to that control system, cannabis is among the substances with the strictest legal status; they are the most prohibited, supposedly because of the harm they cause and their lack of medical usefulness. Nevertheless, its medicinal, spiritual and social use has been recorded in different places and times in human history, without serious associated consequences. Its prohibition began in the early 20th century, even though there were - and are - no records of overdose deaths, and public health risks are relatively low, even compared to other psychoactive substances with less strict legal status, such as alcohol and tobacco. Unlike other substances subject to control, which are produced in only certain regions of the world, cannabis is cultivated, produced and consumed worldwide. Some countries, however, have historically been regional producers or have a longer history or closer ties with the plant. On the American continent, this is true of Mexico in North America, Jamaica in the Caribbean, and Paraguay and Colombia in South America. Proposals for regulation of the cannabis market have been on the table for a number of years. The movement of users and growers has placed the issue on the social, political and media agenda, and there have been some reforms. One example is Uruguay, where the decision was made to regulate the market for cannabis for any kind of use. In other countries, however, reforms have been limited to regulating systems of access to cannabis for medicinal or therapeutic use. Although the international drug control system considers the possibility of "medical and scientific" use of cannabis, prejudices about the substance have hampered the development of regulations and acceptance by Western medicine. In fact, many "reforms" related to medicinal cannabis required only modification of low-level regulations. This means that a proposal being presented as novel is actually something that should always have existed. Key points The prohibitionist approach imposed on cannabis by the international drug control system still persists in nearly all of the Latin American and Caribbean countries examined. In almost all of them, possession falls under criminal law. Some countries' legislation establishes thresholds below which cannabis possession should not be considered a crime. Only in Uruguay does the law include regulation of the entire chain. Although cannabis organizations and other groups have managed to place the issue on the agenda, in most countries reforms are still pending or have been inadequate. The inclusion of relatives and users of cannabis for medicinal and therapeutic purposes has helped give impetus to the movement and to raise awareness among both political stakeholders and the public. Many of the reforms under way do not recognize the need to regulate the recreational and cultural use of cannabis and run the risk of perpetuating the current consequences, with the persistent impact on health, security, institutionality and human rights that the prohibition of cannabis and the lack of state regulation allow and encourage. The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean should prepare for future reform scenarios, instead of considering temporary measures that will perpetuate the same harmful consequences. Limiting reform solely to medicinal cannabis is only a partial, inadequate and temporary solution. If change is truly sought, it is necessary to move toward models of state regulation of cannabis for all purposes. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2016. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug policy Briefing no. 48: Accessed April 6, 2017 at: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/dpb_48_eng_web_def.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Latin America URL: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/dpb_48_eng_web_def.pdf Shelf Number: 144729 Keywords: Cannabis Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Prohibition Drug Reform Marijuana

Author: Blickman, Tom Title: Morocco and Cannabis: Reduction, containment or acceptance Summary: This policy briefing discusses whether or not the aim of reducing cannabis cultivation is realistic or beneficial for Morocco, what it would actually mean for the major production area the Rif - one of the poorest, most densely populated and environmentally fragile regions in the country - and what that could imply for meaningful sustainable development. The briefing will give some historical background, discuss developments in the cannabis market, and highlight environmental and social consequences as well as the recent debate about regulation in Morocco and about European policies. KEY POINTS - Morocco continues to be the world's largest producer of cannabis resin (hashish). Over the past 50 years, the Moroccan cannabis growers shown a remarkable resilience to government attempts to eradicate or reduce cannabis cultivation as well as a noteworthy ability to adapt to changing international market conditions. - Since Morocco's independence the government has practiced a policy of containment regarding cannabis cultivation, allowing no new areas but tacitly allowing those already in production to be maintained. - The rapid increase in illicit cannabis cultivation in the Rif during the last decades, as well as poor soil conservation practices, have taken a heavy toll on the Rif's already threatened forests and fragile ecosystems. - The unregulated cannabis market in Morocco has negative social consequences. Some 48,000 growers have arrest warrants hanging over their heads, which is a source of corruption and repression. An amnesty and decriminalization could be effective measures to diminish negative social consequences and open the debate about regulation. - Cannabis farmers in Morocco should have access to emerging legally regulated cannabis markets that are gaining ground worldwide. The challenge is to find a sustainable development model that includes cannabis cultivation in Morocco, instead of excluding cannabis and ignoring the realities of more than 50 years of failed attempts to eradicate the only viable economic option in the region. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2017. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Policy Briefing, no. 49: Accessed April 6, 2017 at: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/dpb_49_eng_web.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Morocco URL: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/dpb_49_eng_web.pdf Shelf Number: 144730 Keywords: Cannabis Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Markets Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Reform Marijuana

Author: Putri, Dania Title: Cannabis in Indonesia: Patterns in consumption, production, and policies Summary: Key Points - Traditional use of cannabis in Indonesia has mainly been found in the northern part of Sumatra, particularly in the Aceh region. Restrictions in production, use and distribution of cannabis were initiated by the Dutch colonial government in the 1920s following international actions on cannabis control. - Cannabis is the most widely used illicit substance in Indonesia, with approximately two million users in 2014. Under the current narcotics law cannabis is included in the mostrestrictive Schedule I list, along with substances such as heroin, and crystal meth or shabu. Penalties for cannabis-related offences are comparable to shabu- or heroin-related offences, in spite of the common perception that cannabis is less harmful. - The ambiguous nature of the narcotics law often triggers the victimisation of cannabis users who are either falsely accused as dealers, or have limited or no access to legal support during legal proceedings. Entrapment and extortion by law enforcement and security officers are widespread. - Government attempts to alleviate prison overcrowding by sending users to rehabilitation centres have triggered many criticisms, mainly due to their problematic methods (such as forced urine tests and breaches of patient confidentiality) and the questionable effectiveness of mandatory rehabilitation programmes, especially as the majority of cannabis users do not develop problematic use. - Decriminalizing use, possession for personal use and small-scale cannabis cultivation for personal use may help resolve various issues ranging from prison overcrowding to extortion of users by law enforcement officers, and may also free up human and financial resources to tackle problematic use. Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Drug Policy Briefing no. 44: Accessed April 12, 2017 at: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/dpb_44_13012016_map_web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Indonesia URL: https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/dpb_44_13012016_map_web.pdf Shelf Number: 144819 Keywords: Cannabis Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Policy Illicit Drugs Marijuana

Author: Crawford, Catherine Title: United Kingdom Drug Situation: Focal Point Annual Report 2016 Summary: Executive summary - Overall drug prevalence in the general population is lower now than ten years ago, with cannabis being the main driver of that reduction. However, there has been little change in recent years. - The order of drugs most commonly reported by respondents has not changed much over this time, with cannabis most prevalent (6.5%) followed by powder cocaine (2.2%) and ecstasy/MDMA (1.5%), according to the most recent Crime Survey for England and Wales. - Seizures data suggests that herbal cannabis has come to dominate the market. While resin was involved in around two-thirds of cannabis seizures in 2000, it was involved in only five per cent in 2015/16. - On 26 May 2016, the Psychoactive Substances Act 2016 came into force in the UK, prohibiting the production, supply, import/export and possession on prison grounds of psychoactive substances, other than those exempted by the legislation. This act was brought in to tackle the trade in new psychoactive substances (NPS) which has steadily grown in recent years. Over 350 premises in the UK trading in NPS have either closed or stopped selling substances covered by the legislation. - In addition, synthetic cannabinoid receptor agonists (SCRAs), a class of NPS whose use among the prison population and vulnerable people has caused concern, became controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 as Class B substances in December 2016. - Temporary class drug orders on methylphenidate-related compounds (including ethylphenidate) and methiopropamine have been remade for another 12 months. - Using the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) definition, which refers to deaths caused directly by the consumption of at least one illicit drug, the total number of drug-related deaths (DRDs) in the UK during 2014 was 2,655; a five per cent increase from 2013 and the highest number reported to date. - Due to substantial delays being typical between occurrence and registration of DRDs in England and Wales, UK-wide DRD figures are not yet available covering deaths occurring beyond 2014. However, published statistics for DRDs occurring in Scotland during 2015 showed a 15% increase on 2014. - Deaths registered in 2015 in England and Wales were notably higher than deaths registered in 2014. It is therefore likely that DRD figures for 2015 will set a new record. - Across the UK there were 2,304 deaths reported which featured an opioid (87% of UK cases). As in previous years, the substance with the largest number of associated deaths was heroin. In contrast to the UK as a whole, tramadol was the most commonly mentioned opioid drug in Northern Ireland. - The proportion of deaths involving cocaine has risen; however, many of these deaths are believed to be heroin users who also use crack cocaine. - The number of MDMA-associated deaths in England and Wales rose to 57 cases, returning to levels seen prior to the decrease in availability of MDMA in the late 2000s. - Over the last decade the average age of death has increased from 37.6 years in 2004 to 41.6 in 2014, with males being younger than females (40.3 years and 44.6 years respectively). The largest proportion of deaths in the UK in 2014 was in the 40-44 years age group. - There were 124,234 treatment presentations in the UK in 2015. This total includes for the first time, data from individuals presenting to treatment services in prisons in England. - Fifty per cent of all treatment presentations in the UK were for primary opioid use, with 26% of all service users presenting for treatment of cannabis use. However, among those who had never previously been in treatment, just under half (48%) of clients had a primary substance of cannabis, compared to 21% who presented for treatment of heroin. The proportions of users presenting for treatment of these substances appear to have stabilised over the past two years. - The primary drugs cited by those presenting to specialist substance misuse treatment services varied notably between each of the four countries of the UK. While almost half of treatment entrants cited heroin in England, Scotland and Wales, less than 10% did in Northern Ireland. - Benzodiazepines were cited as a primary problem substance in far greater proportion of cases in Scotland and Northern Ireland than in England or Wales, whereas Wales had a far higher proportion of clients citing amphetamines/methamphetamines than in any of the other countries. - Treatment data from prisons showed that 27,836 individuals presented to treatment services in English prisons in 2015, with 564 presenting in prison in Northern Ireland; approximately one-quarter of the treatment clients from each country. Heroin was the most common primary substance among clients in England, whereas cannabis was the most common substance in Northern Ireland. - The use of NPS, and SCRAs in particular, remains a growing concern in prisons in the UK. Surveys carried out in England, Wales and Scotland found that around 10% of prisoners reported use of SCRAs while in prison, behind cannabis with a prevalence at around 15%. - The Prisons and Probation Ombudsman has found 64 deaths that occurred in prisons in England and Wales between June 2013 and April 2016 that were associated with NPS. NPS use has also been associated with self-harm incidents, intimidation and violence. - National Take-Home Naloxone programmes continue to supply naloxone to those exiting prison in Scotland and Wales: there were 932 kits issued by NHS staff in prisons in Scotland, and 146 in Wales, in 2015/16. - Prevalence of HIV among people who inject drugs (PWID) participating in the Unlinked Anonymous Monitoring (UAM) survey in England, Wales and Northern Ireland in 2015 was one per cent (a similar level to recent years). HIV prevalence among 'recent initiates' to injecting substantially increased in 2015 to 2.6%, the highest level seen in the last ten years. However, this likely represents an increase in prevalence among men who have sex with men rather than among the wider population who inject drugs. - There were 50 new diagnoses of HIV among PWID reported from Scotland, compared with 17 in 2014. This increase was due to an outbreak of HIV in PWID in Glasgow. - Around 90% of the hepatitis C infections diagnosed in the UK are acquired through injecting drug use. The prevalence of hepatitis C among PWID has remained fairly stable over the last ten years, and was 50% in the UAM survey of PWID in 2015. - Hepatitis B prevalence rates have also remained stable for 2015 at 13%. This is half the level seen ten years ago, with the decrease likely to be due to the increased uptake of the hepatitis B vaccination among the PWID population. - The level of direct sharing of needles and syringes reported by participants in the UAM Survey of PWID has declined over the last decade from 28% in 2005 to 16% in 2015. However, levels of concern have increased around the harms associated with people who inject NPS such as mephedrone. One-third of participants in the UAM survey of PWID who were currently injecting mephedrone reported they had shared needles or syringes previously used by someone else. - An Independent review into the impact on employment outcomes of drug or alcohol addiction, and obesity was published in December 2016 and made a number of recommendations to promote employment of those with addictions, including that those making a claim should be required to attend a structured discussion with a healthcare professional on the impact of their health condition on their ability to work. - The Association for Young People's Health, in conjunction with Public Health England, published A public health approach to promoting young people's resilience, to aid policy makers and commissioners. Similarly, Mentor-ADEPIS published a briefing paper aimed at teachers and practitioners on how building resilience can prevent substance abuse. - The numbers of recorded incidents of possession and supply offences across the UK, and arrests for drug offences in England and Wales, have fallen in 2015/16, continuing the trends seen over the past five years. In 2015/16, 31,342 supply/trafficking offences and 157,271 possession offences were recorded in the UK. - Heroin purity has continued to rise since the low level seen in the early 2010s, and in 2015 was 44%, more than twice the purity seen in 2011 and 2012 when it reached its nadir. Similarly, cocaine purity, which was at its lowest in 2010, has risen since that time, and in 2015 was also 44%. - Street level price data from law enforcement agencies suggests that most recorded drug prices have remained stable in recent years. - The number of cannabis seizures in all forms in England and Wales in 2015/16 decreased, continuing the downwards trend seen in recent years. Cocaine, ecstasy and heroin seizure numbers all remained stable, while the number of crack seizures increased in 2015/16. Details: London: United Kingdom Focal Point at Public Health England, 2017. 180p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2017 at: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/2905931ukdrugsituation2016webaccessible.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.nta.nhs.uk/uploads/2905931ukdrugsituation2016webaccessible.pdf Shelf Number: 144988 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Illegal Drug Use

Author: Bjerk, David Title: Mandatory Minimums and the Sentencing of Federal Drug Crimes Summary: The United States federal mandatory minimums have been controversial not only because of the length of the mandatory sentences for even first-time offenders, but also because the eligibility quantities for crack are very small when compared to those for other drugs. This paper shows that the actual impact of these mandatory minimums on sentencing is quite nuanced. A large fraction of mandatory minimum eligible offenders, particularly first-time offenders, are able to avoid these mandatory minimums. Moreover, despite lower quantity eligibility thresholds for crack, a smaller fraction of crack offenders are eligible for mandatory minimums relative to other drugs. Furthermore, while being just eligible for a mandatory minimum increases sentence length on average, the impact is not uniform across drugs. Notably, sentences for crack offenders are generally sufficiently long such that, on average, sentences for crack offenders are not impacted by eligibility for a mandatory minimum. In summary, the discrepancy in federal sentencing between crack offenders and those convicted for other drugs does not appear to be driven by mandatory minimums, but rather other aspects of federal sentencing policy and norms. Details: Bonn, Germany: IZA Institute of Labor Economics, 2017. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 10544: Accessed April 21, 2017 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2923627 Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2923627 Shelf Number: 145142 Keywords: Crack Cocaine Drug Offenders Mandatory Sentences Sentencing Guidelines

Author: Loi, Valerio Title: Tendencies in World Imprisonment for Drug Related Crime Summary: The latest estimates on the world prison population indicate that 10.35 million people are incarcerated worldwide, according to calculations presented in February 2016. The assertion this figure can be correlated to the effects and outcomes of the global drug prohibition regime is the starting point of this chapter, which will try to give an overview of to what extent the use of criminal law has contributed to this figure on a global scale. Drug control policies with a strong emphasis on criminal law became a global reality particularly after the adoption of the 1988 UN Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychoactive Substances, which requires countries to suppress the illicit production, supply and consumption of drugs through criminal law. As an indirect result, it can be one of the main causes of imprisonments worldwide, as many countries have adopted legislation with prison sentences for all drugs related offences after signing this treaty. This emphasis on criminal law to deal with the drugs market has provoked thirty three countries to prescribe the death penalty for drug offences. And last but certainly not least, hundreds of thousands of people are locked up without any trial for lengthy periods of time in the name of drug treatment. The 2014 UNODC "World crime trends and emerging issues and responses in the field of crime prevention and criminal justice", of April 2014, shows the global trend on drug offences remains on the increase: drug trafficking grew by 11%, while offences related to drug possession increased over 18%, in the period 2003-2012. It is of high relevance to stress that most legislations do not distinguish between possessions of and traffic in drugs, possibly altering these figures even more towards the latter. Although exact figures lack, the 2014 World Drug Report indicates that, "worldwide, the large majority of drug use offences are associated with cannabis"; an indication that a large share of penal prosecutions globally is geared towards the cannabis market. Meanwhile, policy debates in different parts of the world reflect certain recognition of both the ineffectiveness of the current penal focus, especially for non-violent offences, such as possession for personal use and use, but sometimes including small scale traffic; and the degree of injustice being done to certain vulnerable population groups, such as single mothers, and people imprisoned abroad. This has lead in some countries to legislative reform and changing practice in the criminal justice system. Questioning the exclusive penal model is no longer taboo, and the need to restore the balance between punishment and care is long overdue. The following chapter will basically focus on the impact of the present drug laws enforcement in the world's prison systems. It won't be a mere recount of the share of detainees for drug crimes within the overall inmates' population, as far as data for that is available, according to geographical macro-regions. While assessing the main trends, we want to highlight the challenges and possible reform proposals of the present prison systems. Details: El Colectivo de Estudios Drogas y Derecho (CEDD), 2016. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2017 at: http://www.drogasyderecho.org/pses/restoi.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www.drogasyderecho.org/pses/restoi.pdf Shelf Number: 145234 Keywords: Drug Control Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Drugs and Crime Imprisonment Prison Population Prisoners

Author: Collins, Susan E. Title: LEAD Program Evaluation: Criminal Justice and Legal System Utilization and Associated Costs Summary: -- Background: LEAD is a prebooking diversion program that offers low-level drug and prostitution offenders harm reduction-oriented case management and legal services as an alternative to incarceration and prosecution. -- Purpose: This report describes findings from a quantitative analysis comparing outcomes for LEAD participants versus "system-as-usual" control participants on criminal justice and legal system utilization (i.e., jail, prison, prosecution, defense) and associated costs. - Findings: - The cost of the LEAD program averaged $899 per person per month. However, these costs included program start-up and decreased to $532 per month towards the end of the evaluation. - Across nearly all outcomes, we observed statistically significant reductions for the LEAD group compared to the control group on average yearly criminal justice and legal system utilization and associated costs. - Jail bookings: Compared to the control group, LEAD program participants had 1.4 fewer jail bookings on average per year subsequent to their evaluation entry. - Jail days: Compared to the control group, the LEAD group spent 39 fewer days in jail per year subsequent to their evaluation entry. - Prison incarceration: Compared to the control group, the LEAD group had 87% lower odds of at least one prison incarceration subsequent to evaluation entry. - Misdemeanor and felony cases: There were no statistically significant LEAD effects on the average yearly number of misdemeanor cases. Compared to control participants, however, LEAD participants showed significant reductions in felony cases. - Costs associated with criminal justice and legal system utilization: From pre- to post-evaluation entry, LEAD participants showed substantial cost reductions (-$2100), whereas control participants showed cost increases (+$5961). -- Interpretation of findings: - LEAD program costs were commensurate with another supportive program for homeless individuals in King County. It should be noted that LEAD program costs will vary widely across communities depending on LEAD participant characteristics (e.g., prevalence of homelessness) and community factors (e.g., cost of living, Medicaid coverage). - Compared to system-as-usual controls, LEAD participants evinced meaningful and statistically significant reductions in criminal justice and legal system utilization and associated costs. -- Next Steps: This report is one in a series being prepared by the University of Washington LEAD Evaluation Team over a two-year period. The next report will be released in Winter 2015/2016 and will report on within-subjects changes among LEAD participants on psychosocial, housing and quality-of-life outcomes following their participation in LEAD. Details: Seattle: Harm Reduction Research and Treatment Lab University of Washington - Harborview Medical Center, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 14, 2017 at: http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1185392/26401889/1437170937787/June+2015+LEAD-Program-Evaluation-Criminal-Justice-and-Legal-System-Utilization-and-Associated-Costs.pdf?token=yow6pMZWOpQJRF2rw5LaYUHpcO0%3D Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1185392/26401889/1437170937787/June+2015+LEAD-Program-Evaluation-Criminal-Justice-and-Legal-System-Utilization-and-Associated-Costs.pdf?token=yow6pMZWOpQJRF2rw5LaYUHpcO0%3D Shelf Number: 146088 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Offenders Offender Diversion Programs Prostitutes Treatment Program

Author: Clifasefi, Seema L. Title: LEAD Program Evaluation: Describing LEAD Case Management in Participants' Own Words Summary: This report documents participants' experiences with and perceptions of LEAD case management in their own words. Participants characterized LEAD case management as a positive change from other social services they had experienced. They appreciated its client-centered, advocacy-oriented, harm reduction approach. Participants reported their engagement in the program had helped them meet their basic needs, improve their lives, and rectify their relationships with and perceptions of law enforcement. The client-provider relationship was cited as key to the case management program's success. Details: Seattle: Harm Reduction Research and Treatment Lab University of Washington - Harborview Medical Center, 2016. 20. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 14, 2017 at: http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1185392/27320150/1478294794537/Specific-Aim-4-FINAL_UW-LEAD-Evaluation-Qualitative-Report-11.1.16_updated.pdf?token=HCVfVDzSFEB1CV3SCKVg6NAwH8A%3D Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1185392/27320150/1478294794537/Specific-Aim-4-FINAL_UW-LEAD-Evaluation-Qualitative-Report-11.1.16_updated.pdf?token=HCVfVDzSFEB1CV3SCKVg6NAwH8A%3D Shelf Number: 146089 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Case Management Drug Offenders Offender Diversion Programs Prostitutes Treatment Programs

Author: Clifasefi, Seema L. Title: LEAD Program Evaluation: The Impact of LEAD on Housing, Employment and Income/Benefits Summary: This report describes findings for LEAD participants in terms of their housing, employment, and income/benefits both prior and subsequent to their referral to LEAD. Participants were significantly more likely to obtain housing, employment and legitimate income in any given month subsequent to their LEAD referral (i.e., during the 18-month follow-up) compared to the month prior to their referral (i.e., baseline). Details: Seattle: Harm Reduction Research and Treatment Lab University of Washington - Harborview Medical Center, 2016. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 14, 2017 at: http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1185392/27047605/1464389327667/housing_employment_evaluation_final.PDF?token=wDGLg%2FqS9%2F%2BU7RqNSghgCggBUkA%3D Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://static1.1.sqspcdn.com/static/f/1185392/27047605/1464389327667/housing_employment_evaluation_final.PDF?token=wDGLg%2FqS9%2F%2BU7RqNSghgCggBUkA%3D Shelf Number: 146091 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Offenders Employment Housing Offender Diversion Programs Prostitutes Treatment Programs

Author: Mollmann, Marianne Title: Neither Justice nor Treatment: Drug Courts in the United States Summary: There are more than 3,100 drug courts operating in the United States. But while the courts' proponents say they reduce recidivism for people with substance use disorders, critics say the system abuses due process, often mandates treatment for people who don't actually need it - people without drug dependence - and fails to provide quality care to many who do. Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) assessed the availability and quality of substance use disorder treatment through drug courts in three states - Florida, New Hampshire, and New York - and found major obstacles in all three states. Overall, PHR found that drug courts largely failed at providing treatment to those who truly needed it, and filled up limited treatment spaces with court-mandated patients who didn't always need the care. In many cases, court officials with no medical background mandated inappropriate treatment, or mandated treatment for people who didn't need it. In all cases, the functioning and mandate of the drug courts posed significant human rights concerns. Details: New York: Physicians for Human Rights, 2017. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 16, 2017 at: http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/assets/misc/phr_drugcourts_report_singlepages.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/assets/misc/phr_drugcourts_report_singlepages.pdf Shelf Number: 146217 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Problem-Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Havnes, Ingrid Amalia Title: Violence and diversion of prescribed opioids among individuals in opioid maintenance treatment. A complementary methods study of violent crime convictions in a national cohort and qualitative interviews among prisoners Summary: Background: Opioid dependence is linked to crime, morbidity and mortality, directly through drug overdoses and indirectly via drug-related mortality, accidents, suicides and violence. Violence in general is a major health concern worldwide. Opioid maintenance treatment, OMT, is found to reduce mortality, morbidity and criminal behaviour, but less is known about the effect of OMT on violent crime. A possible negative consequence of OMT is diversion of methadone and buprenorphine and rising overdose deaths related to these medications among individuals not enrolled in OMT. The aim of this thesis is to study violent crimes prior to, during and after OMT in a national cohort and to generate new knowledge about OMT-enrolled individuals' experiences and understandings of being both violent and non-violent offenders, the role of substances in such crimes as well as their understandings and motivations related to diversion of prescribed opioids. Materials and methods: Two complementary data collection methods have been used. Violent convictions were investigated by use of cross-registry methods for a complete longitudinal national OMTcohort of 3221 individuals with an observation period of 9 years and a qualitative study among 12 imprisoned, OMT-enrolled individuals. 28 semi-structured interviews were thematically analyzed with a reflexive and interactive approach. Findings: Violent crime rates were significantly reduced during OMT compared with before treatment. The rate of convictions for violent crime during OMT was halved among those who remained in treatment. The reduction was less pronounced for those who left treatment: for this group, the rate of violent convictions after OMT was higher than before treatment. The risk of convictions for violent and non-violent crime during OMT was highest for those with violent convictions prior to treatment. In the qualitative part of the study, it was found that substances and, in particular, high-dose benzodiazepines were deliberately used to induce temporary 'antisocial selves' capable of transgressing individual moral codes and performing non-violent and violent criminal acts, mainly to support costly heroin use prior to OMT. During OMT, impulsive and uncontrolled substance use just prior to the violent acts that the participants were imprisoned for was reported. Benzodiazepines were also used to reduce memories of and alleviate the guilt associated with having committed violent crimes. The study participants maintain moral standards, engage in complex moral negotiations, and struggle to reconcile their moral transgressions. They were found to exhibit a considerable amount of self-control, selfregulation and/or self-initiation of external control related to intake of methadone and buprenorphine in various settings. Their acquired norm of sharing with others in a drug using community was carried along when entering OMT. Several had developed strategies to avoid selling or giving of methadone or buprenorphine to others. Giving one's opioid prescriptions to an individual in withdrawal, was seen as an act of helping. Individuals enrolled in OMT might thus be trapped between practicing norms of helping and sharing and adhering to treatment regulations. Conclusions: Opioid dependent individuals with violent convictions should have access to OMT. Treatment providers should identify individuals with histories of violent behavior. The situation that precede and motivate violent behavior and the potential role of substances prior to and after such crimes should be explored with the patient in question. What appears as a severe antisocial personality disorder may be partly explained by substance use. Treatment providers should explore the living conditions and social lives of individuals applying for and enrolled in OMT. To following OMT guidelines may entail breaking a personal and drug culture norm of sharing and helping by means of providing OMT medications to those in need. Opioid-dependent couples should be encouraged to apply for and enroll in OMT at the same time, if both are motivated for starting treatment. Some individuals might know what particular configurations of internal and external control they need in order to achieve their own treatment goals in OMT. An individual's experience and ability to execute self-control and self-regulation with regard to drug taking may be seen as a resource throughout the course of treatment. Details: Oslo: University of Oslo, 2015. 118p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed August 4, 2017 at: https://www.duo.uio.no/handle/10852/42124 Year: 2015 Country: Norway URL: https://www.duo.uio.no/handle/10852/42124 Shelf Number: 146719 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Treatment Drug Offenders Opioid Epidemic Opioids Prescription Drugs Substance Abuse Treatment Violent Crime

Author: Bronson, Jennifer Title: Drug Use, Dependence, and Abuse Among State Prisoners and Jail Inmates, 2007-2009 Summary: Presents prevalence estimates of drug use, drug use disorders, and participation in drug treatment programs among state prisoners and sentenced jail inmates, including trends in drug use over time by demographics and most serious offense, drug use at the time of offense and whether an inmate committed the offense to obtain drugs, and comparisons to the general population. Data are from BJS's National Inmate Survey, conducted in 2007 and 2008-09. Comparisons to the general population are based on the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administrations National Survey on Drug Use and Health, conducted in 2007, 2008, and 2009. Highlights: During 2007-09, an estimated 58% of state prisoners and 63% of sentenced jail inmates met the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV) criteria for drug dependence or abuse. Among prisoners and jail inmates, prevalence estimates for those who met the criteria for dependence were two to three times higher than for abuse. The percentage of inmates who met the DSM-IV criteria was higher for those held for property offenses than those held for violent or other public order offenses. Lifetime drug use among the incarcerated populations was unchanged from 2002 to 2009. During 2007-09, prisoners (77%) and jail inmates (78%) reported having ever used marijuana/hashish, more than any other drug. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2017. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 11, 2017 at: https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/dudaspji0709.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/dudaspji0709.pdf Shelf Number: 147212 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Jail Inmates Prisoners

Author: U.S. Government Accountability Office Title: Nonviolent Drug Convictions: Stakeholders' Views on Potential Actions to Address Collateral Consequences Summary: In 2015, certain federal, state, and other law enforcement agencies made about 11 million arrests, according to the Department of Justice's Federal Bureau of Investigation. Individuals ultimately convicted of a crime may face federal or state collateral consequences. According to the ABA's NICCC, roughly 46,000 collateral consequences existed in federal and state laws and regulations, as of December 31, 2016. According to the ABA, collateral consequences have been a feature of the justice system since colonial times, but have become more pervasive in the past 20 years. The Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act of 2016 included a provision for GAO to review collateral consequences for individuals with NVDC. This report identifies (1) collateral consequences in federal laws and regulations that can be imposed upon individuals with NVDC, (2) mechanisms that exist to relieve individuals from these collateral consequences, and (3) selected stakeholders' views on actions the federal government could consider to mitigate these collateral consequences. GAO analyzed NICCC data as of December 31, 2016; reviewed relevant laws, regulations, and federal agency documents; and conducted interviews with ABA staff, selected federal officials, and 14 stakeholders. GAO selected stakeholders with relevant experience, among other factors. Selected stakeholders included leaders of organizations representing judges, victims of crime, and states, among others. Details: Washington, DC: GAO, 2017. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: GAO-17-691: Accessed September 11, 2017 at: https://www.gao.gov/assets/690/687003.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.gao.gov/assets/690/687003.pdf Shelf Number: 147218 Keywords: Collateral Consequences Drug Convictions Drug Offenders

Author: Young, Douglas Title: Drug Courts in Maryland: An Assessment of Drug Court Enhancements and Recent Data Trends in Eleven Adult Drug Courts Summary: Approaching the 25-year anniversary of the opening of the first drug treatment court in Miami-Dade County, drug courts continue to grow and gain attention as jurisdictions nationally look to reverse the incarceration binge of prior decades. Maryland was one of the first states to make a commitment to drug courts, and today the state Office of Problem Solving Courts (OPSC) oversees one of the most extensive networks of specialized courts in the country, including both circuit and district-court based drug court programs in the major metropolitan areas and smaller programs in rural counties in every region of the state. With funding support from the federal Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) and the Maryland Judiciary Administrative Office of the Courts, the Institute for Governmental Service and Research at the University of Maryland, College Park undertook the study reported here of 11 of the state's adult drug courts. Employing methods detailed below, the research had three distinct components. The first involved in-depth studies of four drug courts in Baltimore City and Carroll, Cecil, and Wicomico counties that had implemented program enhancements under BJA funding. In addition to a detailed descriptive assessment of enhancement plans and progress in implementation, program data from the Statewide Maryland Automated Record Tracking (SMART) system were gathered and analyzed to further assess drug court performance and outcomes at each site during the demonstration period. A second study component involved analyzing similar data from SMART on seven additional drug court programs in Baltimore City and Anne Arundel, Dorchester, Worcester, St. Mary's, and Montgomery counties. These sites were selected for inclusion by OPSC, and are representative of the diversity of drug courts in the state. Using 3 and 1/4 years of data (January 2014 through March 2015), trends in admissions, active participant census, and program completion results, along with common program elements (service referrals, participant sanctions, incentives) are assessed for each of these seven sites. Finally, a comparative analysis was done. Again drawing from the available SMART data, this narrative assessment compares and contrasts recent data and trends among the 11 drug courts on the same descriptive and performance measures listed above. Details: College Park, MD: Institute for Governmental Service and Research, University of Maryland, 2015. 197p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26, 2017 at: http://www.courts.state.md.us/opsc/dtc/pdfs/evaluationsreports/assessmentofenhancements11adultdrugcts.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://www.courts.state.md.us/opsc/dtc/pdfs/evaluationsreports/assessmentofenhancements11adultdrugcts.pdf Shelf Number: 147455 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Cox, Robynn Title: Financing the War on Drugs: The Impact of law Enforcement Grants on Racial Disparities in Drug Arrests Summary: We estimate the effectiveness of the Edward Byrne Memorial State and Local Law Enforcement Assistance Program, a grant program authorized under the 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act to combat illicit drug abuse and to improve the criminal justice system, on racial bias in policing. Funds for the Byrne Grant program could be used for a variety of purposes to combat drug crimes, as well as violent and other drug related crimes. The event-study analysis suggests that implementation of this grant resulted in an increase in police hiring and an increase in arrests for drug trafficking. Post-treatment effect implies a 107 percent increase in white arrests for drug sales compared to a 44 percent increase for blacks 6 years after the first grant is received. However, due to historical racial differences in drug arrests, the substantial increase in white drug arrest still results in large racial disparities in drug arrests. This is supported by weighted least squares regression estimates that show, for every $100 increase in Byrne Grant funding, arrests for drug trafficking increased by roughly 22 per 100,000 white residents and by 101 arrests per 100,000 black residents. The results provide strong evidence that federal involvement in narcotic control and trafficking lead to an increase in drug arrests; disproportionally affecting blacks. Details: Los Angeles: University of Southern California, 2017. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: CESR-Schaeffer Working Paper No. 2017-005: Accessed November 20, 2017 at: Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 148280 Keywords: Arrests Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Racial Bias Racial Disparities War on Drugs

Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS-3): Maryland - Site 4 of 4 Summary: The Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) provides timely information about emerging drug use in criminal justice populations in local communities by collecting and re-testing urine specimens already obtained and tested for a limited panel of drugs by local criminal justice testing programs. CDEWS or local staff sample specimens that are ready to be discarded and send them to an independent laboratory for testing for an expanded panel of over 150 drugs. By using already collected de-identified urine specimens, CDEWS is able to provide a relatively quick and inexpensive snapshot of the types of drugs recently used by participating populations. The CDEWS methodology has now been piloted in twelve jurisdictions and the results are provided in five reports already released by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP). This report presents findings from adult parolees and probationers in a single jurisdiction -- Maryland -- as part 4 of 4 sites for the third CDEWS Study, called CDEWS-3. This study was conducted somewhat differently from prior CDEWS studies. This is because we wanted to replicate the findings from a study we had conducted in Maryland in 2008. And second, because of the opioid epidemic in Maryland, the State asked us to collect and analyze a separate large sample of specimens statewide that had tested positive for opiates by the laboratory used by the Maryland Division of Parole and Probation (DPP). With the strong support of the DPP, we collected two samples of specimens: the Maryland Regional Sample (N=288) and the Opiate Positive (Opiate+) Sample (N=202 statewide). Specimens were classified as CJS+ (tested positive for any drug) or CJS- (tested negative for all drugs) according to the results from the DPP laboratory's 4-drug screen. The findings from the Maryland Regional Sample indicated that most of the persons who had tested positive for one of the drugs in the CDEWS larger test panel had also tested positive for one of the four drugs in the DPP drug screen. However, approximately one in ten CJS+ specimens also contained antidepressants, synthetic cannabinoids (SC), methadone and/or other licit pharmaceutical opioids, drugs not tested for by the limited DPP screen. The additional drugs the CDEWS lab detected may not have practical significance for the DPP, given that most of these specimens did test positive for a drug in the DPP's limited screen. It is not possible to tell from the urinalyses if the persons taking the licit drugs were doing so legally under a physician's supervision. In contrast, 15% of the specimens that the DPP screen indicated did not contain a drug (CJS-) contained an opioid. Methadone and buprenorphine were among the opioids most found in CJS specimens and it is possible that these persons were receiving treatment with these drugs. Antidepressants were identified in as many CJS- specimens as CJS+ specimens (9%). SC was found in CJS- specimens but these metabolites were less common than in CJS+ specimens. These results suggest that in this population, persons were unlikely to be using SC to avoid detection by the standard DPP tests. The comparisons of probationers/parolees in this study and our earlier study in 2008 show considerable agreement in the drugs detected. The primary changes were a decline in cocaine (36% to 17%) and buprenorphine (15% to 7%) and an increase in codeine (3% to 13%) among CJS+ specimens. The increase in codeine positives may be the result of the increased sensitivity of the tests used in the current study. The results from the Opiate+ Sample strongly indicated that probationers/parolees who had tested positive for opiates by the DPP screen were likely to be using a variety of legal and illegal opioids in addition to non-opioid drugs. About one in three also used cocaine, one fifth used marijuana and/or benzodiazepines and about one quarter used a prescription opioid other than morphine or codeine. These results therefore have important implications for the testing used by physicians and diagnosticians who need to know if patients are using other drugs. Use of multiple opioids at the same time may lead to serious health complications and even death. We also conducted special analyses of the combined specimens found in either sample to be positive for fentanyl, synthetic cannabinoids, or codeine. Perhaps some of the most meaningful results in this study were those showing the large number of opioid and non-opioid drugs found in the fentanyl+ specimens. The 21 specimens positive for fentanyl each contained an average of 5 different drugs, most prominently morphine, codeine, 6-MAM (heroin), cocaine, and/or hydromorphone. The findings for fentanyl+ specimens were similar to those described above for the entire sample of Opiate+ specimens and our recent study of 136 persons who died of a fentanyl related overdose in New Hampshire. It is clear that probationers/parolees in Maryland who screen positive for any opioids are likely to be using a variety of other opioid and non-opioid drugs. These findings suggest that treatment will be more effective if one identifies and focuses on the totality of drugs the person may be using. Our analysis of the combined sample of all specimens positive for SC supported the findings from our previous CDEWS studies that found multiple SC metabolites in specimens. Surprisingly, specimens from the current study often contained both new and older generation SC metabolites. Given the unpredictable composition of synthetic cannabinoids (also known as Spice or K2) being marketed, it is not possible for users to know what chemicals they are consuming and to predict the effects. SC was less likely to be found in the Maryland samples compared to other CDEWS study samples, and few persons who tested CJS- in the Maryland Regional Sample were found to test positive for SC. Probationers in Maryland may therefore be less likely than other populations CDEWS has studied to use SC to avoid screening positive by the CJS test screens, which do not typically test for SC. We also found that 70% of the Opiate+ specimens contained codeine and that codeine was found across the state. In addition, codeine was detected in 81% of fentanyl+ specimens from the combined Opiate+ and Maryland Regional samples. Acetylcodeine, which metabolizes into codeine, is often produced as an impurity of illicit heroin synthesis, which may explain the large percentage of specimens positive for codeine given that almost all of the specimens also contained morphine. It is also possible that some of the codeine positives were the result of the direct use of codeine. We suspected that some of the codeine detected might have been caused by the use of "Purple Drank", a mixture of codeine syrup and promethazine typically sold as a cough suppressant, that has been reported in Maryland. However, only 4% of the codeine positive specimens contained promethazine. Given that the half-life of promethazine is longer than that of codeine, one would expect to have detected promethazine in these specimens had "Purple Drank" been the source of the codeine. It is also possible that the codeine may have resulted from codeine extracted from pills containing the drug. Additional research is needed to learn more about the codeine that was detected in 60% or more of probationers across all regions of Maryland and how the use of codeine may relate to the State's current opioid epidemic. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy Executive Office of the President, 2017. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/finalreport_cdews3_mdapproved.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/finalreport_cdews3_mdapproved.pdf Shelf Number: 148578 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Testing Illicit Drugs Parolees Probationers Urine Testing

Author: Billing, Amy Title: Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS-3): Washington, DC - Site 3 of 4 Summary: The Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) provides timely information about emerging drug use in criminal justice populations in local communities by collecting and re-testing urine specimens already obtained and tested for a limited panel of drugs by local criminal justice testing programs. CDEWS or local staff sample specimens that are ready to be discarded and send them to an independent laboratory for testing for an expanded panel of drugs. By using already collected de-identified urine specimens, CDEWS can provide a relatively quick and inexpensive snapshot of the types of drugs recently used by participating populations. The CDEWS methodology has been implemented in five jurisdictions and the results are contained in two reports already released by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (Wish et al., 2013, 2015). This report presents findings from a single jurisdiction - the Pretrial Services Agency for the District of Columbia/Court Services and Offender Supervision Agency adult parole and probation program for the District of Columbia -- as part 3 of 4 sites for the third CDEWS Study, called CDEWS-3. Adult parolees and probationers in the District of Columbia were studied in both of the prior CDEWS-1 and CDEWS-2 studies. These studies demonstrated the potential use of the CDEWS methodology for identifying the emergence of a new type of synthetic drug in Washington, DC-- synthetic cannabinoids (SC). The current study, CDEWS-3, added 6 recently developed tests for newly identified SC metabolites and can provide additional information on the changing use and availability of the SC used by this population at high risk for drug use. CDEWS-3 collected 120 specimens that had tested positive for any drug by the routine local criminal justice testing program (CJS+) and 150 specimens that had tested negative for any drug by the routine local criminal justice testing program (CJS-). As expected, the most dramatic results focused on the 31 specimens that the CDEWS laboratory found tested positive for SC. Among male probationers and parolees ages 18-30 (found in our prior studies to be at higher risk for SC use), only 16% of the CJS+ specimens and 15% of the CJS- specimens tested positive for SC, far below the percentages found in the CDEWS-1 and CDEWS-2 studies. This reduction in overall use was found even though CDEWS-3 tested for six additional SC metabolites (for a total of 27) and most of these newly added SC metabolites were detected in the SC+ specimens. In contrast to CDEWS-2, the percentage of synthetic cannabinoid positives was similar regardless of whether the probationer or parolee had passed or failed the criminal justice screen. We found that 5 of the 6 newly added SC metabolites (AB-CHMINACA (parent), AB-CHMINACA (metab 4), AB-CHMINACA (metab 6), AB-FUBINACA (parent), and ADB-FUBINACA (parent)), were detected in the specimens. Only the metabolite 5F-AMB was not detected. However, these 5 newer metabolites did not appear to supplant the older metabolites. In fact, two of the older SC metabolites, UR-144 and XLR-11, were still prominent in CDEWS-3 specimens (found in 42% and 26% of SC+ specimens, respectively), although less so than in the prior CDEWS studies. We estimated that had we not added the 6 new metabolites to our former test panel of 21 metabolites, we still would have identified 87% of the SC+ specimens we found using the larger test panel of 27 SC metabolites. In fact, the SC+ specimens in CDEWS-3 contained an average of 3.6 different SC metabolites. Our results suggest that newly available metabolites are being found along with the older metabolites, rather than replacing them. This notion runs contrary to the widely held belief that once a SC metabolite is scheduled and prohibited, manufacturers simply abandon it and replace it with newly created chemicals. Taken together, the three CDEWS studies support the unique ability of CDEWS to track the rise and fall of an emerging drug in a high risk population. The earlier studies highlighted the rise in persons testing positive for SC. In the current study, we found lower numbers of persons testing positive for SC and that younger persons may be less likely to use the drug. There may also be fewer probationers and parolees turning to SC to avoid detection by the standard CJS drug screens. While this decline is a welcome sign, our findings are still very concerning because those who are using SC are likely exposing themselves to a diverse combination of new and old chemicals that may cause unpredictable and/or severe consequences to their health and well-being. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy, Executive Office of the President, 2017. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/pubs/finalreport_cdews3_dc_v56.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://ndews.umd.edu/sites/ndews.umd.edu/files/pubs/finalreport_cdews3_dc_v56.pdf Shelf Number: 148579 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Testing Illicit Drugs Parolees Probationers

Author: Wish, Eric D. Title: Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS-3): Honolulu, Hawaii - Site 1 of 4 Summary: The Community Drug Early Warning System (CDEWS) provides timely information about emerging drug use in criminal justice populations in local communities by collecting and re‐testing urine specimens already obtained and tested for a limited panel of drugs by local criminal justice testing programs. CDEWS or local staff sample specimens that are ready to be discarded and send them to an independent laboratory for testing for an expanded panel of drugs. By using already collected de‐identified urine specimens, CDEWS can provide a relatively quick and inexpensive snapshot of the types of drugs recently used by participating populations. The CDEWS methodology has been implemented in five jurisdictions and the results are contained in two reports already released by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (Wish et al., 2013, 2015). We introduce here a new report format that contains the findings from a single jurisdiction - the Hawaii's Opportunity Probation with Enforcement (HOPE) and General Supervision (GS) probationer populations in Honolulu, Hawaii - as part 1 of 4 sites for the third CDEWS Study, called CDEWS‐3. In 2004, Judge Steven Alm launched the HOPE program in Hawaii. HOPE enrolls higher risk felony probationers with serious criminal histories and extensive substance abuse histories in a program that includes frequent urine drug monitoring coupled with brief jail sanctions for drug violations (The Institute for Behavior and Health, Inc., 2015). With Judge Alm's strong support, local staff were able to provide anonymous urine specimens previously collected from a sample of adult male probationers from the HOPE program (n=194) and the neighboring GS probation program (n=143), which were then sent to the CDEWS independent laboratory for expanded testing. While the onsite screens used by the HOPE and GS probation programs only tests for 6 drugs, the CDEWS independent laboratory tested for over 150 legal and illegal drugs. The expanded testing showed that the current onsite test screens used by these programs had identified most of the drug users in the HOPE and GS probationer programs. The most common drugs found were methamphetamine and amphetamine. Any additional legal and illegal drugs detected by the CDEWS independent laboratory were primarily detected in specimens that had previously tested positive for at least one of the drugs in the standard local onsite screens. The major exception was methamphetamine, which was detected in a minority of the specimens that had tested negative for all drugs, including methamphetamine, by the onsite criminal justice system (CJS) drug screens. Subsequent analyses suggested that this under‐detection was because the onsite screens for methamphetamine were less sensitive than the tests utilized by the CDEWS independent laboratory. We had hypothesized that the HOPE probationers might be more likely than GS probationers to turn to synthetic cannabinoids (SCs) to evade detection, because of the HOPE program's focus on sanctioning people for "dirty" urines. While SCs were found only in specimens that had tested negative by the CJS onsite drug screens, few specimens (2% or less) from HOPE or GS probationers tested positive for SC. However, the SC metabolites that were detected were later generation SC metabolites recently added to the CDEWS‐3 laboratory test panel. None of these later generation metabolites could have been detected by either the onsite or laboratory SC screens used by the GS and HOPE probation programs at the time of the study. This finding attests to the need for jurisdictions to routinely update their test panels for synthetic drugs, whose formulations tend to change rapidly. Although SC use was found in some probationers in this jurisdiction in Hawaii, SCs may not be as large a problem as was found in some prior CDEWS studies. Nevertheless, the Hawaii HOPE and GS programs may want to consider expanding their SC test panel to include the newer SC metabolites (AB‐PINACA, 5F‐AB‐PINACA, AB‐CHMINACA (metab 4), 5F‐AMB) that were detected in their populations. Details: Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy, Executive Office of the President, 2016 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 29, 2017 at: https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/cdews3_hawaii_final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/ondcp/policy-and-research/cdews3_hawaii_final.pdf Shelf Number: 148580 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Policy Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Testing Urine Testing

Author: Great Britain. HM Inspectorate of Probation Title: New Psychoactive Substances: the response by probation and substance misuse services in the community in England Summary: The prevalence of NPS is hard to quantify for several reasons. Synthetic drug manufacture is not geographically constrained and this prevents an estimation of the volume of such drugs being manufactured worldwide. Users of NPS often don't know what they are taking, and in some cases they have been misled, with NPS passed off as more conventional drugs such as ecstasy. In addition, GPs, accident and emergency departments, probation services and the police do not specifically record NPS use. While the overall size of the NPS market is small in comparison with other drugs, an increasing number of countries are reporting seizures of NPS. There is also growing recognition of the harm associated with NPS use - often the result of crude manufacturing techniques and unpredictable dosage levels. As a result, they can be more lethal than other drugs. Concern is also rising about their use among marginalised populations such as prisoners and street homeless, attracted by the availability and low cost of NPS. Treatment options are more limited than with other substances, for example opioids, where substitutes are available. In most cases, treatment involves psychosocial interventions to help people consider the health risks and the costs of using NPS, and to help them make behavioural changes to reduce harm and moderate their drug use. We came across two areas using clinical detoxification to help manage withdrawal from NPS use. Overall, inspected areas did not have a good enough understanding of the prevalence of NPS use at a local level or what may work for those using NPS. While the UK government has issued advice and guidance for commissioners and substance misuse services, in the main, strategies have focused on crisis management to address emergencies. While local management relationships between substance misuse services and probation providers were good, probation engagement at a strategic level was less consistent. Where the strategic response was appropriately coordinated, for example in Newcastle, it included longer-term actions for agencies to work together and address NPS-related concerns locally. They were also more likely to be collecting NPSspecific data. Partnership working was strongest in probation teams that worked in collaboration with other agencies, such as Integrated Offender Management, and in cases where service users had court-imposed or licence conditions to engage with substance misuse services. In other cases, work was often being done in isolation. We found the assessments and plans completed by substance misuse services sufficient overall. In line with Public Health England guidance, substance misuse services worked with the individual symptoms and not specifically on the drug that the individual used. We were told that this national guidance that NPS users should be treated the same as other drug users was the reason that NPS-specific training had not been rolled out to all keyworkers - we found that this had led to a significant gap. Without specific training, keyworkers relied on their more experienced colleagues and their own research to increase their knowledge and understanding. The most skilled practitioners had developed NPS toolkits, which were then used in individual work with service users. Where these were being used, we found that there was more awareness of the risks and effects of using NPS. However, many NPS users were not accessing available services. All the cases we inspected were known either to have used or be currently using NPS, yet probation assessments lacked sufficient information to explore the pattern, level and funding of NPS use. Many users experienced problems with housing, mental health, relationships and finances. Some had lost placements in hostels or housing tenancies for reasons that were often related to their NPS use, but responsible officers rarely identified this. In the process, those who lost their accommodation ended up on the streets, sleeping rough in an environment where NPS were easy to obtain and frequently used. Worryingly, probation providers did not routinely consider the risks associated with NPS use to groups such as children, staff, prisoners or the wider community, despite there being enough known about the unpredictable behaviour that could be displayed by those using the drugs. Two Community Rehabilitation Companies had developed short-duration substance misuse interventions. NPS use was only covered to a basic standard, with many attendees being better informed than responsible officers. We found no evidence that the Building Skills for Recovery accredited programme, which is designed to reduce offending behaviour and problematic substance misuse, was used for NPS users by either the National Probation Service or Community Rehabilitation Companies. Responsible officers were rarely able to talk to NPS users about their symptoms and consolidate work undertaken by substance misuse services. While probation providers were making appropriate referrals to substance misuse services, these were not always responded to in a timely fashion. Service user engagement was often sporadic and responsible officers did not do enough to support NPS users to re-engage. We found poor-quality information-sharing. Prisoners were being released into the community often with no information shared about their NPS use in prison, and release plans did not meet the needs of the prisoner in relation to their substance misuse. We found good recording of information by substance misuse keyworkers who had access to probation IT systems. In many cases, however, we found that substance misuse services held information that would have improved the quality of probation assessments and plans but was not being shared. NPS users were disengaged from services, insufficient progress had been made to address NPS use and in many cases no other work was taking place either. NPS users lacked trust in the help and support available, and many turned to using NPS to forget their problems. Confidence, knowledge and awareness were the key areas that affected the quality of work for both probation and substance misuse services. While some training had been provided, this was often not sufficient for practitioners and was no longer up to date. As a result, responsible officers and many substance misuse keyworkers were not confident enough to undertake harm minimisation work with NPS users. While clinical guidance is available, not enough has been provided to inform professionals working with NPS users on community orders in the criminal justice system. Details: Manchester, UK: Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Probation, 2017. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 30, 2017 at: http://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/cjji/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/11/New-Psychoactive-Substances-report.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/cjji/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2017/11/New-Psychoactive-Substances-report.pdf Shelf Number: 148589 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Probation Officers Probationers Substance Abuse Substance Abuse Treatment Synthetic Drugs

Author: President's Commission on Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis Title: Report of the Commission on Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis Summary: Federal Funding and Programs 1. The Commission urges Congress and the Administration to block grant federal funding for opioid-related and SUD-related activities to the states, where the battle is happening every day. There are multiple federal agencies and multiple grants within those agencies that cause states a significant administrative burden from an application and reporting perspective. Creating uniform block grants would allow more resources to be spent on administering life-saving programs. This was a request to the Commission by nearly every Governor, regardless of party, across the country. 2. The Commission believes that ONDCP must establish a coordinated system for tracking all federally-funded initiatives, through support from HHS and DOJ. If we are to invest in combating this epidemic, we must invest in only those programs that achieve quantifiable goals and metrics. We are operating blindly today; ONDCP must establish a system of tracking and accountability. 3. To achieve accountability in federal programs, the Commission recommends that ONDCP review is a component of every federal program and that necessary funding is provided for implementation. Cooperation by federal agencies and the states must be mandated. Opioid Addiction Prevention 4. The Commission recommends that Department of Education (DOE) collaborate with states on student assessment programs such as Screening, Brief Intervention and Referral to Treatment (SBIRT). SBIRT is a program that uses a screening tool by trained staff to identify at-risk youth who may need treatment. This should be deployed for adolescents in middle school, high school and college levels. This is a significant prevention tool. 5. The Commission recommends the Administration fund and collaborate with private sector and non-profit partners to design and implement a wide-reaching, national multi-platform media campaign addressing the hazards of substance use, the danger of opioids, and stigma. A similar mass media/educational campaign was launched during the AIDs public health crisis. Prescribing Guidelines, Regulations, Education 6. The Commission recommends HHS, the Department of Labor (DOL), VA/DOD, FDA, and ONDCP work with stakeholders to develop model statutes, regulations, and policies that ensure informed patient consent prior to an opioid prescription for chronic pain. Patients need to understand the risks, benefits and alternatives to taking opioids. This is not the standard today. 7. The Commission recommends that HHS coordinate the development of a national curriculum and standard of care for opioid prescribers. An updated set of guidelines for prescription pain medications should be established by an expert committee composed of various specialty practices to supplement the CDC guideline that are specifically targeted to primary care physicians. 8. The Commission recommends that federal agencies work to collect participation data. Data on prescribing patterns should be matched with participation in continuing medical education data to determine program effectiveness and such analytics shared with clinicians and stakeholders such as state licensing boards. 9. The Commission recommends that the Administration develop a model training program to be disseminated to all levels of medical education (including all prescribers) on screening for substance use and mental health status to identify at risk patients. 10. The Commission recommends the Administration work with Congress to amend the Controlled Substances Act to allow the DEA to require that all prescribers desiring to be relicensed to prescribe opioids show participation in an approved continuing medical education program on opioid prescribing. 11. The Commission recommends that HHS, DOJ/DEA, ONDCP, and pharmacy associations train pharmacists on best practices to evaluate legitimacy of opioid prescriptions, and not penalize pharmacists for denying inappropriate prescriptions. Etc. Details: Washington, DC: The Commission, 2017. 138p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed February 8, 2018 at: https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/whitehouse.gov/files/images/Final_Report_Draft_11-1-2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/whitehouse.gov/files/images/Final_Report_Draft_11-1-2017.pdf Shelf Number: 149039 Keywords: Drug Abuse Drug Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Prevention Drug Treatment Opioid Crisis

Author: MacDonald, Shanna Farrell Title: Women Offenders, Substance Use, and Behaviour Summary: About four-in-five women offenders in Canada have substance use problems, and recent evidence suggests that substance use is more important in understanding women's offending than it is in men's. However, little research has focused on the differences in substance use behaviours among women and their relationship to correctional outcomes. Considering that substance use variability has been shown to inform treatment success in the community, this study examined the relationships of both substance use severity and type of user with institutional and post-release behaviour. Participants were 962 women newly admitted to a federal women's institution from February 2010 to February 2014 who completed a computerized assessment of their substance use problems. Women were categorized both based on the severity of their substance use issue and on the type of substance that was most problematic for them (none, alcohol, drugs, or alcohol and drugs). Women in each category were contrasted in terms of their demographic and offence information, their substance use behaviours, their institutional adjustment (institutional offences and segregation placements), and their post-release outcomes. Both substance use severity and type of user were found to be associated with the women's offence, risk, and substance use characteristics. As severity increased, so did the proportion of women who had committed a violent index offence and who had served a previous federal sentence. Not surprisingly, severity of problem was also associated with a more extensive history of substance use, as well as use of a wider variety of drugs. In terms of type of substance user, women in the alcohol and drug group were more likely than those in the other groups to have been convicted of a violent offence or served a previous federal sentence and had more elevated risk. The breadth of the alcohol and drug users' substance use history was also more extensive. As well, both substance use severity and type of user were associated with institutional behaviour and post-release outcome. Women with more severe substance use problems and who had used drugs (either as their sole problematic substance or together with alcohol) were more likely to be found guilty of disciplinary offences, to be placed in segregation, and to be returned to custody after their release, even after accounting for possible covariates. Overall, results emphasized the importance of considering differences in substance use among women offenders. This finding, together with the prevalence of substance use problems among women, underscores the importance of interventions in this area. The Correctional Service of Canada offers women offenders correctional programs that address the problematic behaviours directly or indirectly linked to their crime - which may include substance use. The programs aim to help women understand the impact of problematic behaviours and to enhance their ability to live balanced and crime-free lives. Conforming to this principle, at CSC, women offenders participating in correctional program create individual self-management and healing plans focused on the behaviours they identify as problematic in their own lives and offence cycles, including substance use. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service Canada, 2015. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 2015 No. R-358: Accessed February 20, 2018 at: http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2017/scc-csc/PS83-3-358-eng.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Canada URL: http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2017/scc-csc/PS83-3-358-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 149189 Keywords: Correctional Programs Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Female Offenders Gender-Specific Programs Substance Abuse Offenders Women Offenders

Author: Ali, Farihah Title: Synthetic Cannabinoid Use in Correctional Populations - An Emerging Challenge for Offender Health and Safety? A Brief Review Summary: Synthetic cannabinoids (SCs) have become increasingly popular among various user populations, and have arisen as common alternatives to organic cannabis products. SCs are an emerging category of drugs under the umbrella of New Psychoactive Substances (NPS). They belong to a continually evolving series of synthetic psychoactive product groups, based on successive structural modifications, commonly marketed as herbal mixtures which mimic cannabis' psychoactive effects, and are classified as 'legal highs'. SCs, however, have been associated with a variety of distinct adverse health outcomes (especially acute), some of which are considered more severe than those which result from the use of natural cannabis products. Compared to natural cannabis products, SCs pose threats to users' health, including: elevated levels of cardio-vascular problems, kidney problems, seizures, acute hallucinations, psychosis and anxiety, among others. Various jurisdictions have reported high numbers of presentations to emergency departments, as well as cases of mortality, directly related to the use of SCs. While all forms of SCs are banned in correctional institutions, existing evidence suggests that they have become increasingly popular among offenders, and as such, pose distinct novel challenges for correctional administrations charged with the responsibility for offender health and safety. SC use results in potentially powerful stimulant effects which may make them attractive for use by offenders, but may also result in adverse outcomes which come with potentially undesirable or hazardous consequences for offender behaviour and safety. Moreover, SCs evade major routine drug interdiction and drug testing systems in operation in correctional systems, and hence are attractive for illicit use, trade, and import in correctional settings. To better understand SC use, and the possible health and safety consequences for offenders, this report reviewed pertinent national and international literature on SC use, availability, and related health outcomes among general and correctional populations. Research data on SCs in the context of Canadian correctional systems are currently limited, and are thus urgently required. Educating offenders and correctional staff on the risks of SC use is imperative, and correctional systems should prepare for the potential health and safety consequences of increased SC use while awaiting the results and guidance offered by future research. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2017. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: 2017 No.R-397: Accessed March 13, 2018 at: http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2017/scc-csc/PS83-3-397-eng.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Canada URL: http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2017/scc-csc/PS83-3-397-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 149456 Keywords: Correctional Institutions Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Health Care Prisoners Psychoactive Substances

Author: Physicians for Human Rights Title: Neither Justice nor Treatment: Drug Courts in the United States Summary: There are more than 3,100 drug courts operating in the United States. But while the courts' proponents say they reduce recidivism for people with substance use disorders, critics say the system abuses due process, often mandates treatment for people who don't actually need it - people without drug dependence - and fails to provide quality care to many who do. Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) assessed the availability and quality of substance use disorder treatment through drug courts in three states - Florida, New Hampshire, and New York - and found major obstacles in all three states. Overall, PHR found that drug courts largely failed at providing treatment to those who truly needed it, and filled up limited treatment spaces with court-mandated patients who didn't always need the care. In many cases, court officials with no medical background mandated inappropriate treatment, or mandated treatment for people who didn't need it. In all cases, the functioning and mandate of the drug courts posed significant human rights concerns. Details: New York: Physicians for Human Rights, 2017. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 16, 2018 at: http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/assets/misc/phr_drugcourts_report_singlepages.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/assets/misc/phr_drugcourts_report_singlepages.pdf Shelf Number: 149487 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Human Rights Abuses Problem-Solving Courts Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: Queensland Sentencing Advisory Council Title: Sentencing Spotlight on trafficking in dangerous drugs Summary: This Sentencing Spotlight examines sentencing outcomes for trafficking in dangerous drugs offences finalised in Queensland courts between 1 July 2005 and 30 June 2016. The Drugs Misuse Act 1986 (Qld) (DMA) refers to 'a person who carries on the business of unlawfully trafficking' as being guilty of a crime. The term 'trafficking' is not defined in legislation under the DMA, but rather by case law. If dealing with dangerous drugs does not meet the case law definition of trafficking, it will usually constitute the separate offence of supplying dangerous drugs. While trafficking typically involves selling, it has a wider meaning of 'knowingly engaging in the movement of drugs from source to ultimate user'. A single sale made as part of carrying on a business could be trafficking, if it was the first sale of expected continuing activity. Occasional sales across limited isolated transactions are not sufficient. The prosecution is required to demonstrate several transactions were conducted for gain over more than a brief interval. However, the trade does not have to last indefinitely, generate profit, service more than one customer, or include payment in money (for instance, someone addicted to drugs could traffic to obtain drugs for personal consumption). Carrying on the business of unlawfully trafficking goes beyond sales and usually involves other activities including product advertising or promotion, negotiating prices and terms, taking orders and arranging delivery. Different drug traffickers receive different sentences because factors vary across individual cases. These include the application of general sentencing principles in section of the Penalties and Sentences Act 1992 (Qld) and other considerations such as the type, quantity and value of drugs supplied, the nature of the trafficking, and whether the offender's motivation was financial profit or to feed their drug habit. Analysis or comments about the type and quantity of dangerous drugs associated with these offenders' cases are excluded as these are not reported in the administrative data. Details: Melbourne: The Commission, 2018. 18p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 20, 2018 at: http://www.sentencingcouncil.qld.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0020/555320/sentencing-spotllight-on-trafficking-in-dangerous-drugs-february-2018.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: http://www.sentencingcouncil.qld.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0020/555320/sentencing-spotllight-on-trafficking-in-dangerous-drugs-february-2018.pdf Shelf Number: 149532 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Sentencing

Author: Cooper, Caroline S. Title: Establishing Drug Treatment Courts: Strategies, Experiences and Preliminary Outcomes. Volume One: Overview and Survey Results Summary: Drug dependence is a chronic relapsing disorder that must be addressed and treated as a public health matter, on a par with the treatment of other chronic diseases.2 It is a cluster of behavioral, cognitive and physiological phenomena that develop after repeated substance use and that typically include a strong desire to take the drug, difficulties in controlling its use, persisting in its use despite harmful consequences, a higher priority given to drug use than to other activities and obligations, increased tolerance, and sometimes a physical withdrawal state.3 Heavy drug use is found more frequently among offenders than among the general population, as shown by a number of studies in the Western Hemisphere and Europe.4 Using Goldstein's conceptual model,5 acquisitive crime to support a compulsive drug habit represents a fair proportion of crimes committed by offenders with substance abuse problems. Offenses committed under the influence of drugs or alcohol, according to self-reports in some countries, represent an even higher percentage of crimes by drug-dependent offenders Because drug abuse is compulsive, it does not stop at the prison door. In a 2009 survey of prisoners conducted by the Scottish Prison Service, 22% of prisoners reported that they had used drugs in prison in the month prior to the survey. 7 Treatment alternatives to incarceration for drug-dependent offenders involve diverting substance-abusing offenders from prison and jail into treatment and rehabilitation under judicial supervision. By increasing direct supervision of offenders, coordinating public resources, and expediting case processing, treatment alternatives to incarceration can help break the cycle of criminal behavior, alcohol and drug use, and imprisonment. The details of these alternative mechanisms vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, but most involve suspension of the sentence provided the offender agrees voluntarily8 to participate in a drug treatment program. The judge in the case supervises the offender's progress in treatment, with the assistance of the prosecutor, social workers (case officers), treatment providers and probation officers. The judge has the power to end the treatment program if the offender violates its terms and conditions, in which case, the sentence will be handed down and the offender will be incarcerated. Drug treatment under judicial supervision is well established in countries like Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States, under the name of "drug courts" or "drug treatment courts". While the name may vary from place to place, and the conditions of participation may differ, the essential ingredients are as described above. For the purposes of this publication, we shall use the term "drug treatment courts" and "drug courts" interchangeably. At a number of recent seminars organized by the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD), Secretariat for Multidimensional Security of the Organization of American States9 , judges, prosecutors and health care personnel from Latin America, the Caribbean and Europe examined the feasibility of establishing treatment alternatives to incarceration for drug-dependent offenders, one form of which are drug courts. Some of the CICAD countries expressed great interest in setting up such programs, although civil law countries pointed to some difficulties they might face in working such alternatives into their penal codes and procedures. Countries where drug courts are already up and running spoke of how they had overcome obstacles and public skepticism, and stressed the need for good evaluations and research on the outcomes of drug treatment court programs in order to demonstrate their effectiveness. Through its program of City Partnerships on the improvement of Drug Treatment, CICAD has helped the courts of Suriname and the State of Nuevo Leon, Mexico, to set up new drug treatment courts, and continues to support the work of drug courts in Chile, Jamaica and other interested countries and cities. Belgium, where a new drug treatment court pilot has been created, has taken a collaborative approach, involving city officials and universities in the process. CICAD's exchange of good practices in recent years allowed countries where drug treatment courts are in place to share different approaches to drug court challenges. Key to the success of drug courts in the U.S. has been the ability to demonstrate to lawmakers and the public at large that drug court participants have lower rates of recidivism and lower rates of relapse into drug use than drug dependent offenders who are incarcerated. We therefore recommend that all drug treatment courts have a robust information system, to assure public acceptance of alternatives to incarceration for drug-dependent offenders as well as to secure future funding. Details: Washington, DC: Organization of American States, 2010. 152p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 20, 2018 at: http://www.cicad.oas.org/fortalecimiento_institucional/dtca/files/Establishing_DTC_%20Strategies_Experiences_Preliminary_Outcomes_volume%201.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Latin America URL: http://www.cicad.oas.org/fortalecimiento_institucional/dtca/files/Establishing_DTC_%20Strategies_Experiences_Preliminary_Outcomes_volume%201.pdf Shelf Number: 118587 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Courts Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Courts Problem-Oriented Courts

Author: Mackin, Juliette R. Title: St. Mary's County Juvenile Drug Court Outcome and Cost Evaluation Summary: St. Mary's County Juvenile Drug Court (JDC) was formed in 2003 in response to the increase in youth abuse of alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine and juvenile arrests involving drug charges. The program admitted its first participant in February 2004 and since that time has served over 100 participants. The JDC program has four phases that can be completed by participants in a period as short as 12 months. For the 80 drug court participants included in this study who had since exited the program, either successfully or unsuccessfully, the average number of days in the program was 341 (approximately 11 months). Graduates spent an average of 358 days in the program (almost 12 months), whereas non-graduates spent an average of 310 days in the program (approximately 10 months). Throughout the program, participants attend drug court hearings evaluating their progress, supervision meetings with a case manager, and group and individual counseling sessions. Their family members are also included in the program and offered services as needed. The program requires that the youth submit to drug testing, attend school or another educational or occupational activity, and complete a community project. The JDC uses incentives and sanctions to encourage positive behaviors. Youth must have been abstinent for a minimum of 120 consecutive days and complete all program requirements, including restitution, to graduate; at which time the youth is eligible to expunge the case from his/her court records. Three key policy questions of interest to program practitioners, researchers, and policymakers about drug courts were addressed in this study. 1. Does the JDC Reduce Substance Abuse Among Program Participants? YES: JDC participants showed reductions in drug use following entrance into the program 2. Does the JDC Program Reduce Recidivism in the Juvenile Justice System? YES: JDC participants had a decreased re-arrest rate from 75% at pre-JDC to 52% postJDC admission 2. Does the JDC Program Reduce Recidivism in the Juvenile Justice System? YES: JDC participants had a decreased re-arrest rate from 75% at pre-JDC to 52% postJDC admission 3. Does the JDC Result in Savings of Taxpayer Dollars? YES: Outcome costs for JDC participants showed substantive savings, when factored against the comparison group. Details: Portland, OR: NPC Research, 2010. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed arch 20, 2018 at: https://ndcrc.org/resource/st-marys-county-juvenile-drug-court-outcome-and-cost-evaluation/ Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://ndcrc.org/resource/st-marys-county-juvenile-drug-court-outcome-and-cost-evaluation/ Shelf Number: 118419 Keywords: Cost-Benefit Analysis Drug Court Drug Offenders Drug Treatment Courts Juvenile Drug Court Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Eggers, Amy Title: Drug Courts' Effects on Criminal Offending for Juveniles and Adults Summary: Drug court actors (i.e., prosecutors, defense attorneys, and judges) use the legal and moral authority of the court to monitor drug-involved offenders' abstinence from drug use via frequent drug testing and compliance with individualized drug treatment programs. In essence, drug courts integrate drug treatment and testing into criminal justice case processing. Drug court participants who successfully complete program requirements either have the charges against them dismissed or are sentenced to probation instead of incarceration. Noncompliant drug court participants, however, are typically incarcerated. Thus, drug courts simultaneously provide drug abusing offenders with drug treatment and hold them accountable for their behavior. The process of a prototypical drug court begins shortly after an arrest when drug-involved offenders who appear to be eligible for drug court participation are identified and screened for program eligibility. Arrestees deemed eligible are offered entry into the drug court with an agreement that the charges against them will be reduced or dismissed upon successful program completion. Arrestees who agree to enter the drug court become drug court 'clients' (NADCP 1997; Mitchell 2011). Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Dept. of Justice, Community Oriented Policing Services, 2013. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Crime Prevention Research Review, no. 11: Accessed April 3, 2018 at: https://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-p263-pub.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-p263-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 149657 Keywords: Drug Courts Drug Offenders Problem-Solving Courts

Author: Pew Charitable Trusts Title: More Imprisonment Does Not Reduce State Drug Problems: Data show no relationship between prison terms and drug misuse Summary: Nearly 300,000 people are held in state and federal prisons in the United States for drug-law violations, up from less than 25,000 in 1980.1 These offenders served more time than in the past: Those who left state prisons in 2009 had been behind bars an average of 2.2 years, a 36 percent increase over 1990,2 while prison terms for federal drug offenders jumped 153 percent between 1988 and 2012, from about two to roughly five years.3 As the U.S. confronts a growing epidemic of opioid misuse, policymakers and public health officials need a clear understanding of whether, how, and to what degree imprisonment for drug offenses affects the nature and extent of the nation's drug problems. To explore this question, The Pew Charitable Trusts examined publicly available 2014 data from federal and state law enforcement, corrections, and health agencies.4 The analysis found no statistically significant relationship between state drug imprisonment rates and three indicators of state drug problems: self-reported drug use, drug overdose deaths, and drug arrests. The findings-which Pew sent to the President's Commission on Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis in a letter dated June 19, 2017-reinforce a large body of prior research that cast doubt on the theory that stiffer prison terms deter drug misuse, distribution, and other drug-law violations. The evidence strongly suggests that policymakers should pursue alternative strategies that research shows work better and cost less. Details: Philadelphia: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2018. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/assets/2018/03/pspp_more_imprisonment_does_not_reduce_state_drug_problems.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/assets/2018/03/pspp_more_imprisonment_does_not_reduce_state_drug_problems.pdf Shelf Number: 149676 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Mass Incarceration

Author: Ticehurst, Andrew Title: The methamphetamine market: police detainee perspectives Summary: The data in this report were collected as part of the Australian Institute of Criminology's Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program, which is a quarterly collection of criminal justice and drug use information from police detainees at multiple sites across Australia. From January 2015 to December 2016, 4,400 adult police detainees were interviewed in Brisbane, Adelaide, Perth and Sydney (Bankstown and Surry Hills), most of them male (83%; n=3,647). On average, recent users reported methamphetamine consumption 14 days out of the last 30 days before detention and rated the availability of methamphetamine on average at nine out of 10, while quality was given a rating of seven out of 10. A majority of recent users reported that the price of methamphetamine had not changed compared to the three months prior to interview, with a current price of approximately $50 per point. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2018. 6p. Source: Internet Resource: Statistical Bulletin No. 06: Accessed April 16, 2018 at: https://aic.gov.au/publications/sb/06 Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: https://aic.gov.au/publications/sb/06 Shelf Number: 149818 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Markets Drug Offenders Illegal Drugs Methamphetamine

Author: Patterson, Eileen Title: Drug use monitoring in Australia: 2015 and 2016 report on drug use among police detainees Summary: Established in 1999, the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program is funded by the Australian Government and is the nation's largest and longest-running ongoing survey of police detainees across the country. DUMA currently operates at five data collection sites and comprises two core components: a self-report survey including a range of criminal justice, demographic, drug use and drug market participation information; and voluntary urinalysis, which provides an objective measure for corroborating reported recent drug use (within 48 hours of arrest). This biennial report is part of the Australian Institute of Criminology's (AIC) Statistical Report series and aims to describe the DUMA data collected between January 2015 and December 2016 (herein referred to as 2015-16) at five sites: Adelaide (South Australia), Brisbane (Queensland), Perth (Western Australia) and Sydney (Bankstown and Surry Hills, New South Wales). Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2018. 98p. Source: Internet Resource: Statistical Report 04: Accessed April 24, 2018 at: https://aic.gov.au/publications/sr/sr4 Year: 2018 Country: Australia URL: https://aic.gov.au/publications/sr/sr4 Shelf Number: 149873 Keywords: Alcohol Abuse Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Illicit Drugs Substance Abuse

Author: Hardy, Steven Title: Street involved drug use, social dynamics and interactions with police in Ottawa Summary: Homeless populations are frequently associated with drug consumption. Drug use by homeless people is more visible leading to the assumption that homeless or street involved populations use drugs more frequently or differently than other segments of the population. In this paper, I challenge this idea and consider how homeless and street involved populations consume drugs and how they understand their drug consumption. In 15 semi-structured, open-ended interviews I explored how homeless and street involved men consume drugs and how they view their drug use. Their drug use is within the broader societal context that impacts their understandings and views of drug consumption. Using Peta Malins' definition of the "junkie", I explore the impact of this idea on how drugs are consumed by homeless and street involved populations. Drawing on the idea of subjectivities, this paper looks at how these individuals understand what it means to be a "junkie" and how they understand their own drug consumption in response. Police have an impact on the daily lives of street involved drug users. This paper explores how police interact with street involved drug users and how street involved drug users understand these interactions. Finally, I consider how the "junkie" subjectivity impacts interactions between street involved users and police. Details: Ottawa: Carleton University, 2017. 139p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed April 26, 2018 at: https://curve.carleton.ca/system/files/etd/24a686ce-eeb5-491c-a514-93574703aabb/etd_pdf/7a795ab822b8c41077f62cb17b54ddc3/hardy-streetinvolveddrugusesocialdynamicsandinteractions.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Canada URL: https://curve.carleton.ca/system/files/etd/24a686ce-eeb5-491c-a514-93574703aabb/etd_pdf/7a795ab822b8c41077f62cb17b54ddc3/hardy-streetinvolveddrugusesocialdynamicsandinteractions.pdf Shelf Number: 149900 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Homeless Persons Police-Citizen Interactions

Author: Ledebur, Kathryn Title: Promoting Gender-Sensitive Drug Policies in Bolivia Summary: In the Plurinational State of Bolivia, women account for 8 percent of the country's more than 17,000 people behind bars. In only three other Latin American countries (Guatemala, El Salvador and Chile) do women comprise a larger share of the overall incarcerated population. Almost 40 percent of the women behind bars in Bolivia are held for low-level drug offenses, often as a result of structural socioeconomic conditions, such as poverty and the pressures of single parenting. These women are typically poor, have limited education, and do not have access to stable jobs with decent pay; a startling percentage have been victims of domestic and sexual violence. They are often driven into the drug trade out of economic necessity. High rates of pretrial detention have also contributed to severe prison overcrowding. Indeed, according to the online database the World Prison Brief, Bolivian prisons are ranked as the eighth most congested in the world. In response to extreme prison overcrowding, between 2012 and 2018 the government of President Evo Morales enacted six prison pardon, sentence reduction, and amnesty initiatives, leading to the release of almost a third of Bolivia's total incarcerated population. Specific gender-sensitive clauses benefited mothers and caregivers. These gender-focused initiatives, paired with poverty reduction and increased state support for mothers, contributed to an 84 percent decrease in the number of women incarcerated for drug offenses between 2012 and 2017, going against the trend of increasing female incarceration for drug-related offenses in most Latin American countries. But Bolivia's considerable progress in reducing the incarceration of women for drug offenses could stall without the enactment and implementation of broader judicial reform efforts. Promoting Gender-Sensitive Drug Policies in Bolivia concludes with a series of concrete reforms that are needed to significantly advance the implementation of gender-sensitive drug policies in Bolivia. Of particular importance, the voices of women impacted by drug policies must be included in the debate, in order to develop and implement more effective, humane, and inclusive initiatives, grounded in public health and human rights. Details: Washington, DC: Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) and the Andean Information Network, 2018. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2018 at: https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Bolivia-Report_FINAL_English.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Bolivia URL: https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Bolivia-Report_FINAL_English.pdf Shelf Number: 150027 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Policy Female Offenders Gender-Specific Responses

Author: Rope, Olivia Title: Global Prison Trends 2018: a global view on the state of prisons Summary: Every year, Global Prison Trends by Penal Reform International (in collaboration with the Thailand Institute of Justice) provides us with a global view on the state of prisons. And, every year, this report is, unfortunately, hardly a surprise - we read about the degrading conditions in which people are imprisoned, and about their growing number. Yet the level of crime in most societies is constantly decreasing. The question that remains unanswered, therefore, is why our societies focus their response to unlawful behaviours so often on prison? Where is the proportionality in sentencing when we punish nonviolent offences with lengthy prison sentences? Is this the only response we can offer? The chapter on drugs and imprisonment in this report highlights that a high number of prisons in the world are overcrowded due to the incarceration of people for drug-related offences, in particular non-violent offences involving use and possession for personal use. This directly reflects our contemporary addiction to punishment and showcases the disproportionality of punishment in relation to the offence. The use of harsh prison sentences for people who use drugs or for those who play a minor role in the drug trade also shows the inefficiency, limitations and perverse effects of current drug control policies. Not only are punishment and incarceration becoming the sole instruments used to enforce the law, but also they are serving to implement moral norms which have no link with the reality of the offence that they are supposed to punish. This trend of over-incarceration and punishment of people who use drugs is seen on every continent. The deep impact it has on prison systems and on people in prison and their communities has sparked the current global debate on drug policy reform. In recent years, more and more countries have been introducing amendments to their drug laws; for example, by decriminalising the use of drugs in Norway and Colombia, and by replacing prison terms with monetary fines in Ghana and Tunisia or with community service, as envisaged in Senegal. Other countries have gone even further. Ecuador gave an amnesty to drug couriers and released thousands of prisoners. Countries that have traditionally adopted harsh stances on drugs, such as Malaysia and Iran, are reviewing their death penalty policies for drug offences, and removing people from death row. These changes and reforms are being discussed and implemented in a global environment that remains highly stigmatising, where drugs are still considered 'evil' and prohibition approaches prevail. They are therefore born out of a real need - the need for societies to stop exposing their citizens to greater risks from arrests related to drug use than come from the act of using drugs Details: London: Penal Reform International; Bangkok: Thailand Institute of Justice, 2018. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 23, 2018 at: https://www.penalreform.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/PRI_Global-Prison-Trends-2018_EN_WEB.pdf Year: 2018 Country: International URL: https://www.penalreform.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/PRI_Global-Prison-Trends-2018_EN_WEB.pdf Shelf Number: 150332 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drugs and Crime Offender Reentry Offender Rehabilitation Prison Prison Population Prisoners

Author: Scott, Michael S. Title: Clandestine Methamphetamine Labs. 2nd edition Summary: This guide addresses the problem of clandestine methamphetamine labs. U.S. state and local police report that methamphetamine trafficking and abuse has become their most pressing illegal drug problem in recent years, surpassing even crack cocaine. Although offenders manufacture a variety of illicit drugs in clandestine labs [e.g., amphetamines, MDMA (ecstasy), methcathinone, PCP, LSD, and fentanyl], methamphetamine accounts for 80 to 90 percent of the clandestine labs' total drug production. Many of the responses to methamphetamine labs also may be appropriate to other types of drug labs. This guide does not provide technical details on all the aspects of clandestine methamphetamine labs. Rather, it provides a general overview of the problem and of responses to it. It begins by describing the problem and reviewing factors that increase the risks of it. It then identifies a series of questions to help you analyze your local problem. Finally, it reviews responses to the problem and what is known about them from evaluative research and practice. Clandestine methamphetamine labs are but one aspect of the larger set of problems related to illegal drug manufacturing, trafficking, abuse, and associated crime, and a coherent strategy, whether at the international, national, regional, state, or local level, should address all aspects of these problems. This guide is limited to addressing the particular harms created by clandestine methamphetamine labs. Related problems not directly addressed in this guide include: - violent offenses (such as domestic violence and child abuse) committed by drug users, and property offenses to get money to buy drugs or the chemicals to produce them - sale and distribution of drugs manufactured in clandestine drug labs - abuse of drugs manufactured in clandestine drug labs - marijuana grow houses - rave parties. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2006. 78p. Source: Internet Resource: Problem-Oriented Guides for Police Series Problem-Specific Guide Series No. 16: Accessed June 5, 2018 at: http://www.popcenter.org/problems/pdfs/Clandestine_Drug_Labs.pdf Year: 2006 Country: United States URL: http://www.popcenter.org/problems/pdfs/Clandestine_Drug_Labs.pdf Shelf Number: 86016 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Illegal Drugs Methamphetamine Laboratories

Author: Blakey, David Title: Disrupting the supply of illicit drugs into prisons. A report for the Director General of. National Offender Management Service Summary: This is a one person review of how illicit drugs get into prisons and what can be done about it. Drugs get in: - With visitors - 'Over the wall' - In the post and parcels - Brought in by prisoners - Through corrupt staff - Disrupting one route raises the use of the others; - Rehabilitation and detoxification schemes are undermined by illicit drugs; - Prison drug strategies should cover both disruption and rehabilitation, and be managed by a nominated Governor. Five factors affect all or more than one route and can be employed to disrupt. They are: - Use of good practice - Disrupting the use of mobile phones - Use of searching - Use of search dogs - Use of legislation In the long term there are 3 major ways to disrupt effectively. They are: - Development and use of technology - Development of partnership working with Police - Use of intelligence Details: s.l.: David Blakey, 2008. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 12, 2018 at: http://www.onlinelibraryaddictions.stir.ac.uk/files/2017/07/blakey-report-disrupting.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.onlinelibraryaddictions.stir.ac.uk/files/2017/07/blakey-report-disrupting.pdf Shelf Number: 150842 Keywords: Drug Offenders Drugs in Prison Illicit Drugs Prison Contraband

Author: Lattimore, Pamela K. Title: Evaluation of the Honest Opportunity Probation With Enforcement Demonstration Field Experiment (HOPE DFE): Final Report Summary: Purpose: The multi-site evaluation of the Honest Opportunity Probation with Enforcement Demonstration Field Experiment (HOPE DFE) was a four-site, randomized controlled trial replicating a Hawaii probation program widely touted as successful in reducing drug use, violations, and reincarceration. HOPE is based on "swift, certain, and fair" principles-beginning with a warning hearing from a judge and requiring strict adherance to supervision requirements, including random drug testing, with all violations followed by hearings and jail sanctions; treatment is for those who repeatedly fail random tests. Grants and technical assistance were provided to the sites (Saline County, Arkansas; Essex County, Massachusetts; Clackamas County, Oregon; Tarrant County, Texas) by the Bureau of Justice Assistance to facilitate implementation. The evaluation documented implementation and fidelity; tested outcomes, primarily recidivism; and estimated costs. Research Subjects: 1,504 HOPE-eligible individuals were randomly assigned to HOPE or to probation as usual (PAU) between August 2012 and September 2014. Most were male (81%), white (69%), and high risk (55%). On average, they were 31 years at study enrollment, with 7 prior arrests and 3.5 prior convictions. Subject characteristics varied across the sites. For example, study participants were younger at first arrest in Texas than Massachusetts (19 versus 27 years) and had more prior convictions in Massachusetts than in Arkansas and Texas (6 versus about 2). Methods: The evaluation team established procedures with each site for identifying HOPE-eligible probationers and implementing random assignment. Data collection included site visits and document review for the process evaluation, as well as analysis of fidelity data. For the outcome and cost evaluation, administrative data were collected from local and state agencies and three waves of interviews were conducted with study participants. Oral swab drug tests were administered during the second and third interviews for individuals in the community and who consented. A substudy was conducted that enlisted randomly selected subjects in a telephone component that asked subjects to call in weekly and answer a short set of questions to assess whether attitudinal changes occurred over the course of HOPE participation. Results: Implementation fidelity was good to excellent in the DFE sites, showing adherance to guidelines for warning and violation hearings, random drug testing, and responses to violations. Of the eleven metrics measured, the sites had the greatest difficulty bringing a violator to a violation hearing within 3 days of the violation, although three-quarters did have a hearing within 1 week. Overall, cooperation, prior experience with HOPE-like programs, and organizational linkages between probation and the court. Challenges in some sites included resource constraints-even with grant funding-and conflict with existing probation culture. HOPE probationers were more likely to have a violation and had more violations than PAU probationers, including more than twice as many drug-related violations accompanying the more than five-fold increase in drug testing for HOPE versus PAU probationers. HOPE probationers were less likely to miss a probation officer visit, to fail to pay their fees and fines , and to be violated for a new charge ; but were more likely to have a violation for failing to appear for court . Most sanctions for HOPE probationers were jail days; HOPE probationers were more likely to go to jail , to go more often ), and to serve more days total than PAU probationers. there was strong buy-in to the HOPE concept and implementation was facilitated by existing agency The HOPE model included treatment referral after repeated failed tests and HOPE participants were three times more likely to go to residential treatment . HOPE probationers were also referred to treatment more quickly (overall and in three sites). Drug tests conducted in conjunction with follow-up interviews showed fewer positives for HOPE than PAU probationers. Recidivism outcomes were similar for the HOPE and PAU groups: 40% of HOPE versus 44% of PAU had a new arrest; 25% of HOPE versus 22% of PAU had a revocation; 49% of HOPE versus 50% of PAU had an arrest or revocation; and 28% of HOPE versus 26% of PAU had a new conviction. There was some variation in rates across sites, but the general conclusions of no differences hold with two exceptions: (1) HOPE probationers were more likely to be revoked in two sites (PAU revocation rates in those sites were about 10%.); and (2) HOPE probationers were more likely to have a new conviction in one site. Lognormal survival models of time to recidivism events confirm the bivariate findings, but revealed one additional finding-HOPE probationers had longer times to revocation in one site. Cost analyses estimated costs of intake, warning hearings, staffing meetings, office visits, drug tests, violation hearnings, arrests, state and county corrections, and residential treatment. Six-month median costs were significantly higher for HOPE than PAU overall and in four sites and mean costs were higher overall and in three sites. Twelve-month median and mean costs were significantly higher overall and in three sites. Twenty-four-month median and mean costs were significantly higher overall and in one site. Cost differences were driven by treatment and incarceration costs. Conclusions: Four sites that differed in organizational structures and populations successfully implemented HOPE programs-holding probationers accountable to their conditions of supervision and reducing drug use. Overall, HOPE did not reduce recidivism, as measured by arrest, revocation, and new conviction. More jail days, more residential treatment, and similar (or higher) recidivism resulted in higher (although not always significantly higher) costs for HOPE compared with PAU. PAU context is important as sites consider whether to implement HOPE or similar programs based on "swift, certain, and fair" principles. PAU revocation rates were low (9% and 13%) in two sites- suggesting limited ability to reduce revocations and that sites with low PAU revocation rates should consider whether to implement procedures to mitigate any potential increases in revocations that would accompany the increased surveillance of HOPE. In at least two sites, revocation could yield only short prison stays (90 days)-suggesting limited opportunities for "prison bed savings" even if revocations were lower with HOPE and a smaller incentive for individuals to comply. PAU was based at least somewhat on Risk-Needs-Response principles in at least two sites-suggesting an additional consideration with respect to the integration of HOPE with PAU. In addition, in one site, probation could use short jail stays on their authority (and did for PAU cases)-suggesting that a HOPE judge was not necessary to enforce conditions. Thus, the similar outcomes may hinge on the "compared to what" aspect of any evalution-in that findings suggest that HOPE worked as well as but not better than PAU. However, given the consistency of findings across four sites that differed in the administration of PAU, there is little to support a conclusion that HOPE or HOPE-like programs will produce substantial improvements over PAU when implemented widely. Details: Research Triangle Park, NC: RTI International, 2018. 268p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 3, 2018 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/251758.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/251758.pdf Shelf Number: 151019 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Drug Offender Treatment Drug Offenders Offender Supervision Probation Probationers Project Hope Recidivism Revocations

Author: United States Sentencing Commission Title: Recidivism Among Federal Offenders Receiving Retroactive Sentence Reductions: The 2011 Fair Sentencing Act Guideline Amendment Summary: The Fair Sentencing Act of 20101 ("FSA") reduced the statutory penalties for crack cocaine offenses in two ways. First, it increased the drug quantity thresholds required to trigger the statutory mandatory minimum terms of imprisonment for manufacturing or trafficking crack cocaine. Second, it eliminated the statutory mandatory minimum penalty for possession of crack cocaine. In the FSA, Congress directed the United States Sentencing Commission (the "Commission") to amend the federal sentencing guidelines to incorporate the reduced statutory penalty structure for crack cocaine offenses effective November 1, 2010. Congress did not make the FSA statutory penalty reductions retroactive, but the Commission did give retroactive effect to the FSA guideline amendment (the "FSA Guideline Amendment") as of November 1, 2011.2 Following that action, 7,748 crack cocaine offenders have received an estimated average sentence reduction of 30 months, lowering their sentence from an average of 153 months to 123 months of imprisonment. In 2015, as required by the FSA, the Commission submitted a report to Congress assessing the impact of the FSA on the federal criminal justice system (the "2015 FSA Report"). The Commission noted in that report that its earlier research had found that a previous population of crack cocaine offenders released early as a result of retroactive application of a guideline amendment did not show a statistically significant increase in the likelihood of recidivating, but it was too soon to assess the recidivism of crack cocaine offenders released early through retroactive application of the FSA Guideline Amendment. In the 2015 FSA Report, the Commission further stated its intent to separately study the effect of retroactive application of the FSA Guideline Amendment on recidivism. This publication provides that analysis: Finding: The Commission finds no difference between the recidivism rates for offenders who were released early due to retroactive application of the FSA Guideline Amendment and offenders who had served their full sentences before the FSA Guideline Amendment reduction retroactively took effect. Details: Washington, DC: USSC, 2018. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 13, 2018 at: https://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-publications/2018/20180328_Recidivism_FSA-Retroactivity.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-publications/2018/20180328_Recidivism_FSA-Retroactivity.pdf Shelf Number: 152918 Keywords: Cocaine Offenders Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Fair Sentencing Act Federal Offenders Recidivism Sentencing Guidelines Sentencing Policy

Author: International Drug Policy Consortium Title: Taking Stock: A Decade of Drug Policy: A Civil Society Shadow Report Summary: Global drug control policies have been based on the general principles of eliminating the production, trade or use of any illegal psychoactive substance from the world. Yet policies which seek to reach that objective have involved harsh law-enforcement and even militarisation. These end up affecting the most vulnerable people who use drugs, subsistence farmers involved in illegal crop cultivation and small-scale traffickers because they are easier to apprehend than are wealthy and well-connected people. The collateral damages are human rights and lives - those of the most vulnerable and those of the voiceless. To quote the Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights (May 2018), in a world that is meant to be more inclusive and where no one should be left behind, 'people who use drugs are not left behind. They are left outside'. A decade ago, the international community reiterated its aspiration to achieve a drug-free world. Yet over that decade, available data shows that the production, sale, and consumption of currently illegal drugs are soaring. So are the harms related to current policies, with dramatic increases in overdoses, prison overcrowding, HIV and hepatitis transmission, a more revenue-generating and increasingly violent illegal market, and in the condoning by some of extrajudicial killings against people who use drugs - killings that often take place in broad daylight. Ten years after the world's governments adopted at the UN the Political Declaration and Plan of Action on drugs, there is still little discussion on how to evaluate the impact of current policies, or on how to analyse the results of the policies implemented during this period. In 2014, there was a mid-term High-Level Review of the Political Declaration and Plan of Action. It resulted in a new negotiated document that reiterated the commitments, without providing any such 'High-Level Review'. Two years later, the 2016 UNGASS on drugs provided another opportunity to review the current approach, to no avail. Although progress was made in bringing in more visibility to issues related to health, human rights and development, the resulting Outcome Document failed to recognise the harmful consequences of the war on drugs approach. The international community is meeting again at a Ministerial Segment at the Commission on Narcotic Drugs in March 2019 to decide upon a common strategy for the next ten years. But how can we plan the future without a serious and far-ranging assessment of the past's errors and successes? How can we quantify the unintended consequences of drug control policies when they are not evaluated? Up until now, no comprehensive evaluation has been carried out either on progress towards achieving the 2009 targets or on the consequences of the past decade in global drug control on human rights, health, security, development, the environment, and on the lives of the millions of affected people worldwide. Furthermore, there is little appetite among countries for such a review from the UN, proving once more that drug policy remains mostly an ideological issue rather than a societal topic that needs to be addressed based on evidence, dialogue, and building consensus. In that vacuum, I welcome this Civil Society Shadow Report in which the International Drug Policy Consortium which provides us with an excellent overview of the progress and the lack of it made in the last decade, as well as highlighting the challenges and opportunities ahead � using all existing government-based and UN-based data, along with scientific and grey literature. drugs have reached record levels. Moreover, current drug policies are a serious obstacle to other social and economic objectives: progress on combating the HIV epidemic had been significant in the last 20 years, but is now stalled among people who inject drugs; prison overcrowding has worsened, with a fifth of the world's inmates being arrested for drug-related offences and mostly for drug use alone; and the 'war on drugs' has resulted in millions of people murdered, disappeared, or internally displaced. As the situation stands today, the major Sustainable Development Goals that concern gender equality, the protection of the environment, socioeconomic development, and the reduction of violence and corruption will not be achieved for an important part of the population because of current drug policies. But there is still hope for a better outcome and for the international community to do better during the 2019 high-level meeting. While the possibility of building a new negotiated political declaration and plan of action is unlikely with the lack of any monitoring and assessment apart from the current Shadow Report, the Vienna-based consensus that has driven countries to agree on the paths to control drugs is breaking, both at the multilateral and at the regional levels. It is our hope, at the Global Commission on Drug Policy, that the next decade in global drug policy will align with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development to alleviate the pain and suffering of millions of people affected by current drug policies, with the objective of leaving no one behind. By providing the most comprehensive assessment of the past lost decade, I am certain that this Civil Society Shadow Report will greatly contribute to the global drug control debates and ensure that the coming decade will be better embedded in the international community's priorities of human rights, development, peace and security. Details: IDPC, 2018. 136p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 22, 2018 at: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Shadow%20Report_FINAL_ENGLISH.pdf Year: 2018 Country: International URL: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Shadow%20Report_FINAL_ENGLISH.pdf Shelf Number: 153037 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Control Drug Offenders Drug Policy Drug Policy Reform Illicit Drugs

Author: Shiner, Michael Title: The Colour of Injustice: 'Race', drugs and law enforcement in England and Wales Summary: Stop and search focuses on low-level drug offences - Use of stop and search has fallen sharply, dropping by 75 per cent from 2010/11 to 2016/17. - Stop and search has become increasingly concentrated on suspected drug offences, most of which involve low-level possession. Half of all stop-searches were targeted at drugs in 2010/11, rising to almost two-thirds by 2016/17. - The intensity of the focus on drugs varies sharply between forces: 82 per cent of stop-searches during 2016/17 were for drugs in Merseyside compared with 46 per cent in Durham. - Substantial variations are evident between forces with similar crime-relevant profiles, suggesting they are largely a function of differences in police policy and decision-making. - Police forces are making operational decisions to target low-level drug possession offences over other, more serious, offences. Stop and search is more disproportionate than ever - The number of stop and searches has fallen sharply for all ethnic groups, but has fallen most sharply for white people even though they had relatively modest rates of exposure at the outset. - Disproportionality has increased as the use of stop and search has fallen, indicating that residual use of the powers is more heavily concentrated on black and minority ethnic groups. - Black people were stopped and searched at more than eight times the rate of white people in 2016/17. Asian people and those in the 'mixed' group were stopped and searched at more than twice the rate of white people. - Black people were stopped and searched for drugs at almost nine times the rate of white people, while Asian people and those in the 'mixed' group were stop-searched for drugs at almost three times the rate of white people. - The 'find' rate for drugs is lower for black than white people, suggesting that such searches are carried out on the basis of weaker 'grounds' for black people. Variations across forces point to discrimination - Forces vary sharply in their overall use of stop and search as well as their rates of disproportionality. Such differences are evident between forces with similar crime-relevant profiles, suggesting they are largely a function of police policy and decision-making. - High rates of stop and search in London are an important driver of ethnic disproportionality because a large proportion of the black and minority ethnic population live in the capital - Black people were stopped and searched at a higher rate than white people by every force in England and Wales during 2016/17. Disproportionality ratios varied from 1.7 in Durham to 20.4 in Dorset for all stop-searches; and from 1.7 in Cleveland to 26.5 in Dorset for drug searches. - Some forces have substantially reduced their use of stop and search without seeing a corresponding increase in disproportionality. Other forces have combined much more modest reductions in stop and search with high, and increasing, rates of disproportionality. London data point to patterns of geographic and individual profiling - Overall rates of stop and search are higher among inner than outer London boroughs. - Variations between boroughs are strongly linked to levels of deprivation. Overall rates of stop and search are highest in more deprived boroughs with considerable inequality. - Rates of stop and search appear to be more sensitive to deprivation and inequality than crime. The concentration of stop and search in deprived boroughs cannot be explained by patterns of drug use, including cannabis use. - The concentration of stop and search in boroughs with high levels of deprivation and inequality fuels disproportionality because people from black and some other minority ethnic groups tend to live in such areas in relatively large numbers. - 'Race' complicates and confounds the general relationship between stop and search and deprivation. Rates of stop and search for black people do not vary with levels of deprivation. - Disproportionality is highest in relatively wealthy and affluent boroughs. White people are subject to very low rates of stop and search in such locations, while black people continue to experience heightened rates of intervention. This pattern is consistent with ethnic profiling because it indicates that black people are being singled out for suspicion. Arrests and out of court disposals exacerbate ethnic disparities - Stop and search was responsible for 39 per cent of all arrests for drugs in 2016/17 compared with 3 per cent of arrests for other offences. - The rate at which stop and search identifies stolen or prohibited items is similar for all ethnic groups, though the 'find rate' for drug searches is lower for black than white people. - The rate at which further action is taken, leading to a criminal justice outcome, is similar for all ethnic groups, but there are marked differences in the type of action taken. - Black people are more likely to be arrested as a result of stop and search than white people, but less likely to be given an out of court disposal. This means black people are more likely to be prosecuted. - Penalty notices for disorder (PNDs) or 'on the street- fines are the only out of court disposal that black people receive at higher rate than white people. Unlike other out of court disposals, PNDs do not require an admission of guilt. - The number of arrests from stop and search has fallen much more sharply for white than black people. Arrests from drug searches halved for white people between 2010/11 and 2016/17, but remained stable for black people. - Stop and search accounts for a much larger proportion of arrests of black than white people: 17 per cent compared with 5 per cent for all offences; and 57 per cent compared with 31 per cent for drug offences. Such disparities suggest that the disproportionate application of stop and search is largely a function of police policy and decision-making rather than crime. Sentencing decisions perpetuating injustice - Ethnic disparities introduced by stop and search and other forms of police activity follow through to prosecution, conviction and sentencing. - Black people were prosecuted for drug offences at more than eight times the rate of white people in 2017. This compared with almost four times the rate for all indictable offences. - More black people were prosecuted for cannabis possession than supply of Class A or B substances combined. The balance was reversed for white people. - Black and Asian people were convicted of cannabis possession at 11.8 and 2.4 times the rate white people despite their lower rates of self-reported use, providing prima facie evidence of discrimination. - Black people made up a quarter of those convicted of cannabis possession even though they comprise less than 4 per cent of the population. - Black people were sentenced to immediate custody for drug offences at 9.1 times the rate of white people, but given suspended sentences at 5.6 times the rate of white people. Details: London: StopWatch, Release, International Drug Policy Unit, 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 2, 2018 at: https://www.release.org.uk/sites/default/files/pdf/publications/The%20Colour%20of%20Injustice.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.release.org.uk/sites/default/files/pdf/publications/The%20Colour%20of%20Injustice.pdf Shelf Number: 153151 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Racial Disparities Racial Profiling in Law Enforcement Stop and Search

Author: Smith, Doug Title: A Failure in the Fourth Degree: Reforming the State Jail Felony System in Texas Summary: The Texas Criminal Justice Coalition (TCJC), a nonpartisan advocacy organization focused on building coalitions and advancing solutions to end mass incarceration in Texas, released the second report in its "One Size FAILS All" report series. The report, A Failure in the Fourth Degree: Reforming the State Jail Felony System in Texas, demonstrates through data and personal interviews with 140 incarcerated individuals the defective nature of Texas' state jail system, and it puts forth actionable policy recommendations for consideration by the 2019 Texas Legislature. Texas' state jail system, which went into effect in 1994, was originally intended to serve as an alternative to the state's prison system - emphasizing rehabilitative programming for low-level felonies, including drug and nonviolent property offenses, rather than lengthy incarceration. The vision was never realized, and instead Texas sends nearly 17,000 people to state jail facilities each year for offenses as minor as possession of less than a gram of a controlled substance (the equivalent of a sugar packet). They receive little programming and are released to the exact same circumstance from which they came, resulting in the highest re-arrest rate of any population leaving Texas' correctional institutions. "We�ve talked to district attorneys, judges, probation officers, and formerly incarcerated people, and there is a universal agreement that it's time to reform the jail system in Texas," said Doug Smith, TCJC Senior Policy Analyst and the report's author. "The most important thing we can do is divert people charged with low-level offenses from jail and connect them with recovery supports as soon as possible instead of having them cycle in and out of the system." People in state jails typically have high rates of substance use and mental illness, and low education and employment levels; in fact, with an average seventh-grade education level, people in state jails are the most poorly educated of any population in the state's corrections system. Previous legislative efforts have sought to improve Texas' state jail system, including time credits to incentivize participation in the limited programming available, and mandatory probation for first-time drug offenses. But stronger steps must be taken. TCJC is calling on legislators and local leaders to support: - A public health response to behavioral health issues that are too often driving people into the justice system, specifically through pre-arrest diversion that helps people access treatment in the community; - Changes in pretrial practices to prevent lengthy terms of detention that can lead to harsher terms, and to eliminate racial disparities in justice system involvement; - Improvements in the state's probation system that will reduce revocations and accommodate people with prior offenses; - Funding for a legislatively approved pilot program intended to improve employment prospects among people leaving state jails; and - Strengthened pre- and post-release reentry supports for people reentering the community. These recommendations will help address the myriad challenges facing people who continue to cycle through state jails, at great expense to families, communities, and taxpayers. "I spent over ten years collectively behind bars, nearly always for state jail felonies like drug offenses, and always while I was being sexually trafficked," said Allison Franklin, TCJC Peer Policy Fellow. "Not once did someone identify the danger I was in. The correlation between trauma and substance abuse cannot and must not be ignored. Nor must that of mental health and substance dependence." Other key findings from "A Failure in the Fourth Degree": - Texas has the third-lowest ratio of substance use disorder providers in the country. Low-income people must wait more than two weeks for intensive residential treatment, four weeks for outpatient treatment, and almost five weeks for Medication-Assisted Treatment. Not surprisingly, people with drug use problems are far more likely to be arrested than receive treatment in Texas. Over the past five years, nearly every category of serious and violent offense has declined significantly, whereas drug possession cases have increased nearly 25 percent. - There were 45,016 arrests in Texas for possession of a controlled substance (less than one gram, Penalty Groups 1 and 2) between May 2017 and April 2018. - 63 percent of people released from state jail are rearrested within three years of release, compared to 46 percent of people released from prison. - In TCJC's interviews of people in state jails, 43 percent of males and 50 percent of females had been previously diagnosed with mental illness, and 43 percent of males and 53 percent of females had been previously diagnosed with a substance use disorder. - Of the women interviewed by TCJC, 55 percent were incarcerated in state jail as a result of a probation violation, with many pointing to the burdensome costs of probation. - After one year, Harris County's Responsive Interventions for Change (RIC) court docket sent 600 fewer people to state jail and dismissed 1,412 more drug possession cases in 2017 than in 2016. Details: Austin: Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, 2018. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: One Size Fails All Report Series: Accessed November 27, 2018 at: https://texascjc.org/one-size-fails-all Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://texascjc.org/one-size-fails-all Shelf Number: 153849 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration Correctional Reform Drug Offenders Felony Offenders Jails Mass Incarceration

Author: Health Poverty Action Title: Punishing poverty - How the failed 'war on drugs' harms vulnerable communities: Case studies of Brazil and India Summary: Around the world the so called 'war on drugs' is collapsing. Many countries are replacing the prohibition of illicit drugs, with new approaches which prioritise and protect people's health and wellbeing. Whilst reform is underway, it is not happening nearly fast enough or reaching far enough. The prohibitionist criminal justice approach that has dominated drug policy for the past 50 years continues to destroy livelihoods and claim lives. The people most affected aren't those in charge of the drugs trade. Instead, it's those caught up at the lowest levels in a trade that is destroying their lives and communities, particularly in the global south. Prohibition has failed to reduce the world's supply of illicit drugs. Meanwhile the heavy handed and often militarised law enforcement approach that often goes with it - directed primarily at those involved at the lowest level in the production and supply of illicit drugs - has fueled poverty, inequality, corruption and violence. This is felt most sharply by marginalised communities and women who engage in the small-scale trade out of necessity or lack of alternatives. In these contexts of significant vulnerability, powerlessness and poverty, the drugs trade can offer a decent income or means of survival, where no other exists. Details: London: HPC, 2019. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2019 at: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Punishing-poverty-research-report-WEB.pdf Year: 2019 Country: International URL: http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/Punishing-poverty-research-report-WEB.pdf Shelf Number: 154489 Keywords: Brazil Drug Enforcement Drug Offenders Drug Policy Reform Illicit Drugs India Poverty War on Drugs

Author: Critchley, Karen Title: Criminal Justice Project: Drug Interventions Programme - Sefton Drug Testing Profile (2014 to 2017) Summary: The Drug Interventions Programme (DIP) process generally begins with the police drug testing individuals in the custody suite following an arrest. If offenders test positive for Class A drugs (opiates and/or cocaine), they are served with a Required Assessment (RA) by the police. This a compulsory legal sanction which requires the individual to attend up to two appointments (initial/follow-up RA) with a drugs worker. During these assessments the drugs worker will assess the individual's drug use and offending behaviour and, if necessary, encourage them to engage with drug treatment services (Home Office, 2010). In 2016/17, 57% of those accessing DIP in Merseyside presented via the RA route, while in Sefton 60% presented through RAs (Collins et al., 2017a). For this reason, the police play an important role in the early stages of the DIP process. Merseyside Police introduced targeted drug testing in 2015. This involves a set list of questions around drug use that should be considered by the police before a decision is made on whether the arrestee is drug tested. The main aim of targeted testing is to reduce the number of negative drug tests carried out in the custody suite setting, thus save police time and money, while ensuring offenders who use drugs continue to be drug tested and referred to treatment services through the RA process. This Drug Testing Profile for Sefton presents information on drug tests carried out at Sefton's custody suites and on Sefton residents across the Merseyside area between January 2014 and December 2017, with a particular focus given to the most recent year (2017). This profile contextualises Merseyside Police drug testing data by providing numbers and trends of offenders who use drugs identified through this route into the DIP system and a demographic overview of the individuals. Comparisons to overall Merseyside figures have been made, where possible, with tables in Appendix A and B showing comparisons across each area (custody suite area and area of residence). This profile also provides recommendations for all stakeholders involved with DIP, in terms of the efficient use of resources and effective services locally and across Merseyside. Details: Liverpool: Public Health Institute, Liverpool John Moores University, 2018. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 13, 2019 at: http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/8552/1/SeftonDrugTestingProfile%282014-17%29.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/8552/1/SeftonDrugTestingProfile%282014-17%29.pdf Shelf Number: 154938 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Testing Program Drug Treatment Programs Substance Abuse Treatment

Author: McKendy, Laura Title: Overdose Incidents in Federal Custody, 2012/2013 - 2016/2017 Summary: The rise of drug overdose incidents, specifically those involving opioids, is a growing concern for Canadian society (British Columbia Coroners Service Death Review Panel, 2018; Special Advisory Committee on the Epidemic of Opioid Overdoses, 2018; Health Canada, 2017). While numerous reports have documented trends in the community, limited detailed data is available on trends in overdose incidents among custodial populations. This report furthers knowledge on this topic by examining all overdose incidents in federal custody over a five-year period (2012/2013 - 2016/2017), identifying the prevalence and nature of overdose incidents, the circumstances under which overdose incidents occur, the characteristics of offenders who experience overdose incidents, and patterns in the nature of staff and medical responses. Over the five-year period under examination, 330 incidents were identified for analysis. Most of these overdose incidents were unintentional and non-fatal. More specifically, over three-quarters of cases (77%) were identified as unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, 15% were intentional non-fatal overdose incidents, and 7% were identified as fatal overdose incidents, either intentional or non-intentional. Overdose incidents have seen a notable increase in the Prairie region; in 2016/2017, 48% (42) of all overdose incidents occurred in this region, compared to 20% (8) in 2012/2013. In terms of the substances involved in overdose incidents, differences were observed across incident types. Opioids were most common in fatal overdoses and unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, accounting for 91% and 57% of incidents respectively. Contrastingly, intentional nonfatal overdose incidents seldom involved opioids and most often involved prescription medications (e.g., anticonvulsants, antidepressants, cardiovascular medications), identified in 85% of cases. Over the five-year period examined, overdose incidents involving opioids increased in raw numbers (from 19 in 2012/2013 to 50 in 2016/2017), with a moderate increase as a percentage of all overdose incidents (from 48% to 57%). Notably, the percentage of those involving fentanyl increased from 3% (1) in 2012/2013, to 26% (23) in 2016/2017. At the same time, the percentage of overdose incidents involving heroin decreased from 25% (10) in 2012/2013, to 13% (11) in 2016/2017. When it came to fatal overdose incidents, fentanyl was the most common substance found, noted in 36% (8) of cases across the five-year period. While variation exists, certain characteristics were common among offenders who overdosed. They tended to be male (92%), Caucasian (58%) or Indigenous (36%), aged 25-34 (39%), classified as medium security (72%), serving relatively short (under 4 year) sentences (41%), with a major index offence of robbery (31%). Offenders typically had institutional histories riddled with security and discipline incidents, particularly incidents involving drugs, other contraband (excluding tobacco), and disobedience. Indigenous offenders were involved in 119 (36%) of overdose incidents over the five-year period examined. Indigenous representation was highest in the Pacific region (46%) and was higher The rise of drug overdose incidents, specifically those involving opioids, is a growing concern for Canadian society (British Columbia Coroners Service Death Review Panel, 2018; Special Advisory Committee on the Epidemic of Opioid Overdoses, 2018; Health Canada, 2017). While numerous reports have documented trends in the community, limited detailed data is available on trends in overdose incidents among custodial populations. This report furthers knowledge on this topic by examining all overdose incidents in federal custody over a five-year period (2012/2013 - 2016/2017), identifying the prevalence and nature of overdose incidents, the circumstances under which overdose incidents occur, the characteristics of offenders who experience overdose incidents, and patterns in the nature of staff and medical responses. Over the five-year period under examination, 330 incidents were identified for analysis. Most of these overdose incidents were unintentional and non-fatal. More specifically, over three-quarters of cases (77%) were identified as unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, 15% were intentional non-fatal overdose incidents, and 7% were identified as fatal overdose incidents, either intentional or non-intentional. Overdose incidents have seen a notable increase in the Prairie region; in 2016/2017, 48% (42) of all overdose incidents occurred in this region, compared to 20% (8) in 2012/2013. In terms of the substances involved in overdose incidents, differences were observed across incident types. Opioids were most common in fatal overdoses and unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, accounting for 91% and 57% of incidents respectively. Contrastingly, intentional nonfatal overdose incidents seldom involved opioids and most often involved prescription medications (e.g., anticonvulsants, antidepressants, cardiovascular medications), identified in 85% of cases. Over the five-year period examined, overdose incidents involving opioids increased in raw numbers (from 19 in 2012/2013 to 50 in 2016/2017), with a moderate increase as a percentage of all overdose incidents (from 48% to 57%). Notably, the percentage of those involving fentanyl increased from 3% (1) in 2012/2013, to 26% (23) in 2016/2017. At the same time, the percentage of overdose incidents involving heroin decreased from 25% (10) in 2012/2013, to 13% (11) in 2016/2017. When it came to fatal overdose incidents, fentanyl was the most common substance found, noted in 36% (8) of cases across the five-year period. While variation exists, certain characteristics were common among offenders who overdosed. They tended to be male (92%), Caucasian (58%) or Indigenous (36%), aged 25-34 (39%), classified as medium security (72%), serving relatively short (under 4 year) sentences (41%), with a major index offence of robbery (31%). Offenders typically had institutional histories riddled with security and discipline incidents, particularly incidents involving drugs, other contraband (excluding tobacco), and disobedience. Indigenous offenders were involved in 119 (36%) of overdose incidents over the five-year period examined. Indigenous representation was highest in the Pacific region (46%) and was higher The rise of drug overdose incidents, specifically those involving opioids, is a growing concern for Canadian society (British Columbia Coroners Service Death Review Panel, 2018; Special Advisory Committee on the Epidemic of Opioid Overdoses, 2018; Health Canada, 2017). While numerous reports have documented trends in the community, limited detailed data is available on trends in overdose incidents among custodial populations. This report furthers knowledge on this topic by examining all overdose incidents in federal custody over a five-year period (2012/2013 - 2016/2017), identifying the prevalence and nature of overdose incidents, the circumstances under which overdose incidents occur, the characteristics of offenders who experience overdose incidents, and patterns in the nature of staff and medical responses. Over the five-year period under examination, 330 incidents were identified for analysis. Most of these overdose incidents were unintentional and non-fatal. More specifically, over three-quarters of cases (77%) were identified as unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, 15% were intentional non-fatal overdose incidents, and 7% were identified as fatal overdose incidents, either intentional or non-intentional. Overdose incidents have seen a notable increase in the Prairie region; in 2016/2017, 48% (42) of all overdose incidents occurred in this region, compared to 20% (8) in 2012/2013. In terms of the substances involved in overdose incidents, differences were observed across incident types. Opioids were most common in fatal overdoses and unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, accounting for 91% and 57% of incidents respectively. Contrastingly, intentional nonfatal overdose incidents seldom involved opioids and most often involved prescription medications (e.g., anticonvulsants, antidepressants, cardiovascular medications), identified in 85% of cases. Over the five-year period examined, overdose incidents involving opioids increased in raw numbers (from 19 in 2012/2013 to 50 in 2016/2017), with a moderate increase as a percentage of all overdose incidents (from 48% to 57%). Notably, the percentage of those involving fentanyl increased from 3% (1) in 2012/2013, to 26% (23) in 2016/2017. At the same time, the percentage of overdose incidents involving heroin decreased from 25% (10) in 2012/2013, to 13% (11) in 2016/2017. When it came to fatal overdose incidents, fentanyl was the most common substance found, noted in 36% (8) of cases across the five-year period. While variation exists, certain characteristics were common among offenders who overdosed. They tended to be male (92%), Caucasian (58%) or Indigenous (36%), aged 25-34 (39%), classified as medium security (72%), serving relatively short (under 4 year) sentences (41%), with a major index offence of robbery (31%). Offenders typically had institutional histories riddled with security and discipline incidents, particularly incidents involving drugs, other contraband (excluding tobacco), and disobedience. Indigenous offenders were involved in 119 (36%) of overdose incidents over the five-year period examined. Indigenous representation was highest in the Pacific region (46%) and was higher The rise of drug overdose incidents, specifically those involving opioids, is a growing concern for Canadian society (British Columbia Coroners Service Death Review Panel, 2018; Special Advisory Committee on the Epidemic of Opioid Overdoses, 2018; Health Canada, 2017). While numerous reports have documented trends in the community, limited detailed data is available on trends in overdose incidents among custodial populations. This report furthers knowledge on this topic by examining all overdose incidents in federal custody over a five-year period (2012/2013 - 2016/2017), identifying the prevalence and nature of overdose incidents, the circumstances under which overdose incidents occur, the characteristics of offenders who experience overdose incidents, and patterns in the nature of staff and medical responses. Over the five-year period under examination, 330 incidents were identified for analysis. Most of these overdose incidents were unintentional and non-fatal. More specifically, over three-quarters of cases (77%) were identified as unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, 15% were intentional non-fatal overdose incidents, and 7% were identified as fatal overdose incidents, either intentional or non-intentional. Overdose incidents have seen a notable increase in the Prairie region; in 2016/2017, 48% (42) of all overdose incidents occurred in this region, compared to 20% (8) in 2012/2013. In terms of the substances involved in overdose incidents, differences were observed across incident types. Opioids were most common in fatal overdoses and unintentional non-fatal overdose incidents, accounting for 91% and 57% of incidents respectively. Contrastingly, intentional nonfatal overdose incidents seldom involved opioids and most often involved prescription medications (e.g., anticonvulsants, antidepressants, cardiovascular medications), identified in 85% of cases. Over the five-year period examined, overdose incidents involving opioids increased in raw numbers (from 19 in 2012/2013 to 50 in 2016/2017), with a moderate increase as a percentage of all overdose incidents (from 48% to 57%). Notably, the percentage of those involving fentanyl increased from 3% (1) in 2012/2013, to 26% (23) in 2016/2017. At the same time, the percentage of overdose incidents involving heroin decreased from 25% (10) in 2012/2013, to 13% (11) in 2016/2017. When it came to fatal overdose incidents, fentanyl was the most common substance found, noted in 36% (8) of cases across the five-year period. While variation exists, certain characteristics were common among offenders who overdosed. They tended to be male (92%), Caucasian (58%) or Indigenous (36%), aged 25-34 (39%), classified as medium security (72%), serving relatively short (under 4 year) sentences (41%), with a major index offence of robbery (31%). Offenders typically had institutional histories riddled with security and discipline incidents, particularly incidents involving drugs, other contraband (excluding tobacco), and disobedience. Indigenous offenders were involved in 119 (36%) of overdose incidents over the five-year period examined. Indigenous representation was highest in the Pacific region (46%) and was higher among women (52%) relative to men (35%). Overdose incidents involving Indigenous offenders were somewhat less likely to involve opioids compared to incidents involving non-Indigenous offenders (45% versus 56%). Over the five-year period examined, 21 overdose incidents occurred involving women; all were non-fatal and most (71%) were unintentional. Overdose incidents involving women typically involved prescription medications (86%), while none involved opioids. Overdose incidents involving women were most common in the Ontario and Pacific regions; nine incidents (43% of all cases) occurred in both of these regions. All women involved in overdose incidents had an identified mental health disorder, while 95% (20) had histories of substance abuse. Overall, overdose incidents tended to occur when offenders were well into their sentence. At the time of incident, offenders had served, on average, 41% of their current sentence, or an average of 4.9 years. The average length of time between the most recent admission date and incident date was 3.2 years. However, variation was observed across incident type; those involved in fatal incidents had served more time (7.8 years) and had been out of the community longer (4.5 years) compared to those involved in non-fatal incidents. In terms of potential risk factors, offenders involved in overdose incidents often had histories of substance misuse and mental illness. More specifically, 95% of offenders had issues related to drugs, while 54% had issues with alcohol. In 81% of cases, substance misuse was identified as a factor linked to criminal offending. Mental illness was particularly common among those involved in intentional non-fatal overdose incidents; 92% had at least one mental health disorder identified, while 89% had histories of self-injurious/suicidal behaviour. A disproportionate number of incidents occurred at a single medium security men's institution in the Prairie region, Drumheller Institution. An institutional-level analysis suggests that the experience of Drumheller is more closely tied to the opioid crisis in the community; over threequarters (77%) of overdose incidents at Drumheller Institution involved opioids, compared to 47% at all other institutions. Fentanyl was identified in 34% of overdose incidents at Drumheller, compared to 8% at all other institutions. Overall, the number of overdose incidents at Drumheller increased from five incidents in 2012/2013, to 25 in 2016/2017. Despite a higher number of overdose incidents, Drumheller had a smaller percentage of deaths (i.e. 2%) and much higher usage of naloxone. The medication, which can temporarily reverse an opioid overdose, was used in 91% of cases at Drumheller, compared to 34% at all other institutions. The findings outlined in this report suggest that the community opioid crisis may be paralleled in custodial settings. As this crisis continues to affect the federal offender population, CSC remains committed to efforts to curb prison drug use and reduce the likelihood of overdose incidents. The widespread availability of naloxone in institutions, as well as CSC's take-home naloxone kit program, Opioid Substitution Treatment (OST) program, substance misuse programs, and the Prison Needle Exchange Program (PNEP), constitute efforts to reduce the potential harms associated with drug use and improve offender health outcomes. This report will further assist in CSC's goal of achieving safe custodial environments by contributing to knowledge on recent trends surrounding fatal and non-fatal drug overdose incidents in custody. Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service of Canada, 2018. 62p. Source: Internet Resource: No. SR-28-02: Accessed April 2, 2019 at: https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/research/092/sr-18-02-en.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Canada URL: https://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/research/092/sr-18-02-en.pdf Shelf Number: 155268 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction Drug Offenders Drug Overdose Drug-Related Deaths In-Custody Deaths Opioid Epidemic Opioids Prison Deaths

Author: Torres Quintero, Astrid Title: Colombia - Ninos y ninas con madres y padres encarcelados por delitos de drogas menores no violentos ( 103/5000 Colombia - Children with mothers and fathers imprisoned for minor non-violent drug offenses) Summary: In Colombia, there are currently 115,862 people deprived of their liberty, despite the fact that The capacity of the institutions of confinement is for 79,211 (INPEC, 2018). This situation of overcrowding generates multiple violations of human rights, recognized by the Court Constitutional, that declared an "unconstitutional state of affairs" in prison matters, is say, a serious and massive situation of violation of rights for the private population of the freedom, derived from multiple factors and that, for its improvement, requires actions of all the competent institutions (Constitutional Court of Colombia, 2013 and 2015). However, the recognition of the serious situation suffered by people who are in seclusion does not imply the visibility of other subjects who suffer the impacts of imprisonment, as are families and, especially, children and adolescents (NNA, from now on) whose parents are deprived of freedom, for which reason they are out of focus of attention for making decisions both in terms of prison policy, and in the field of policies aimed at protecting the rights of children and adolescents. In the case of non-violent drug-related crimes, despite the fact that there has been debate over the impact of criminal treatment mainly on the people who carry out the traffic and sale of psychoactive substances, because of the vulnerability that characterizes them, little has been said about their family contexts and the effects they may suffer as a consequence of imprisonment. This invisibility is serious in the Colombian context, where the drug trafficking has especially impacted on family and community relations, not only as a consequence of this activity in itself, but also because of the effect that the hardening of sentences and the premise that they should focus on the use of prison. Therefore, although the vulnerability of persons deprived of their liberty is recognized and, in As a consequence, penal and penitentiary policies are questioned (for example, in terms of use of preventive detention and toughening of sentences in some crimes), these questions do not include analyzes related to the affectations suffered by children and adolescents as a result of the imprisonment of their parents. Several studies allow us to conclude that the populations that suffer the most the consequences of this criminal hardening are those that are in conditions of vulnerability, as women, who usually participate in the stages of transport and sale. However, these investigations do not delve into the effects that deprivation of liberty has on children and adolescents, with the exception of some mentions that are reached as a consequence of the observation of the situation of women who are mothers and are imprisoned. Details: Church World Service, 2018. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2019 at: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/PDD-Colombia.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Colombia URL: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/PDD-Colombia.pdf Shelf Number: 155873 Keywords: Children of Inmates Drug Offenders Drug Trafficking Families of Prisoners Human Rights Abuses Prison Policy Rights of Children

Author: Giacomello, Corina Title: Childhood that matters: The Impact of drug policy on children and adolescents with imprisoned mothers and fathers in Latin America and the Caribbean Summary: This study places itself at a rarely-examined crossroads: drug policy, incarceration and the rights of children and youth. Its focus is the specific toll that having a parent in prison for a minor, nonviolent drug offense has on children and youth. The research is both qualitative and quantitative and comes from across Latin America and the Caribbean. The research for this study was conducted in eight countries: Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Uruguay and Panama. Each study involved relevant experts on drug policy, the penal system and policies directed towards children. Some of the questions that guide this study are: How does drug policy affect children and youth when their guardians are in prison? What do children think of drug crimes and the authorities' response to them? What are these children's feelings, worries and experiences? In what way are international policies and agreements taken into account when designing, applying and monitoring public policies specifically oriented toward children and youth? In what way should public policies regarding children, drugs and incarceration inform and transform each other in order to ensure the most important factor, the child's ultimate wellbeing? Through the voices of 70 girls and boys with incarcerated parents, as well as those of their caretakers, we offer answers to these questions. We also offer tools that may be useful for organizations working with children, attempting to influence drug policy in the region and creating or implementing public policies related to the rights of children, incarceration and drug legislation. Details: Buenos Aires, Argentina: Church World Services, 2019. 88p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2019 at: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/Regional-Study-Childhood-that-matters-web.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Latin America URL: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/Regional-Study-Childhood-that-matters-web.pdf Shelf Number: 155876 Keywords: Children of Inmates Drug Offenders Drug Policy Families of Prisoners Rights of Children

Author: Amighetti, Demalui Title: Costa Rica - Ni�os y ni�as con madres y padres encarcelados por delitos de drogas menores no violentos ( 103/5000 Costa Rica - Children with mothers and fathers imprisoned for non-violent minor drug offenses) Summary: This document presents the result of the information gathering process in Costa Rica, within the framework of the research project "Girls and boys with mothers and fathers imprisoned by non-violent drug crimes in Latin America and the Caribbean ". The study was aimed at generate knowledge about the specific impact that imprisonment has on the life of girls, boys and adolescents with adult referents deprived of liberty for crimes minors of drugs. The methodology developed in this study adhered to the shared work guidelines by research teams from different countries and included: data collection quantitative data on people incarcerated for drug-related crimes in the country; the documentary review; the analysis of the current national regulations on childhood, system penitentiary and drug policies; and semi-structured interviews with private women of the freedom for minor crimes related to drugs, relatives in charge of the care of their children and daughters and girls, boys and adolescents with imprisoned parents (NNAPES, from now on1 ). In In total, six interviews were conducted with imprisoned women (one of whom was already at large), five interviews with family caregivers and eleven interviews with NNAPES. All interviews are performed under consent and in environments that were suitable for each person. The fact that they have worked only with women deprived of their liberty obeys different reasons associated with the institutional processes of the Costa Rican penitentiary system and the characteristics of people who are serving time. On the one hand, there are limitations to access different penitentiary centers, especially if it is to conduct interviews. In In particular, in detention centers for men there are greater restrictions to apply for an appointment and stricter entry controls. On the other hand, among women, the fact of being mothers and being incarcerated for a crime related to drugs are two of the situations where actions by public institutions have been prioritized, so that, in Unlike men deprived of their freedom, the generation of information is encouraged and projects of empowerment and social reintegration. The main results of the investigation are aimed at confirming the negative impact that the imprisonment of women mothers has on the physical and emotional integrity of their children and underage daughters. From the perspective of the NNAPES, as well as their mothers and people caregivers, following detention have had a negative impact on their development educational and their physical and mental health. Although in most cases there is contact between the NNAPES and their mothers deprived of freedom, it is threatened by a set of geographic, cultural, material and family factors; this against the lack of protection and institutional neglect by the State. In addition to seeing threatened their right to family coexistence, the NNAPES face the lack of clear and adequate information regarding to the situation of their mothers, the presence of situations of violence at the time of detention, the neglect of the psychological consequences that the new changes in the family, the lag or drop-out of school and the residence in community spaces described as unsafe and dangerous. Details: Church World Service, 2018. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed by May 16, 2019 at: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/PDD-Costa-Rica.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Costa Rica URL: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/PDD-Costa-Rica.pdf Shelf Number: 155872 Keywords: Children of Prisoners Drug Offenders Families of Inmates Female Offenders Rights of Children

Author: Munoz, Luis Alberto Title: M�xico - Ni�os y ni�as con madres y padres encarcelados por delitos de drogas menores no violentos (Mexico - Children with mothers and fathers imprisoned for non-violent minor drug offenses) Summary: Problem Statement Throughout Latin America, drug policies have become tougher. In Mexico, particularly, This topic is extremely relevant. Since 2006, a policy to combat drug trafficking that has left thousands dead and disappeared (Aristegui, 2012). In addition, this policy has had various impacts on penal and penitentiary policy: criminalization of consumption (under legal figures such as "possession with intent to marketing "), mass arrests and convictions, violations of due process, restriction of pre-release benefits, among others. Therefore, this policy increased the number of people deprived of liberty for drug offenses. In this sense, it is estimated that, between December 2006 and December 2014, the population held in federal prisons for crimes against health increased 1,200% (WOLA, 2015). At the same time, there is a lack of public policies to deal with the damage caused by this war. has stopped: from assassinations of people outside the conflict in the clashes against the organized crime, even the helplessness of families that have lost a member this battle, whether by death, disappearance or, as far as this study is concerned, the deprivation of liberty (Pardo, 2016). The increase of persons deprived of liberty for drug offenses is very high, which is why wondering how many of those people are fathers or mothers? and, consequently, how many girls, boys and adolescents with imprisoned parents (NNAPES, from now on) 1 there are these crimes? What impact does deprivation of liberty for drug offenses have on NNAPES? of its significant adult referents ?, what has the State done to reduce or cancel this impact and restore the rights of the NNAPES? These questions served as the basis for the realization of this investigation. Background In Mexico, few investigations show the situation of the NNAPES, even less, when It is about NNAPES who do not live together with their parents in custody. Example of it is that, following up on an investigation prepared according to the Day of General Debate of the Committee on the Rights of the Child that, in 2011, addressed the situation of the NNAPES, the Commission of Human Rights of the City of Mexico issued the General Pronouncement: Rights of children and girls, sons and daughters of parents in prison (2013), which focuses on the boys and girls who are born and They grow up in prison with their mothers. Subsequently, the Mexican civil association Office for the Defense of Children's Rights, Together with the National Institute of Criminal Sciences, he published the book Invisible Prisoners: Sons and Daughters of women in seclusion (Griesbach et al., 2015). This study is based on interviews conducted focus groups of women incarcerated in the Women's Social Rehabilitation Center of Santa Martha Acatitla (Mexico City) who live with their sons and daughters; In addition, the staff was interviewed in charge of their care in said institution. This study focuses on the obligations Details: Church World Service, 2018. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2019 at: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/PDD-Mexico.pdf Year: 2019 Country: Mexico URL: http://www.cwslac.org/nnapes-pdd/docs/PDD-Mexico.pdf Shelf Number: 155868 Keywords: Children of Prisoners Drug Offenders Families of Inmates Female Offenders Rights of the Child

Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: European Drug Report 2019: Trends and Developments Summary: The Trends and Developments report presents a top-level overview of the drug phenomenon in Europe, covering drug supply, use and public health problems as well as drug policy and responses. Together with the online Statistical Bulletin and 30 Country Drug Reports, it makes up the 2019 European Drug Report package. Table of contents -- Preface - Introductory note and acknowledgements - Commentary - Chapter 1: Drug supply and the market Chapter 2: Drug use prevalence and trends Chapter 3: Drug-related harms and responses Annex: National data tables Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2019. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed June 6, 2019 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/edr/trends-developments/2019_en Year: 2019 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/publications/edr/trends-developments/2019_en Shelf Number: 156230 Keywords: Drug Abuse and Addiction (Europe) Drug Abuse and Crime Drug Abuse Policy Drug Control Drug Offenders Illicit Drugs